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^^ 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


GIFT  OF 
Peter  Scott 


:i 


RIDPATH'S 

History  of  the  World 

BEING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  CAREER 

OF  THE  HUMAN  RACE  FROM  THE  BEGINNINGS  OF 

CIVILIZATION  TO  THE  PRESENT  TIME 

COMPRISING 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 

AND 

THE  STORY  OF  ALL  NATIONS 


From  recent  and  authentic  Sources 


COMPLETE  IN   NINE  VOLUMES 


By  JOHN    CLARK    RIDPATH,   LL  D. 

Author  of  a  "  Cyclop/Edia  of  Universal  History,"  Etc. 


VOLUME  II 


PROFUSELY  ILLUSTRATED  WITH  COLORED  PLATES,  RACE  MAPS  AND  CHARTS, 
TYPE  PICTURES,  SKETCHES  AND  DIAGRAMS 


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SOLD  BY  SUnSCRTPTION  ONI.  V. 


RIDPATH^S 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY 


VOLUME  II 


BOOK  Vn.  — PARTHIA 
BOOK  Vni.— GREECE 
BOOK  IX.  —MACEDONIA 


9991R^A 


5ooI{  ^^u^nl^. 


PARTHIA. 


Chapter  xxxiii— The  country. 


1^  Y  the  events  recorded  in 
the  preceding  Book  the 
reader  has  been  made 
fully  aware,  not  only  of 
the  existence,  but  of  the 
prowess  and  enterprise  of 
the  Hellenic  race  out  of 
the  West.  The  conflict  wliich  he  has  been 
considering,  terminating  in  utter  disaster  to 
the  Persian  Empire  at  Arbela,  was  a  crisis  iu 
the  affairs  of  two  great  peoples  having  the 
same  ethnic  derivation.  The  Macedouiaus 
were  one  of  the  European  developments  of 
that  same  family  whose  fecundity  on  the 
plateau  of  Iran  gave  us  the  Persians.  Hav- 
ing seen  the  result  of  the  struggle  between 
the  two  races,  we  might  here  at  once  transfer 
our  station  to  the  West,  to  follow  the  evolu- 
tion of  the  Hellenic  tribes  into  nationality, 
from  nationality  to  conquest,  and  from  con- 
quest to  decadence. 

Thus  fjxr  in  the  present  volume  we  have 
pursued  this  suggestive  method,  tracing  the 
course  of  one  people  until  its  conflict  with 
another  people  has  led  us  naturally  to  consider 
the  history  of  the  latter.  Thus  the  conquest 
of  Egypt  by  the  Persians  carried  the  reader's 
attention,  first  of  all,  from  the  valley  of  the 


Nile  to  the  valley  of  the  Euphrates.  The  coin 
quest  of  ancient  Cbaldaea  by  the  Assyrians 
next  drew  his  interest  from  the  south  to  the 
north,  from  Babylon  to  Nineveh.  Then  came 
the  conquest  of  Assyria  by  the  Medes,  which 
carried  the  inquirer  beyond  the  Zagros,  and 
made  him  acquainted,  for  the  first  time,  with 
the  warlike  representatives  of  the  Aryan  race. 
His  attention  was  next  recalled  by  the  revival 
of  the  Babylonian  Power  until  what  time 
Persia  forced  her  way  across  Mesopotamia,  and 
subdued  the  larger  part  of  Western  Asia.  The 
history  of  this  Persian  Empire  we  have  just 
considered,  and  the  suggestion  of  its  close 
would  carry  us  naturally  in  the  wake  of  the 
conquerors  to  Macedonia  and  the  Grecian  Isl- 
ands. This  direction  we  shall  indeed  pres- 
ently follow  ;  but  before  the  final  transfer  of 
our  historical  position  from  Asia  to  Europe — 
before  descending  from  this  Iranian  plateau  to 
view  the  astonishing  development  of  the  an- 
cient Hellenic  tribes  in  their  archipelago  and 
on  the  main-land  of  Greece — it  remains  to  con- 
sider the  peculiar  history  of  an  Empire  which 
sprang  up,  and  at  length  occupied  the  place 
of  Persia  on  the  highlands  of  Western  Asia. 
Tiiis  Empire  is  Parthia.  Its  consideration 
in  this  connection  is  difficult.     The  Parthian 

(377) 


878 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Power  did  not  reach  its  climax  until  after  the 
successors  of  Alexander  the  Great  had  quar- 
reled and  fought  themselves  into  silence.  The 
Empire  then  extended  throughout  the  period 
which  covered  the  entire  decline  and  extinc- 
tion of  the  Grecian  commonwealths,  and  lay 
alongside  in  time  with  the  development  of 
the  later  Repuhlic  and  Empire  of  E«me. 
Of  tlie  dominions  of  the  latter,  Parthia  was 
destined  to  constitute  the  thm-far  on  the  East. 
Against  the  Parthian  arrows  in  the  far  East 
not  even  the  Roman  legions  could  prevail.  The 
strong  men,  the  wild  warriors  of  Central  Asia, 
held  the  legionaries  at  bay,  or  buried  them  by 
multiplied  thousands  in  the  desert.  In  time, 
therefore,  the  consideration  of  Parthia  before 
the  history  of  Greece  and  Eome  is  a  derange- 
ment of  historical  relaTtions;  but  in  "place  the 
narrative  must  be  given  here.  The  reader 
will  therefore  retain  his  point  of  observation 
on  the  Great  Plateau,  and  note  the  develop- 
ment of  the  Parthian  Empire  down  to  the 
beginning  of  the  second  century  of  our  Era, 
before  transferring  his  station  to  Macedonia 
and  the  Hellenic  peninsula. 

The  relations  of  the  Parthian  Empire  with 
Persia  were  remarkable,  but  not  without  prec- 
edent. We  have  seen  Babylonia  revived  from 
the  grave  of  ancient  Clialdiea.  We  have 
seen  the  Persians  themselves  flourishing  in  the 
land  of  the  Medes.  We  shall  hereafter  see 
many  examples  of  the  upspringing  of  a  new 
national  growth  from  the  roots  of  the  fallen 
tree  of  some  old  nationality.  In  the  present 
instance  Parthia  may  be  said  to  have  come 
forth  from  the  ruins  of  Persia.  The  Parthians 
had  long  existed  as  a  distinct  people,  subject 
to  Persian  authority.  It  was  reserved  for 
them,  by  their  greater  vitality,  to  survive  the 
wreck  of  the  other  Iranian  nations,  to  expand 
over  the  ruins  of  the  Alexandrian  conquests, 
to  establish  a  true  Empire,  and  to  defend  it 
through  several  revolutionary  epochs,  until 
the  drama  of  Ancient  History  was  closed,  and 
that  of  Modern  Histr)ry  begun.  It  might  al- 
most be  said  that  the  Parthian  Power  has 
never  ceased  until  the  present  time,  and  that 
the  Persian  Shah  is  the  living  representative 
of  Arsaces  I. 

At  the  beginning,  then,  it  will  be  proper 


for  us  to  consider  briefly  the  Country  of  ancient 
Parthia  and  the  territories  subsequently  in- 
cluded in  the  Empire.  This  will  be  followed 
by  a  view  of  the  people  and  their  civilization ; 
after  which  the  narrative  of  their  civil  and 
military  career  will  be  given  to  the  beginning 
of  the  third  century  of  our  era.  The  dis- 
tinction must  be  borne  in  mind  between  the 
Province  of  Parthia  proper  and  the  Imperial 
country  ruled  by  the  great  kings  during  the 
last  century  of  the  ancient  epoch.  Parthia 
Proper  may  be  said  to  have  corresponded  with 
tolerable  exactitude  to  the  modern  province 
of  Khorassan.  The  position  and  extent  of  the 
country  can  be  noted  by  the  reader  by  a 
simple  reference  to  a  map  of  the  Persian  Em- 
pire of  the  present  time.  The  country  now 
includes  the  districts  of  Damaghan,  Sharud, 
Sebzawar,  Nishapur,  Meshed,  Shebri-No,  and 
Tershiz.  The  length  from  east  to  west  is 
about  three  hundred  miles,  and  the  extreme 
width  a  hundred  and  twenty  miles.  The  area 
is  thirty-three  thousand  square  miles,  being  a 
little  greater  than  that  of  Ireland  in  Europe, 
or  the  State  of  Indiana  in  America. 

The  position  of  Parthia  may  be  defined  in 
general  geographical  terms  as  lying  about  mid- 
way between  the  south-eastern  borders  of  the 
Caspian  and  the  northern  shore  of  the  Arabian 
sea.  The  country  had  on  its  western  side  the 
province  of  Hyrcania,  but  the  latter  was  gen- 
erally included  under  the  common  name  of 
Parthia.  To  the  east  and  north  lay  Margiana, 
and  to  the  south  and  west  Sagartia  and  Sar- 
angia.  On  the  south-east  the  country  was 
bounded  by  ancient  Arya — a  name  significant 
to  all  the  Indo-European  peoples.  The  reader 
will  alread)^  have  noted  that  Parthia  as  here 
defined  is  not  far  removed  from  the  primitive 
seats  of  those  tribes  out  of  whose  fecund  loins 
all  the  great  races  of  Europe  and  America 
have  been  ultimately  derived. 

Of  the  general  character  of  Parthia  Proper, 
and  of  the  surrounding  regions,  suflScient  has 
already  been  said  in  the  description  of  the 
same  countries  in  connection  with  Media  and 
Persia.  The  mountain  region  extending  east- 
ward in  a  chain  from  the  southern  extremity 
of  the  Caspian,  branches  out  into  many  ranges 
in   the    Parthian   territory ;    and    from    these 


PARTHIA.—THE  COUNTRY. 


879 


brooks  aud  rivers  descend  into  the  plains, 
furnishing  a  fair  supply  of  water.  The  soil  is 
tolerably  fertile,  aud  the  climate  marked  with 
those  particular  vicissitudes  under  which  the 
energies  of  the  human  race  are  best  developed. 
It  is  probable  that  the  flora  and  fauna  of 
modern  Khorassau  fairly  represent  the  vegeta- 
ble and  animal  life  of  the  ancient  country. 

It  is  sufficient  to  note  the  great  contrast  be- 
tween the  region  which  we  are  considering 
and  the  deserts  north  and  south.  The  man 
of  antiquity  may  have  well  regarded  Parthia 
with  delight  on  his  escape  from  the  sandy 
waste  on  either  hand.  The  primitive  tribes, 
roaming  at  will  through  groves  of  pine,  through 
sloping  lands  covered  with  walnut,  ash,  and 
poplar,  by  river  banks  lined  with  the  willow 
and  mulberry,  may  have  well  chosen  this  coun- 
try in  preference  to  any  that  they  had  found, 
and  pledged  their  lives  and  barbarian  resources 
to  its  defense.  Nor  could  the  winters,  extend- 
ing from  October  to  April,  severe  in  snow  and 
freezing,  prevail  to  destroy  the  preference  of 
the  first  Parthians  for  the  country  of  their 
choice. 

The  situation  was  favorable  for  the  devel- 
opment of  an  ancient  State,  and  the  character 
of  the  people  conduced  strongly  to  that  end. 
We  have  seen  how  primeval  man  at  the  first 
chose  the  alluvial  valleys  and  lowlands  about  the 
estuaries  of  great  rivers  ;  but  the  second  choice 
of  position  was  those  upland  regions  whose 
beauty  of  situation  and  abundant  resources 
invited  the  first  tribes  to  rest  aud  settlement. 
In  this  respect  Parthia  may  be  regarded  as 
most  attractive.  In  addition  to  the  general 
fruitfulness  of  the  country — its  production  of 
the  native  cereals  and  berry  fruits  of  the  forest 
and  river  banks — the  region  might  well  be 
selected  for  the  desert  defenses  on  either  side. 
Nature  has  provided  for  the  races  of  men  many 
natural  bulwarks,  but  none  superior  to  a  waste 
of  desert  sand.  It  is,  therefore,  likely  that  for 
long  ages  before  the  first  authentic  annals,  the 
country  here  described  was  peopled  by  adven- 
turous and  warlike  tribes.  That  they  did  not 
multi|)ly  and  develop  at  an  early  epoch  into  a 
great  State  must  be  attributed  to  the  fact  that 
agriculture  was  not  suggested  with  sufficient 
emphasis  to  provoke  the  energies  of  the  race. 


A  mixed  life  contained  the  summary,  and  for 
a  long  time  limited  the  activities,  of  the  prim- 
itive Parthians.  But  the  mixed  life  signifies 
a  sparse  and  somewhat  fluctuating  population, 
and  this  is  unfavorable  to  the  early  develop- 
ment of  social  and  political  power. 

AVe  have  thus  far  considered  only  the  orig- 
inal province  of  Parthia  Proper,  and  not  the 
character  of  the  countries  which  were  brought 
under  the  Parthian  sway  in  the  times  of  the 
Empire.  AVe  are  not  here  concerned  to  note 
the  political  and  historical  development,  but 
only  the  territorial  extension  of  the  primitive 
kingdom.  SuflSce  it  to  say,  that  hard  after 
the  declirie  of  the  Persian  power  came  the 
rise  of  Parthia  and  the  expansion  of  her  do- 
minions north,  south,  east,  and  west.  The 
reader  will  not  have  failed  to  detect  the  name 
of  Parthia  in  several  paragraphs  of  Persian  « 
history.  The  country  was  included  for  a  long 
time  within  the  dominions  of  the  Achtemenian 
kings,  and  constituted  no  mean  part  of  the 
Empire  of  Cyrus  and  his  successors.  There 
were  times,  as  we  shall  hereafter  see,  when 
the  native  force  of  the  Parthian  race  asserted 
itself  against  the  Persian  rule,  and  more  than 
one  rebellion  gave  token  of  what  might  be 
expected  as  soon  as  the  Persian  Power  should 
suffer  from  foreign  violence  or  fail  from  in- 
herent weakness. 

That  event  at  length  arrived,  when  near 
the  close  of  the  fourth  century  B.  C.  the 
Son  of  Philip,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  preced- 
ing Book,  ground  under  his  heel  not  only  the 
Mesopotamian  countries,  but  all  the  dominions 
of  the  Great  Plateau  and  beyond  to  the  river 
Indus.  It  thus  happened  that  Parthia  had, 
first,  her  historical  relations  with  the  Persian 
Empire  ;  afterwards,  with  the  Empire  of  Alex- 
ander and  its  divisions ;  and  lastly,  with  the 
military  governments  established  by  the  Ro- 
mans out  of  the  far  West. 

But  we  are  here  to  note  merely  the  exten- 
sion of  territory  which  came  to  the  Parthians 
by  war  and  conquest.  Tlris  territorial  expan- 
sion first  included  the  adjacent  countries  of 
Chorasmia,  Margiana,  Arya,  Saraugia,  Sagartia, 
and  Hyrcauia.  The  provinces  and  kingdoms 
known  by  these  names  were,  as  we  shall  here- 
after see,  overrun  and  subdued  by  tlie  armies 


380 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


of  the  Parthiau  kiugs,  and  were  added,  one 
by  one,  to  their  dominions.  The  process  of 
physical  growth  was  coincident  with  the  re- 
verse process  of  decay  on  tlie  part  of  the 
Pei-sians,  the  Greeks,  and  the  Romans,  in  the 
countries  of  Central  Asia. 

The  province  of  Chorasniia  bounded  Parthia 
Proper  on  the  north,  and  consisted  of  a  low- 
lying  plaiu  between  the  Parthiau  mountains 
and  the  ancient  river  Oxus.  As  we  have  in- 
dicated above,  this  was  for  the  greater  part  a 
desert  region,  capable  of  supporting  only  the 
wild  tribes  of  Tura  with  their  flocks.  It  is 
believed  that  to  the  present  day  the  nomadic 
habit  of  life  has  prevailed  with  all  the  suc- 
ceeding nations  that  have  occupied  the  country. 
Nor  is  it  wonderful  that  the  sparse  peoples  of 
such  a  district  should  have  been  conquered 
with  ease  by  the  warlike  Parthians. 

The  country  of  Margiana  was  sometimes 
considered  as  a  distinct  kingdom,  and  some- 
times as  a  province  of  Bactria.  The  region 
lay  to  the  north-east  of  Parthia,  and  included 
a  much  more  favorable  district  than  might  be 
found  in  Chorasmia.  The  river  Margus  carried 
verdure  and  plenty  on  its  banks,  and  its  waters 
■were  diverted,  in  both  ancient  and  modern 
times,  by  channels  and  canals  and  dykes, 
extending  for  many  miles  from  the  principal 
stream.  Strabo  has  given  us  an  account  of 
the  fertility  of  this  region,  and  of  the  extraor- 
dinary fruitfulness  of  the  vine,  bending  with 
rich  clusters  on  the  banks  of  the  Margus. 

Next  among  the  provinces  touching  Par- 
thia, and  lying  on  the  eastern  border  of  that 
country,  was  Arya,  the  little  district  which  in 
the  fate  and  vicissitude  of  things  has  preserved 
to  modern  times  the  name  of  our  ancestral  race. 
This  province  embraces  the  ancient  valley  of 
Herat.  The  country  is  mountainous,  limited 
in  area,  not  populous,  easily  subdued  by  the 
more  powerful  Parthians  in  the  time  of  their 
warlike  greatness. 

Next  in  our  progress  to  the  south  we  find 
the  province  of  Sarangia,  greater  in  extent 
than  Arya,  but  hardly  stronger  in  develop- 
ment. Here  dwelt  the  desert  barbarians  called 
the  Sarangse.  The  region  was  one  of  alternate 
hUls  and  plains,  not  wholly  waste,  having  a 
few  small  rivers  flowing  in   a   south-westerly 


direction.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  primi- 
tive Sarangians  were  a  people  of  great  force, 
either  in  war  or  in  peace,  and  their  country 
was  in  course  of  time  easily  absorbed  in  the 
Parthiau  Empire. 

Still  skirting  the  latter  country  in  a  south- 
westerly direction,  we  come  to  the  larger  State 
of  Sagartia — larger,  but  at  the  same  time  more 
iuhos2)itable,  less  capable  of  supporting  a  great 
population.  The  ancient  tribes  were  men  of 
the  desert,  living  after  the  manner  of  Bedouin 
Arabs,  subsisting  for  the  most  part  by  the 
capture  of  such  animals  as  nature  had  as- 
signed to  the  sandy  waste.  The  disposition  of 
the  ancient  people  was  more  warlike  than  that 
of  the  tribes  inhabiting  Sagartia  and  Saran- 
gia ;  but  their  armies  were  never  sufiiciently 
strong  to  compete  in  battle  with  the  Parthian 
horsemen. 

We  now  complete  the  circuit  on  the  west 
with  the  province  of  Hyrcauia.  As  we  have 
said  above,  this  country  was  at  times  included 
under  the  common  name  of  Parthia.  It  had 
the  same  geographical  and  climatic  character 
with  the  latter  country.  It  was  traversed 
through  its  major  diameter  by  two  valleys 
lying  between  mountain  ridges  of  considerable 
elevation.  The  country  was  well  wooded  and 
fairly  watered.  In  this  respect  Hyrcania 
rivaled  the  better  parts  of  Parthia  in  excel- 
lence of  tree-growth  and  vegetable  products. 
It  was  said  to  be  a  land  abounding  in  shrubs 
and  green  slopes  and  flowers — fruitful  in  many 
things,  pleasing  to  the  eye,  abounding  in  the 
creatures  of  the  chase.  The  country  has  been 
represented  in  both  ancient  and  modern  times 
as  especially  prolific  in  animal  life.  The  trav- 
eler, as  far  back  as  the  times  of  Strabo,  was 
pleased  with  the  prospect.  In  area  the  province 
was  considerably  inferior  to  Parthia  Proper. 
Of  all  the  bordering  regions  of  the  latter 
country,  Hyrcania,  however,  was  the  most  in- 
teresting and  important.  It  has  been  urged 
by  Rawlinson  and  other  competent  critics  of 
the  situation,  that  the  place  and  character  of 
both  the  country  and  people  of  Parthia  were 
favorable  to  the  expansion  of  political  power 
and  the  establishment  of  a  widely  extended 
rule  over  the  surrounding  nations. 

We  have  now  considered  briefly  the  extent 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


and  nature  of  those  countries  immediately  sur- 
rounding the  original  Parthian  kingdom,  but 
have  by  no  means  included  in  the  description 
the  wide  range  of  countries  beyond — countries 
included  in  the  times  of  Mithridates  in  the 
Parthian  Empire.  On  the  north-east  we  have 
first  of  all  the  extensive  country  of  Bactria. 
In  different  ages  this  region  has  been  variously 
defined.  In  general,  the  country  so  named 
■was  bounded  on  the  south  and  south-east  by 
the  mountains  of  Hindu  Kush ;  on  the  north 
by  the  Oxu.s;  on  the  west  by  Chorasmia  and 
Margiana.  In  the  times  of  the  Parthian  as- 
cendency, however,  Bactria  extended  north- 
ward far  beyond  the  Oxus  Proper  to  the 
northern  branch  of  that  river,  skirting  the 
mountain  range  which  defined  the  southern 
limit  of  Scythia.  The  country  had  much  of 
the  same  character  with  Margiana  and  Cho- 
rasmia, but  was  less  of  a  desert,  more  of  a  hill 
country,  especially  toward  the  east.  The  tri- 
angular apex  of  Bactria  lying  among  the 
mountains  under  the  meridian  of  74°  east 
from  Greenwich,  marked  the  uttermost  limit 
of  the  Parthian  dominion  on  the  side  of  India. 
It  suffices  to  say  that  the  country  for  a  long 
time  resisted  the  ambitions  of  the  Parthian 
kings,  and  it  was  near  the  close  of  the  second 
century  B.  C.  before  it  was  included  in  their 
dominions. 

On  the  south  of  the  country  just  described, 
bordered  on  the  west  by  Arya  and  Sarangia, 
was  the  small  province  of  Arachosia,  another 
mountain  region  of  similar  character  to  Bac- 
tria, but  less  severe  in  climate.  It  was  watered 
by  the  river  Etymandrus  and  its  tributaries, 
reaching  far  into  the  highlands  on  the  north- 
east. The  country  here  described  occupied 
the  southern,  as  Bactria  occupied  the  northern, 
slopes  of  the  Hindu  Kush.  The  province  ex- 
tended through  about  four  meridians  of  longi- 
tude, and  was  nearly  square,  marking  the 
extreme  south-eastern  limits  of  the  Parthian 
Empire. 

1  Following  the  boundary  of  that  great  do- 
minion to  the  south-west,  we  come  to  the  two 
countries  of  Sacastana  and  Carmania,  the  first 
lying  south  of  Sarangia  and  almost  wholly 
desert  in  character.  Carmania  is  also,  in  its 
northern    part,   a   desert    waste,    and    on    its 


southern  border  next  to  Gedrosia,  a  mount- 
ainous region.  Indeed,  the  whole  of  the  two 
countries  just  mentioned  were  in  ancient  times, 
as  they  are  at  present,  as  little  attractive  and 
as  poorly  adapted  to  civilization  as  almost  any 
region  of  Central  Asia. 

On  the  west,  however,  we  come  to  the 
country  of  Persis,  or  Persia  Proper,  lying 
along  the  gulf  of  the  same  name,  a  region  of 
hills  and  streams  and  pleasant  prospects.  We 
have  here  reached,  against  the  sea,  the  south- 
ern limit  of  the  Parthian  Empire,  at  its  greatest 
estate,  in  one  of  the  most  attractive  and  inter- 
esting regions  of  the  whole.  Persia  has  been 
already  described,  not  only  in  its  narrower, 
but  in  its  imperial  extent ;  nothing  need  here 
be  added  as  to  the  physical  characteristics  and 
possibilities  of  the  country.  So  also  of  both  the 
Medias,  the  Magna,  and  the  Atropatene.  These 
have  been  amply  described  in  a  former  Book. 

On  the  south  and  west  of  these  great  and 
important  countries,  but  still  included  in  the 
Parthian  dominion,  lay  Babylonia  and  all  the 
Mesopotamian  countries,  bounded  by  the  Eu- 
phrates on  the  west.  Here  were  Susiana, 
Assyria,  Adiabene,  and  all  the  regions  as  far 
north  as  the  Armenian  mountains.  The 
country  of  Armenia  was  also  included  in  the 
Empire  of  Mithridates,  but  here  we  reach  the 
ultimate  limits  of  that  Empire  on  the  west. 
Viewing  it  as  a  whole,  we  find  it  extending 
from  the  extreme  western  deflection  of  the 
Upper  Euphrates,  in  longitude  .38°  30'  east  to 
the  meridian  of  74°  in  the  Hindu  Kush.  The 
northernmost  limit  was  on  the  Oxus,  a  little 
above  the  parallel  of  42°  N.,  and  the  extreme 
southern  boundary  on  the  Persian  gulf  under 
the  parallel  27°  30'  X.  The  whole  extent 
from  east  to  west  was  hardly  less  than  fifteen 
hundred  miles,  and  the  greatest  breadth  from 
north  to  south  about  four  hundred  miles.  The 
geographical  area  was  not  far  from  450,009 
square  miles,  being  about  co-extensive  with 
the  area  of  the  modern  Persian  Empire. 

It  must  not  be  understood,  however,  that 
the  two  dominions — Ancient  Parthia  and 
Modern  Persia — coincided  in  their  bounda- 
ries. A  glance  at  the  two  maps  will  enable  the 
reader  to  note  how  different  were  the  limits  of 
the  ancient  Empire  from  those  of  its  modern 


PARTHIA.— PEOPLE  AND  ARTS. 


368 


representative.  We  do  not  here  dwell  further 
upon  the  physical  characteri.stics  and  natural 
potency  of  the  countries  held  under  a  single 
sway  by  Mitlnidates,  for  the  reason   that  the 


the  preceding  histories  of  Babylonia,  Assyria, 
Media,  and  Persia.  We,  therefore,  pa.ss  at 
once  to  the  consideration  of  the  Parthians  as 
a  people,  their  institutions,  general  character 


same  have  already  been  amply  considered  in      and  manner  of  life  and  government. 


Chapter  xxxiv.— people  and  Arts. 


HE  ethnic  origin  of  the 
Parthian  race  has  not 
l)eeu  well  determined.  It 
would  appear  that  their 
arrival  in  Central  Asia 
was  somewhat  later  than 
the  incoming  of  many 
other  peoples  into  that  region  of  the  world. 
Doubtless  the  Chaldseans,  the  Assyrians,  the 
Medes,  and  even  the  Persians,  antedated  by 
several  centuries — many  centuries  in  the  case 
of  the  older  of  these  nations — the  arrival  of 
the  Parthians  in  their  ancestral  seats. 

We  are  here  close  to  one  of  the  great 
ethnic  problems  with  which  the  student  of 
history  is  confronted  in  the  beginning  of  his 
inquiry.  The  question  is  no  less  than  that  of 
the  origin  of  the  Aryan  family  of  men.  His- 
tory is  able  to  trace  backwards  the  movements 
of  the  Aryan  peoples  to  the  region  of  the 
Bactrian  Highlands,  but  beyond  that  all  is 
mist  and  thick  darkness.  Did  the  Aryans 
come  from  some  other  region  afar? — some 
country  in  which  they  were  associated  with 
the  Semitic  or  Hamitic  family  of  men  ?  The 
answer  is  not  apparent.  We  are,  therefore, 
led  to  begin  with  the  development  and  migra- 
tions of  the  Aryan  tribes  from  the  region  of 
their  primitive  settlements  without  the  solution 
of  the  fundamental  problem. 

Parthia  was  not  far  from  the  Aryan  nidus. 
We  may  safely  ascribe  the  origin  of  the  people 
to  the  same  source  with  that  of  the  Persians 
and  the  Medes.  Of  a  certainty  the  Parthians 
were  strongly  discriminated  from  the  peoples 
just  mentioned.  They  had  more  of  the  Tu- 
ranian character — fewer  of  the  well-known 
characteristics  of  the  Indo-Europeans  as  illus- 
trated in  the  Hellenic  and  Roman  races.  So 
N.— Vol.  1—24 


strongly  marked  were  the  distinctions  just  re- 
ferred to,  that  many  inquirers  have  been  disposed 
to  regard  the  Parthians  as  having  a  Scythic 
origin.  Arrian,  among  the  ancients,  declares 
his  belief  in  such  a  derivation.  It  can  not  be 
doubted  that  there  were  relations  between  the 
Parthians  through  the  tribes  of  Chorasmia  with 
the  Scyths  beyond  the  Oxu.s.  It  must  be  ob- 
served that  race  distinctions  fade  away  some- 
what along  the  border  lines  where  two  families 
of  mankind  fret  and  roll  together.  Modern 
history  furnishes  a  hundred  examples  of  such 
obliteration  of  ethnic  features  along  the  bound- 
aries of  States  and  nations. 

It  was  doubtless  so  in  antiquity,  but  even 
in  a  stronger  measure.  At  a  time  when  society 
was  unsettled,  when  the  tribal  state  had  not 
yet  given  place  to  fixedness  of  residence,  there 
was  more  frequent  mixing  and  interweaving 
along  the  selvages  of  races  than  even  in 
modern  times.  These  circumstances  may  serve 
to  explain  the  presence  of  Scythic  elements 
among  the  ancient  Parthians.  So  that  natural 
and  ethnic  causes  may  be  found  sufficient  in 
number  and  character  to  account  for  the  tra- 
ditions of  the  Greek  and  Roman  story-tellei-s 
who  were  wont  to  classify  the  Parthians  with 
the  Scythic  race. 

We  may  agree  that  at  the  time  of  the  great 
invasion  of  all  central  and  Western  Asia  by 
the  Scythian  barbarians,  a  larger  amount  of 
their  work  and  influence  remained  in  Parthia 
than  in  the  other  countries  which  they  con- 
quered. The  Parthian  language  shows  un- 
mistakably a  Scythic  infection — ^just  as  English 
bears  indubitable  evidence  of  the  Norman 
conquest.  The  Parthian  vocabulary  had  in  it 
a  large  addition  of  Scythic  words,  and  the 
civil  and  military  habits  of  the  people  were 


8S4 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


modeled,  to  a  considerable  extent,  after  those 
of  the  Turanian  barbarians.  There  are  at  the 
present  time  certain  Teutonic  peoples  in 
Europe  upon  whom  the  Slavs  have  made  a 
like  impression,  insomuch  that  their  race  char- 
acter might  be  mistaken  by  even  a  critical 
observer.  How  much  the  more  may  such  a 
mistake  be  expected  in  the  case  of  an  ancient 
people  modified  by  a  foreign  influence !  We 
must  conclude  that  the  Parthians,  along  with 
the  Bactrians,  Chorasmians,  Hyrcanians, 
Medes,  and  Persians,  belonged  to  the  common 
family  to  which  the  name  Aryan  has  been 
assigned. 

The  life  of  the  Parthian  people,  however, 
had  much  the  aspect  of  that  of  the  peoples 
beyond  the  Oxus.  This  is  to  say  that,  like  the 
Tartar  and  the  Turcoman  tribes  of  a  later  day, 
the  Parthians  were  nomadic  in  habit,  spending 
the  greater  part  of  their  time  on  horseback  and 
abroad.  The  Roman  historians,  as  late  as  the 
time  of  the  conflict  of  the  Consular  armies  with 
the  Parthian  cavalry,  were  struck  with  aston- 
ishment at  the  manners  of  a  people  who  trans- 
acted the  larger  part  of  their  business  and  at- 
tended to  all  duties  and  avocations,  even  to 
eating  and  drinking,  while  mounted  on  their 
horses.  It  should  not  be  forgotten,  however, 
that  much  of  the  same  disposition  was  snown 
by  the  Persians,  and  the  student  might,  if  he 
would,  trace  this  aspect  of  Turanian  life  far 
into  Asia  Minor,  and  even  into  Europe.  In 
other  particulars  also  the  Partiiians  revealed 
their  innate  sympathy  with  nomadic  manners. 
There  was  little  fixedness  of  settlement,  at  least 
until  a  late  date,  in  the  Parthian  ascendency. 
The  old  habit  of  hunting,  of  riding  abroad,  of 
gratifying  the  passion  for  rapid  transit  from 
scene  to  scene,  continued  to  prevail,  and  at 
length  gave  form  to  the  organization  and  tactics 
of  the  Parthian  army. 

It  was  such  a  people  as  these  that  Cyrus 
the  Great  met  and  conquered  in  the  early  years 
of  his  aggressive  career.  The  nation  Avas  in- 
corporated as  one  of  the  satrapies  of  the  Per- 
sian Empire,  and  remained  in  that  dependence 
until  what  time  the  cohorts  of  Alexander,  ris- 
ing from  the  West,  shattered  the  Achsemenian 
Dynasty  and  reduced  it  to  its  origiual  elements. 
But  of  the  historical  development  and  varying 


vicissitudes    of    the   Parthian    race    we   shall 
speak  more  fully  hereafter. 

As  usual  with  men  of  antiquity,  the  re- 
ligious life  of  the  Parthians  presented  many 
interesting  features,  and  revealed  no  small  part 
of  the  national  character.  We  are  here,  geo- 
graphically and  ethnically  speaking,  not  far 
from  the  primitive  seat  of  one  of  the  great  re- 
ligions of  mankind.  Zoroaster  was  a  Bactrian. 
We  have  already  seen  how  the  faith  and  doc- 
trine which  he  formulated  and  taught  spread 
among  the  races  of  the  Great  Plateau  and  be- 
came organic  in  the  Zendavesta. 

The  teachings  of  the  great  prophet  were- 
accepted  by  the  Achsemeniau  kings,  and  were 
imposed  by  them  as  a  State  religion  upon  the 
subject  nations  of  the  Persian  Empire.  Among 
these  was  Parthia.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  tribal  faith  and  practice  of  the  old  Par- 
thians, they  accepted  the  religion  of  their  con- 
querors, not  only  in  its  early  singleness  but  ia 
its  subsequent  dualistic  development.  The- 
wild  warriors  of  the  Parthian  plain  came  to 
believe  in  Ahura-Mazdao  as  the  fountain  of 
all  Good,  and  in  Ahriman  as  the  source  of 
all  Evil. 

We  have  had  occasion,  in  a  former  chapter, 
to  trace  the  rise  of  this  belief  and  its  evolution 
among  the  Iranic  peoples.  It  was  from  this- 
source  that  Dualism  as  a  principle  of  philo- 
sophic belief  made  its  way  to  the  West,  became 
interfused  with  the  speculations  of  the  Western 
nations,  and  at  last  intertwined  itself  with  the 
opinions  and  practices  of  the  leading  peoples- 
of  modern  times.  But  it  must  be  allowed  that 
dualism — the  division  of  the  universe  into  the 
two  parts  of  good  and  evil  and  the  creation 
of  a  hierarchy  of  the  Powers  set  against  each- 
other  iu  perpetual  warfare,  involving  the  lives 
and  actions  of  men — is  a  natural  growth  pe- 
culiar to  the  human  mind  at  a  certain  epoch  of 
its  career.  We  have  seen  such  phenomena  in 
the  valley  of  the  Nile,  in  the  valley  of  the 
Euphrates,  and  in  the  highest  activity  on  the 
Iranian  plateau.  We  shall  hereafter  see  traces- 
of  the  same  thing  in  the  mercurial  intellect  of 
the  Greeks,  in  the  heavier  cogitations  of  the 
Romans,  and  in  the  dreams  of  the  Teutonic 
barbarians  in  their  forest  solitudes.  But  among 
all  peoples,  the  races  now  under  consideration- 


PARTHIA.— PEOPLE  AND  ARTS. 


385 


were  most  active  in  tbe  development  of  such  a 
belief  and  in  its  dissemination.  Zoroaster  was 
the  abstract  and  chronicle  of  the  religious 
opinions  and  philosophical  speculations  of  the 
}ieoples  among  whom  he  appeared.  The  Par- 
thians  took  his  system  and  entertained  it  dur- 
ing their  period  of  ascendency.  Indeed,  in 
nearly  all  respects  they  became  the  representa- 
tives of  the  Persians  who  had  preceded  them. 

But  in  the  hands  of  the  Parthians,  as  in 
the  hands  of  the  Persians,  the  Zoroastriau  sys- 
tem suffered  deterioration.  It  went  at  length 
into  the  form  of  Magism  and  idolatry.  It  were 
difficult  to  say  to  how  great  an  extent  the 
idolatrous  aspect  of  the  Magian  cult  was  the 
result  of  the  revival  of  the  ancient  polytheistic 
instincts  of  the  race.  Perhaps  a  part  of  the 
degeneration  may  be  attributed  to  this  cause, 
and  part  to  the  rise  of  a  priesthood.  Here 
the  history  of  Parthia  could  but  repeat  the 
common  story  of  the  mischief  always  done, 
the  havoc  always  wrought  with  a  national  re- 
ligion when  it  falls  into  the  hands  of  a  priest- 
hood. Then  it  is  that  superstition,  selfishness, 
folly,  the  pride  of  caste,  and  the  ambition  of 
power  begin  to  take  the  place  of  the  religious 
fervor  which  marks  the  earlier  stages  of  devel- 
opment. Henceforth  the  history  of  religion 
becomes  a  history  of  forms  which  by  their 
growth  and  inilection  quench  the  glow  that 
dwelt  in  the  spirits  of  the  primitive  prophets. 

The  Parthians  fell  under  the  dominion  of 
these  influences.  The  Magi  soon  became  a 
powerful  caste  in  the  State.  Fire,  as  the  em- 
blem of  the  sun,  and  perhaps  the  emblem  of 
life,  became  the  object  of  superstitious  adora- 
tion. The  elements  of  nature  were  held  in 
sacred  awe.  Rivers  were  worshiped,  as  were 
many  other  parts  of  the  material  world.  The 
superstitions  which  we  have  noted  in  the  case 
of  the  Per.aians  revived  among  the  Parthians. 
The  dead  might  not  be  buried,  but  must  rather 
be  exposed  on  high  in  the  tops  of  towers,  where 
the  bodies  might  be  devoured  by  the  birds  of 
the  air.  After  the  lapse  of  a  long  time  the 
bones  might  be  gathered  and  deposited  in 
tombs.  The  sacred  fire  must  bo  kept  burning 
by  the  priests.  In  short,  the  whole  ritual  of 
Magism  must  be  performed — the  ceremonies  of 
the  faith  perpetuated   by  the  people.     Under 


such  conditions,  the  Magi  at  one  time  became 
especially  powerful.  They  were  members  of 
the  National  Council,  uuder  the  Parthian  kings, 
and  were  as  haughty,  arrogant,  and  arbitrary 
as  they  and  their  class  have  always  been  in 
their  despotism  over  society. 

At  length,  however,  Magism  fell  into  a  de- 
cline. The  high  priests  lost  their  hold  upon 
the  Government.  It  would  appear  that  a  sort 
of  original  paganism  revived,  which  may  well 
remind  one  in  its  manifestation  of  the  beliefs 
and  practices  prevalent  on  the  banks  of  the 
Tiber  and  in  the  German  woods.  The  Sun 
became  the  principal  object  of  Parthian  wor- 
ship. After  him  the  Moou  was  adored  as  the 
divinity  of  night.  We  might  almost  transfer 
and  adapt  ia  this  connection  the  celebrated 
chapter  of  the  Sixth  Book  of  the  Ctesarian 
Commentaries,  wherein  Julius  describes  the  re- 
ligion of  the  Teutonic  nations.  The  prevail- 
ing principle  was  that  those  objects  of  nature 
only  were  fit  to  be  worshiped  by  the  aid  of 
which  men  were  manifestly  benefited.  The 
system  was  thus  virtually  devoid  of  specula- 
tion. The  Sun  did  good  to  men.  Therefore 
the  Sun  might  well  be  worshiped.  On  a  lower 
plane  we  find  the  common  beliefs  of  the  Aryan 
nations  in  minor  divinities  and  spirits  by  whom 
the  smaller  aflliirs  of  life  were  controlled  and 
guided.  There  were  genii  of  the  day-time, 
genii  of  the  night,  genii  of  the  hearthstone, 
the  spirits  of  the  fathers,  and  the  Larv.<B  of  the 
earth.  The  system  in  its  last  estate  was  not 
essentially  diflTerent  from  that  of  the  Pagan  na- 
tions of  Europe. 

The  men  of  Alexander  took  with  them  inttt 
the  East  the  religious  beliefs  of  the  Hellenic 
Aryans.  The  name  of  the  Olympian  Zeus 
was  heard  in  Babylon,  in  Seleucia,  in  Ctesi- 
phon,  in  Ecbatana,  in  Persepolis,  in  Hatra, 
and  iu  Bactra.  Wherever  the  Greek  cities 
were  planted,  there  the  mythology  of  the 
West,  with  its  ample  inflections,  was  founded. 
This  invasion  of  Zoroastrianism  and  Magism 
the  Parthians  seem  not  to  have  resented. 
As  a  general  fact  the  Aryan  religions  have 
been  tolerant ;  those  of  Shem  have  refused  to 
know  other  than  themselves.  The  same  prin- 
ciple was  illustrated  when  the  Romans  became 
the  conquerors  of  the  East.    They  also  carried 


886 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


their  religious  system,  such  as  it  was,  to  the 
banks  of  the  Euphrates  and  far  beyoud. 

Ah-eady  before  this  time  Judaism  had  been 
propagated  by  several  means  in  the  Aryan 
countries.  At  a  still  later  period,  when  Rome 
was  converted  to  Cliristiauity,  the  new  faith 
■was  carried  under  the  protection  of  the  eagles 
to  the  uttermost  limits  of  the  Empire.  It 
were  impossible  to  say  to  what  extent  these 
foreign  religious  influences  permeated  Parthia 
and  brought  her  people  under  their  sway. 
Already  at  the  time  of  the  primitive  apostles, 
Parthian  Christianity  had  become  a  fact ;  and 
St.  Luke  enumerates  the  Parthians  along  with 
the  Medes  and  Elamites  among  the  strangers 
gathered  in  Jeru.salem.  All  this  would  indi- 
cate on  the  part  of  the  Parthian  monarchs  the 
same  tolerant  spirit  which  the  Greeks  and 
Eomans  were  wont  to  show  to  alien  systems 
of  religion. 

One  of  the  chief  forms  of  activity  among 
the  Parthians  was  war.  It  is  from  their  mili- 
tary character  that  the  race  is  best  known  to 
the  world.  Long  before  the  close  of  the  An- 
cient Era  the  name  of  this  people  was  heard  as 
far  west  as  Eome — and  generally  with  terror. 
They  it  was  doubtless  whom  Horace  had  in 
view  under  the  name  of  Medii  in  the  Secular 
Hymn : — 

Now  by  the  sea  and  on  the  land,  the  Mede 
Fears  the  strong  squadrons  and  the  axe  of  Rome ; 

Now  the  late  haughty  Scythian  doth  piead 
For  mild  response— and  men  of  India'  come. 

The  reader  may,  therefore,  well  be  surprised 
to  note  the  fact  that  this  most  warlike  nation, 
whose  fierce,  wild  cavalry  swept  like  flying 
clouds  across  the  deserts  of  the  Great  Plateau, 
had  no  fixed  military  establishment — no  stand- 
ing army.  It  appears,  on  the  contrary,  that  the 
Parthians,  by  their  disposition  and  habit  of 
life,  constituted  what  may  be  called  a  natural 
soldiery.  There  were  two  branches  to  the 
Parthian  service,  the  cavalry  and  the  foot. 
But  the  first  was  the  important  part.  Indeed, 
it  is  doubtful  whether  the  Parthian  infantry 
■was  of  much  value  in  the  field.  It  was  upon 
the  cavalry  that  the  kings  relied  for  victory; 
and  the  reliance  was  not  misjilaced. 

In  time  of  war  the  Parthian  monarch 
called  upon  his  vassals  to  bring  forth  each  his 


quota  of  warriors  for  the  field.  It  appears 
that  the  constitution  of  Parthian  society  was 
es.sentially  feudal.  The  vassal  was  bound  to 
his  suzerain  in  the  matter  of  military  service. 
He  must  call  out  his  retainers  and  slaves,  see 
to  their  equipment  and  mounting,  bring  them 
to  the  place  of  rendezvous,  and  command  them 
in  battle.  It  was  thus  that  the  army  was 
made  up  of  bands  of  warrioi-s  drawn  from  the 
various  districts  after  the  manner  of  the  Cru- 
saders. But  a  common  enthusiasm  pervaded 
the  whole,  and  there  was  no  lack  of  unity  in 
the  general  command.  This  was  reserved  for 
the  king  in  person,  and  for  his  generalissimo, 
called  the  Surena. 

The  latter  may  be  regarded  as  the  head 
baron  of  the  countr}-.  The  office  which  he  held 
hereditary  in  his  family.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  even  the  king  could  displace  him 
from  the  position  in  which  he  was  fixed  by 
heredity  and  custom.  The  same  was  in  great 
measure  true  of  the  other  vassals.  Each  coni- 
manded  in  his  own  right,  and  held  his  placs 
at  home  and  in  the  field  in  virtue  of  what  may 
be  called  the  Parthian  constitution. 

Looking  at  the  organization  of  the  army, 
we  find  a  heavy-horse  and  a  light-horse  con- 
tingent. The  first  was  the  main  branch  of  the 
service.  This  wing  was  undoubtedly  the  finest 
cavalry  of  the  ancient  world.  The  warriors 
were  armed  in  mail  as  to  their  bodies,  the  scale- 
armor  of  iron  and  steel  descending  as  low  as. 
the  knees,  well  made  and  strong,  polished  to 
brightness,  capable  of  resisting  any  of  the  or- 
dinary missiles  of  the  battle-field.  On  the  head 
was  a  helmet,  also  burnished,  heavy,  and  well 
made.  The  arms  and  the  legs  were  free,  an 
they  must  needs  be  in  fighting  from  the  horse. 

The  weapons  of  these  Parthian  dragoons 
were  bows  and  arrows  and  a  spear.  All  these 
were  long  and  strong.  The  arrow  was  shot 
with  such  violence  that  its  flight  was  said  to 
be  invisible  from  its  rapidity,  and  scarcely  any 
armor  of  the  enemy  could  protect  the  wearer 
from  its  fall.  The  spear  was  equally  fatal, 
being  thrust  with  a  violence  which  frequently 
impaled  two  warriors  with  a  single  blow.  The 
horseman  also  carried  a  .short  sword,  which  in 
close  quarters  he  drew  and  used  with  fearful 
efl!ect.     The  horses  of  the  dragoons,  like  their 


FARTMIA.— PEOPLE  AND  ARTS. 


387 


ri<5ers,  vrore  a  scale  armor  in  battle,  having 
the  same  adjusted  to  their  heads,  necks,  and 
breasts.  The  light-horse  carried  bows  and  ar- 
rows, but  were  unarmored,  and  bore  no  spears. 
The  value  of  this  wing  depended  upon  its 
dexterity.  Horsemen  of  this  class  hovered 
within  bow-shot,  discliarging  their  arrows  with 
great  rapidity,  wheeling  to  right  and  left,  at- 
tacking the  flank,  and  mauceuvering  in  such 
manner  as  to  confuse  the  enemy. 

The  supply-train  of  the  Parthian  army  was 
furnished  by  a  caravan  of  camels  laden  with 
provisions  and  military  accoutrements.  It  has 
been  noted  that  tlie  Parthians,  advancing  to 
battle,  always  carried  an  abundance  of  arrows, 
so  that  literal  sliowers  of  these  missiles  might 
be  rained  upon  the  enemy.  The  attack  was 
made  with  the  utmost  spirit.  So  far  as  strat- 
egy was  concerned,  the  same  consisted  in  de- 
ceiving the  enemj';  in  bringing  him  into  un- 
favorable situations;  in  cutting  off  supplies;  in 
taking  advantage  of  any  temporary  confusion 
that  might  occur,  and  filially  in  tlie  furious 
charge  directly  on  the  line.  This  mode  of  at- 
tack was  like  a  thunder-gust  which  expended 
itself  with  the  onset.  When  the  flying  squad- 
rons came  within  reach  of  the  adver.se  lines, 
they  began  to  rain  upon  them  a  terrible  dis- 
charge of  arrows,  which  was  kept  up  inces- 
santly until  the  actuaPshock  of  combat,  when 
tbe  spears,  and  finally  the  swords,  were  used. 
It  was  the  expectation  by  this  means  to  break 
everything  into  confusion  and  sweep  the 
enemy  from  the  field.  But  if  the  charge  was 
firmly  met,  the  battle  generally  continued  for 
but  a  few  minutes  after  the  shock,  when  the 
Parthians  would  turn  to  flight. 

This,  however,  was  a  decejjtious  movement, 
intended  to  draw  the  enemy  into  puisuit. 
The  dragoons,  as  well  as  the  light-horse,  merely 
scampered  out  of  reach,  and  immediately 
formed  anew.  If  the  foe,  unacquainted  with 
this  manneuver,  should  chance  to  follow,  and 
offer  by  the  break  of  the  lines  or  otlier  for- 
tuitous circumstances  any  advantage,  tlie  on.set 
would  be  immediately  renewed  by  the  Par- 
thians in  a  second  charge  like  the  first.  This 
manner  of  battle  was  on  the  whole  especially 
effective.  It  is  probably  true  that  in  the 
whole  vast  circle  of  victory  and  Imperial  con- 


quest the  Roman  legions  never  met  anywhere 
on  the  frontiers  of  the  world  a  more  dangerous 
enemy  than  was  this  same  Parthian  army. 
Hereafter  we  shall  show  in  many  details  of 
campaign  and  battle  the  results  of  the  doubt- 
ful contests  waged  by  Rome  with  the  mailed 
dragoons  of  Parthia.  The  fact  has  been  cited 
that  in  the  six  great  campaigns  made  by  the 
Mistress  of  the  World  into  the  countries  be- 
yond the  Euphrates  .she  was  obliged  in  no  fewer 
than  five  to  yield  the  palm  to  her  skillful  and 
courageous  antagonist. 

Several  additional  fiicts  connected  with  the 
Parthian  method  of  warfare  may  be  cited  as 
of  interest  to  the  general  reader.  The  Par- 
thians avoided  all  militarv  movements,  par- 
ticularly battle,  in  the  night.  Perhaps  the 
management  of  cavalry  in  tlie  darkness  is  at- 
tended with  greater  peril  and  difficulty  than 
are  consequent  upon  the  evolutions  of  in- 
fantry. Moreover,  the  Parthians  did  not  em- 
ploy fortifications,  either  for  their  camp  or  in 
the  field.  For  the  rest,  superstition  may  have 
had  something  to  do  with  that  feature  of  the 
tactics  which  required  the  withdrawal  of  the 
army  at  nightfall  to  a  considerable  distance, 
and  the  total  avoidance  of  battle  or  further 
movements  until  the  morrow. 

For  reasons  of  a  similar  character  the 
winter  was  avoided  as  unsuited  to  campaign- 
ing. We  may  readily  perceive  that  the  sum- 
mer season,  as  in  all  other  countries  and 
conditions,  would  be  regarded  as  a  favorable 
time  for  those  rapid  and  headlong  movements 
upon  which  the  success  of  Parthian  warfare 
especially  depended.  It  was  noted,  moreover, 
by  the  Greeks  and  Romans  in  their  conflicts 
with  the  Parthians,  that  the  latter  could  en- 
dure heat  and  deprivation  of  water  much  better 
than  themselves — a  circumstauce  which  gave  a 
not  inconsiderable  advantage  to  the  warriors 
of  the  East. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  latter  were  weak 
in  all  operations  pertaining  to  sieges  and  in- 
vestments. In  the  nature  of  the  case,  the 
Parthian  cavalry  were  unable  to  carry  a  forti- 
fied position.  Tliey  appear  to  have  been  al- 
most ignorant  of  the  machinery  and  appliances 
necessary  to  a  siege.  The  Romans,  therefore, 
were  comparatively  .safe   in   the  fortified   sta- 


388 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


tions  which  they  established  on  the  eastern 
borders  of  the  Empire.  But  they  could  never 
be  completely  at  rest  in  such  situations ;  for 
their  supplies  were  constantly  endangered 
by  the  ceaseless  vigilance  of  the  Parthian 
horsemen.  Whenever  ccmmunications  could 
be  cut  0^,  it  became  siwply  a  question  of 
time  wheii  +he  Romans  luust  come  forth  and 
take  the  hazards  of  ilie  open  field  in  a  move- 
ment towards  the  base  of  supplies.  Such  re- 
treats were  nearly  always  fatal.  The  Par- 
thians,  whenever  they  perceived  a  moveiZont 
of  the  kind,  were  on  the  alert.  No  straggler 
henceforth  escaped.  On  both  ■nings  and  the 
rear  of  the  receding  army  a  clouJ  of  warriors 
might  oe  seen  hovering  in  the  horizon,  and  a 
single  misstep  of  the  retreating  forces  was  suf- 
ficient to  efiect  their  ruin. 

Another  feature  of  the  Parthian  warfare 
was  the  absence  of  chariots  and  vehicles  of  all 
kinds.  Those  who  could  not  ride  must  walk. 
In  general,  it  might  be  said  that  the  whole 
force  was  mounted  on  either  horses  or  camels. 
In  rare  instances  members  of  the  royal  house- 
hold, the  women  and  others,  were  borne  after 
the  army  in  chariots.  Sometimes  the  ponder- 
ous bulk  of  an  elephant  was  seen;  but  this 
generally  marked  the  presence  of  the  monarch 
or  the  generalissimo.  These  important  per- 
sonages were  sometimes  made  conspicuous,  as 
well  as  secure,  by  having  their  station  on  the 
backs  of  trained  elephants.  In  rare  cases 
camels  were  used  by  the  cavalry  in  actual 
battle ;  but  the  Greeks  and  Romans  learned 
that  these  beasts  could  be  easily  disabled  by 
sowing  tribuU,  or  iron  stars,  in  the  way  of  their 
spongy  feet. 

In  the  Parthian  manner  battle  was  made 
with  as  much  noise  as  possible.  The  army 
was  accompanied  with  its  musicians,  or  clamor- 
makers,  who  in  time  of  the  onset  beat  upon 
metal  drums,  which  resounded  over  the  plains, 
and  was  answered  by  the  wild  shouts  of  the 
horsemen  as  they  rushed  to  the  onset.  The 
charge,  as  we  have  said,  was  at  full  speed. 
The  oncoming  of  the  flying  squadrons  was  so 
rapid  that  they  seemed  to  the  Romans  to  rise 
out  of  the  earth.  As  soon  as  the  charge  had 
broken  upon  the  legions,  the  horsemen,  if  un- 
successful, fled,  as  we  have  seen  ;  but  in  doing 


so  fired  backwards  Nor  were  the 'enemy  able  to 
perceive  any  dimiuution  in  the  shower  of  arrows 
until  the  receding  column  was  out  of  reach 

Out  of  the  nature  of  things  war  brings 
cessation,  and  finally  armistice  and  treaty. 
These  things  require  formalities.  Since  war 
was  the  mood  of  antiquity,  rules  for  formal  in- 
tercourse between  belligerents  were  devised  at 
an  early  day.  The  Parthians  had  a  well-regu- 
lated ceremonial  of  the  field  and  for  military 
conferences.  It  was  the  custom,  when  they 
desired  to  confer  with  an  enemy,  to  go  forward 
L-  i'ull  sight  with  unstrung  bows.  This  signi- 
fied a  desire  to  communicate  with  the  enemy. 
The  right  hand  was  stretched  out  towards  the 
opposing  camp,  to  signify  the  wish  for  a  parley. 
When  the  preliminaries  of  the  conference  had 
thus  been  arranged,  the  formal  represirntatives 
of  the  two  powers  were  wont  to  come  together 
on  some  neutral  ground,  as  on  a  bridge  span- 
ning some  boundary  stream,  and  there  discuss 
the  terms  of  settlement.  Under  such  circum- 
stances treaties  were  made.  Nor  could  it  be 
said  that  the  Parthians  were  less  faithful  in 
the  observance  of  stipulations  to  which  they 
had  agreed  than  were  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 
From  the  former  of  these  peoples,  who  in  the 
times  of  Alexander  had  established  them- 
selves and  planted  their  civilization  in  many 
cities,  old  and  new,  throughout  the  East,  the 
Parthians  had  acquired  a  knowledge  of  the 
Greek  tongue,  and  this  for  several  centuries 
was  used  as  the  medium  of  civil  and  military 
intercourse  between  them  and  the  nations  of 
the  West. 

It  were  a  mistaken  view  of  the  subject  to 
consider  the  Parthian  administration  in  the 
times  of  the  Empire  as  a  government  of  bar- 
barous principles  and  Inethods.  On  the  coh- 
trary,  it  became  as  well  refined  as  the  contem- 
poraneous governments  which  had  in  the 
meantime  been  established  by  the  European 
Aryans.  The  forms  of  intercourse  were  regu- 
lar and  enlightened.  Embassies  were  sent  by 
the  Parthian  monarchs  to  foreign  courts,  and 
such  were  received  in  turn  at  the  Parthian 
capitals.  It  was  the  custom  of  the  times  to 
send  by  the  hands  of  international  commis- 
sioners presents  from  king  to  king  as  seemed 
befitting  to  the  age  and  condition.     In  none 


PARTHIA.— PEOPLE  AND  ARTS. 


388 


•of  these  respects  were  the  Parthian  monarchs 
less  scrupulous  than  their  contemporaneous 
sovereigns  in  the  West.  The  intercourse  be- 
tween Phraates  IV.  and  the  Emperor  Augus- 
tus was  conducted  as  between  monarch  and 
monarch  of  equal  rank.  Ambassadorial  eourt- 
•esies  were  common,  and  without  disparage- 
ment to  the  kings  of  the  East.  The  usual 
methods  of  maintaining  international  faith 
were  observed.  Oaths  were  made  and  pledges 
given  after  the  manner  of  antiquity.  The  giv- 
ing and  taking  of  hostages  was  one  of  the 
commonesl  means  of  securing  good  faith  and 
the  fulfillment  of  agreements.  It  happened 
on  several  occasions  that  members  of  the  Par- 
thian royal  family  were  freely  sent  to  Rome 
in  pledge  of  the  fidelity  of  the  king  to  his 
stipulations  with  the  Western  Empire. 

If  from  the  consideration  of  war  we  turn  to 
the  peaceful  aspect  of  life  and  look  at  the  king 
and  his  court,  we  shall  find  much  of  interest 
and  instruction.  True,  we  are  constrained  for 
the  most  part  to  consider  the  aspect  of  this 
•royal  life  in  the  East  through  a  glass  darkly; 
for  its  manner  has  been  mostly  narrated  by 
■the  historians  of  Greece  and  Rome  and  Jewry. 
The  Parthians  were  not  themselves  a  literary 
.people,  and  but  few  original  sources  of  infor- 
mation are  at  our  command.  First  of  all,  we 
■may  refer  to  the  national  amusement,  which 
was  hunting.  After  war  it  would  appear  that 
the  next  highest  source  of  interest  and  excite- 
ment among  the  people,  whether  of  noble  or 
of  common  rank,  was  the  attack  on  wild  beasts. 
We  have  seen  this  trait  of  character  already 
displayed  in  Assyria  and  Persia.  Nor  is  it 
needed  that  we  should  return  to  antiquity  to 
■find  a  similar  passion  in  full  activity.  Nearly 
every  people,  indeed,  on  its  advance  from  half- 
•barbarity  to  civilization  has  found  gratification 
in  the  pursuit  and  killing  of  wild  animals.  In 
the  first  intent  the  wild  beast  takes  tlie  place 
of  the  enemy.  Its  blood  is  typical  of  his. 
The  fdll  of  the  boar  under  the  arrow's  flight 
•or  spear-thrust  of  the  pursuer  is  next  in  the 
scale  of  delight  to  the  fall  of  the  enemy  in 
battle. 

Parthia  abounded  in  wild  beasts.  On  the 
Assyrian  borders  the  lion  was  found.  Hyr- 
?ania  was  the  native  lair  of  tiosers  so  fierce  that 


"Hyrcanian"  became  an  epithet  descriptive  of 
the  most  dangerous  species  of  that  animal. 
Leopards  and  bears  also  abounded.  The  Par- 
thian hunters  followed  these  animals  into  their 
haunts,  and  exposed  their  lives  in  the  contest. 
In  course  of  time,  however,  when  the  Empire 
was  established,  pleasure  and  excitement  were 
sought  in  a  manner  more  artistic  and  less  dan- 
gerous. Then  were  constructed  the  great  parks, 
called  by  the  Eastern  nations  "Paradises," 
wherein  animals  taken  from  the  forests  were 
loosed,  to  live  and  propagate  their  kind  under 
the  dominion  of  half-natural  conditions.  Here 
the  artificial  hunt  was  made.  The  king  and 
his  companions  traversed  the  paradise,  raised 
the  wild  beast  from  his  covert,  pursued  and 
smote  him  after  the  manner  of  the  ancient 
chase  in  the  wild  and  desert. 

We  may  glance  at  the  appearance  of  the 
king  when  he  went  forth  as  a  hunter.  On 
such  occasions  he  wore  a  short  cloak,  of  which 
we  find  examples  on  the  monuments  and  coins. 
A  helmet  protected  his  head,  and  in  his  hand 
he  carried  the  strong  bow  with  the  double 
curve,  the  animal  tendon  for  a  thong,  and  the 
swift  arrow  against  which  nothing  alive  might 
stand.  Like  his  countryman,  the  monarch 
went  on  horseback.  Ilis  person  was  orna- 
mented in  barbaric  fashion  with  jewels  and 
gold.  His  hor.se  were  trappings  of  the  same 
sjjlendid  fashion  with  the  king's  garments,  and 
the  attendants  were  only  less  gorgeous  in  their 
apparel,  less  haughty  in  manner,  than  the  mon- 
arch himself. 

At  the  Court  another  fashion  prevailied. 
Here  a  long  robe,  like  that  of  the  Persian  and 
Median  nobles,  was  worn  )>_y  the  king.  The 
insignia  of  royalty  were  hung  about  his  neck. 
A  diadem  circled  his  forehead,  and  his  ears 
supported  rings  and  jewels.  Like  her  consort, 
the  queeu-in-chief,  preeminent  above  the  harem, 
proud  in  her  ascendency  over  hundreds  of 
concubines  which  the  law  granted  to  the  sov- 
ereign, adorned  herself  in  a  manner  equally 
splendid.  She,  as  well  as  he,  received  the 
title  of  Divine.  She,  like  the  king,  wore  a 
diadem  and  sometimes  a  tiara.  Not  often, 
however,  was  she  permitted,  under  the  custom 
of  the  race,  to  obtrude  herself  into  public 
affairs.     More  than  those  of  any  other  of  the 


390 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Aryan  peoples  were  the  social  and  domestic 
habits  of  the  Parthians  conformed  to  the  man- 
ners of  the  Orient.  Polygamy  was  the  law 
of  the  laud.  The  harem  was  the  expression 
of  the  social  system  in  its  ultimate  analysis. 
All  women  except  tlie  characterless  crowd  of 
Hetceice,  dancers,  and  the  like,  who  followed 
in  the  wake  of  the  army,  were  secluded  from 
sight.  They  must  hide  themselves  like  the 
women  of  Shera.  They  must  be  veiled,  that 
their  faces  be  not  seen  by  men.  With  men 
they  must  not  converse,  except  with  their  hus- 
bands in  the  harem.  The  sexes  were  sepa- 
rated at  the  domestic  meal  and  at  the  public 
banquet.  The  care  of  the  harem  was  intrusted 
to  eunuchs,  after  the  manner  already  described 
in  the  history  of  Persia. 

We  have  already  remarked  upon  the  small 
intellectual  development  of  the  Parthian  peo- 
ple, as  shown  in  the  absence  of  literature  and 
art.  Their  learning  proceeded  as  far  as  the 
mastery  of  their  own  tongue  and,  in  the  best 
days  of  the  Empire,  a  very  general  acquire- 
ment of  Greek.  It  appears  that  the  Parthian 
kings  and  their  subjects  were  quick  to  discover 
the  superiority  of  the  language  of  the  men  of 
Alexander,  and  were  not  long  in  adopting  it, 
at  least  as  the  speech  of  their  higher  inter- 
course. Greek  was  introduced  as  the  official 
language.  The  Parthian  coins  bore  Greek  in- 
scriptions, and  that  tongue  was,  as  we  have 
seen,  used  for  several  centuries  in  all  the  im- 
portant intercourse  between  the  Parthians  and 
the  Western  nations. 

Beyond  this  it  does  not  appear  that  the 
subjects  of  Phraates  and  Mithridates  were  able 
to  progress.  Of  science  they  knew  not  even 
the  rudiments.  Their  interpretation  of  nature, 
in  so  far  as  they  were  curious  to  know  the 
laws  of  phenomena,  was  purely  mythological. 
Of  sculpture  they  knew  but  little,  and  of  paint- 
ing perhaps  nothing  at  all.  This  is  to  say, 
that  of  the  higher  forms  of  pictorial  art  they 
were  ignorant,  except  by  incidental  intercourse 
with  the  Greeks  anil  Romans.  In  these  re- 
spects the  Parthian  race  was  in  striking  analogy 
with  the  Medes  and  Persians,  whose  want  of 
genius  in  the  particulars  here  referred  to  has 
been  noted  by  many  critics  and  historians. 

The  activities  of  the  Parthians  were   thus 


physical  rather  than  intellectual.  They  lacked 
altogether  the  imaginative  and  speculative  dis- 
position of  the  Greeks,  and  indeed  of  all  the 
European  Aryans.  The  civilization  which  they 
established  was  material  in  the  highest  degree. 
The  nation  was  not  without  great  force,  great 
outward  activity,  and  inner  energy;  but  the 
poetic  dream,  the  imaginative  flight,  the  art- 
istic concept,  were  things  unknown,  even  in  the 
highest  development  to  which  the  Parthian  peo- 
ple could  attain. 

In  an  architectural  way  the  achievements 
of  the  Parthians  were  more  creditable.  It  is 
in  architecture  that  physical  energies,  com- 
bined with  the  lower  forms  of  ideality,  find 
their  best  expression.  We  have  several  in- 
stances in  history  of  peoples  who  succeeded 
in  reaching  a  fair  degree  of  architectural  work 
without  attaining  to  poetry  and  art.  In  its 
higher  manifestations  architecture,  of  course, 
becomes  ideal.  It  expresses  at  the  last  the 
imaginative  powers  of  the  human  mind,  and 
is  only  secondary  in  rank  to  sculpture  and 
painting.  But  in  its  lower  forms  it  is  the 
most  material  of  all  the  arts.  Thus  far  the 
Parthians  were  able  to  proceed  in  the  human 
evolution,  and  no  farther. 

As  a  rule  the  Asiatic  Aryans  have  not 
been  great  builders.  We  have  seen  how  small 
a  thing  the  Medes  transmitted  to  after  times 
as  it  respects  their  arciiitectural  achievements. 
The  Persians,  under  the  Achsemenian  kings, 
roi-e  to  a  higher  level  of  structural  ability. 
In  the  preceding  Book  the  reader  has  been 
made  acquainted  with  the  palaces  and  temples 
of  Persepolis,  and  of  one  or  two  other  of  the 
principal  Persian  cities.  But  even  here  we 
fail  to  note  the  splendor  and  abundance  of 
Assyria,  to  say  nothing  of  Egypt  and  Greece. 
On  the  Great  Plateau  the  energies  of  human 
life  have  always  been  expended  in  forms  of 
action  different  from  those  of  closely  crowded 
and  permanent  societies  like  those  of  the  val- 
leys of  the  Euphrates  and  the  Nile. 

Parthia  was  not  rich  in  temples  or  palaces 
or  tombs.  This  is  true  particularly  of  the 
Parthian  kingdom  in  the  earlier  times,  before! 
the  expansion  of  the  nation  had  resulted  in 
the  establishment  of  a  great  dominion.  The 
old  kings  and  the  primitive  nobility  were  bar- 


PARTHIA.— PEOPLE  AND  ARTS. 


391 


baric  in  their  habits  and  manners,  caring  little 
for  fixedness,  and  not  much  for  visible  splendors. 
The  consideration  of  the  building  methods  and 
results  in  the  country  is  attended  with  difficul- 
ties from  the  historical  changes  to  which  it 
was  subject.  The  determination  of  the  age 
of  a  given  ruin  is  uncertain  ;  so  that  the  in- 
quirer may  not  well  ascertain  whether  the 
work  has  been  done  by  the  ancient  race,  in 
the  Greek  period,  under  the  Arsacidre,  or 
under  the  subsequent  Sassauians.  It  is  the 
architecture  of  the  Arsacidse  only  which  we 
should  regard  as  truly  Parthiau  in  its  charac- 
ter. The  remains  of  those  structures  which 
were  made  subsequent  to  the  year  226  A.  D., 
must  be  regarded  as  the  work  of  a  later  period. 
Rawlinson  has  determined  the  time  in  which 
the  true  national  building  was  effected  as  cov- 
ering about  two  centuries ;  namely,  the  first 
and  second  of  our  era.  But  we  must  remem- 
ber" that  the  works  remaining  to  us  of  this 
period  were  merely  the  highest  development 
of  a  kind  of  building  which  had  been  culti- 
vated for  several  preceding  centuries. 

The  unfixedness  of  Parthian  society  is  well 
illustrated  in  the  fact  that  the  seat  of  the  gov- 
ernment was  not  established  at  any  one  city, 
but  was  transferred  from  place  to  place,  ac- 
cording to  the  preference  of  the  monarch. 
There  were  thus  several  Parthian  capitals, 
among  which  there  was  little  preeminence. 
At  the  time  when  the  Empire  was  at  its  great- 
est expan.«ion,  the  city  of  Hatra  was  perhaps 
the  most  centralized  and  important  place  of 
residence  for  the  Great  Kings.  It  is  from  the 
ruins  of  this  old  metro])olis  that  we  are  best 
able  to  gather  an  adequate  idea  of  the  ancient 
architecture  of  the  country.  By  the  Greeks 
the  city  was  called  Ctesiphon.  It  was  situ- 
ated on  the  left  bank  of  the  Tigris,  over 
against  Seleucia,  the  capital  of  the  Seleucidse, 
where  the  successors  of  Alexander  for  awhile 
established  themselves.  Ctesiphon  was  built 
by  the  Parthians  across  the  river  from  the 
Greek  capital,  and  at  length  grew  into  a  place 
of  importance.  With  the  decline  of  the  Greek 
power  in  Asia,  Seleucia  shrank  away,  while 
the  Parthian  city  was  improved  and  enlarged. 

The  founding  of  this  Hatra  is  assigned  to 
Vardaues  ;  not  the  monarch  of  that  name,  but 


another,  whose  history  has  not  been  deter- 
mined. It  appears  that  the  city  flourished 
greatly  in  the  latter  days  of  the  Parthian  Em- 
pire, but  declined  with  the  dominion  of  which 
it  constituted  one  of  the  principal  ornaments, 
only  to  be  revived  at  a  subsequent  period  by 
the  Sassanian  kings.  In  the  year  232  A.  D., 
when  the  Roman  Emperor  Severus  overran 
the  country,  the  prisoners  out  of  Ctesiphon 
were  estimated  at  a  hundred  thousand. 

We  are  here  concerned,  however,  with  the 
character  of  the  architecture  of  the  Parthian 
period.  Hatra  had  the  novel  characteristic 
of  being  circular  in  form.  The  city  was  sur- 
rounded by   a   wall,  thick   and   strong,  about 


PLAN   OF  HATRA. 

three  miles  in  circumference,  and  a  true  circle 
in  form.  The  rampart  was  built  of  cut  stone, 
strengthened  with  bastions  at  intervals  of  a 
hundred  and  seventy  yards.  Outside  of  the 
wall  was  a  ditch,  broad  and  deep,  and  beyond 
this  was  a  mole,  or  agger,  drawn  around  after 
the  manner  of  the  ancients.  We  thus  see 
that  at  the  time  of  the  I'artliian  ascendency 
the  building  arts  and  military  expedients  of 
the  West  had  been  introduced  to  the  extent 
of  making  the  capital  city  easily  defensible 
against  a  powerful  enemy.  The  nomadic  in- 
stincts of  the  race  had  stooped  to  the  adoption 
of  tho.se  rational  means  by  which  cities  are 
protected  from  assault. 

From    north    to    south     across    the    circle 
formed  by  the  great  wall,  and  constituting  an 


392 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


arc  thereof,  was  a  river  channel  passing 
through  and  furnishing  water  to  the  inhab- 
itants. Perhaps  the  course  of  the  stream  had 
been  artificially  rectified,  as  the  antiquarian 
has  found  it  to  be  a  right  line  through  the 
midst.  In  this  respect  the  city  was  not  unlike 
Babylon,  receiving  the  river  through  the  wall 
on  the  one  side  and  permitting  its  outflow  on 
the  other.  There  was  thus  formed  two  seg- 
ments, a  greater  and  a  smaller,  within  the 
circle  of  the  wall.  In  the  smaller  and  eastern 
division  were  the  burial-grounds  of  the  people, 
while  the  residence  portion  occupied  the  greater 
division  west  of  the  stream.  Here  were  placed 
the  public  buildings,  the  palaces  of  the  king 
and  his  officers  and  nobles,  and  whatever 
temples  the  religious  system  of  the  country 
demanded. 

All  these  structures  have  in  great  measure 
gone  down  to  dust ;  but  enough  remains  to 
give  the  antiquarian  a  correct  idea  of  the 
whole.  The  ruins  have  been  explored  by 
Layard,  Fergusson,  Ainsworth,  and  Ross,  with 
the  same  general  result  as  to  the  character  of 
the  ancient  buildings  of  the  city.  Special  at- 
tention has  been  directed  to  a  large  edifice 
standing  near  the  center,  and  considered  to 
have  been  the  palace  of  the  king,  with  perhaps 
an  adjoining  temple.  Around  the  whole  was 
a  wall  in  the  form  of  a  parallelogram,  having 
the  respective  dimensions  of  seven  hundred 
and  eight  hundred  feet.  The  wall  was  of  cut 
stone,  and  was  strengthened  at  frequent  inter- 
vals with  bastions  like  those  found  in  the 
outer  rampart  of  the  city.  Within  this  in- 
closure  were  two  courts,  the  first  being  open 
and  free  from  architectural  remains,  and  the 
second  containing  the  ruins  of  the  two  edifices 
to  which  we  have  just  referred. 

It  is  believed  that  the  larger  of  the  two,  so 
fnr  as  the  ground  plan  was  concerned,  was  the 
less  important  and  imposing  Jt  has  been 
conjectured  that  this  division  o:^  the  general 
structure  was  intended  as  a  residence  ]or  the 
king's  guard,  the  minor  ofS^^ers,  and  servants 
of  the  court.  The  second  building  appears  to 
have  been  the  royal  residence.  It  consisted — 
as  has  been  determined  by  the  ruins — of  seven 
principal  halls  lying  parallel,  opening  to  the 
east.     Three  of  these  were  of  larger  and  four 


of  smaller  dimensions.  All  were  arched  or 
vaulted.  The  smaller  halls  were  thirty  feet 
in  depth  and  twenty  feet  in  width,  and  the 
height  was  thirty  feet.  The  larger  halls  had 
a  depth  or  length  of  ninety  feet,  were  thirty- 
five  feet  in  breadth  and  sixty  feet  in  height 
Into  these  vaulted  and  elongated  chambers 
light  was  admitted  from  the  eastern  openings, 
which  are  supposed  to  have  been  closed  with 
curtains  in  the  times  of  occupancy. 

The  observer  standing  in  front  of  the  struc- 
ture would  see  a  fa§ade  of  cut  stone  well  laid 
in  a  great  wall  from  right  to  left,  pierced  by 
seven  archways,  resembling  very  much  the 
entrances  to  stone  viaducts,  tunnels,  or  the 
under  arches  of  bridges,  such  as  we  see  in 
modern  architecture.  These  arched  halls  con- 
stituted the  great  apartments  of  the  palace. 
They  were  ornamented  within,  and  at  the 
further  e.xtremity  terminated  in  smaller  rooms, 
which  were  doubtless  the  sleeping  chambers  of 
the  occupants.  In  the  fagade,  considerable 
skill  was  shown  by  the  stone-cutters  and 
builders.  The  seven  arche§,  three  of  greater 
and  four  of  smaller  dimensions,  were  so  ar- 
ranged as  to  give  a  pleasing  efl^ect.  The  arches 
were  sprung  from  sculptured  pilasters,  bearing 
spirited  figures,  some  real  and  some  mytholog- 
ical in  character.  In  one  place  a  female  form, 
floating  in  air,  was  represented  in  a  way  to 
remind  the  beholder  of  the  more  elegant 
figures  thus  suspended  in  the  naural  decora- 
tions of  Pompeii.  In  several  places  heads 
were  carved  in  the  stone,  particularly  in  the 
keystone,  in  a  manner  peculiar  to  the  Parthian 
workmen,  but  by  no  means  devoid  of  art. 

The  side  walls  of  the  arched  halls  within 
were  relieved  by  square  pilasters  rising  from 
the  floor  to  the  spring  of  the  vault.  In  this 
part  much  ornamental  work  was  done.  There 
we^e  capitals  and  ovals  and  peculiar  carvings 
of  several  varieties,  especially  in  the  line  of 
the  cornice.  Here  again,  on  the  capitals  of 
the  piia.«tt-rs,  were  found  human  heads  and 
mythological  creatures,  some  of  which  were 
truly  remarkable  in  character,  and  without 
likeness  among  any  other  known  sculptures. 
It  has  been  noticed,  moreover,  by  antiquarians 
that  the  figures  in  question  were  all  marked 
by  a  striking  quality  of  spirit  and  activity — a 


PARTHIA.— PEOPLE  AND  ARTS. 


393 


"^^4 


certain  airiness  of  life  almost  jocose  in  its  ex-  I  was  vaulted  after  the  manner  of  the  halls  in 
pression.  }  the  palace.     Two   windows  were  so  set  as  to 

A  close  examination  of  the  struc- 
ture here  before  us  has  led  to  the  be- 
lief that  the  first  story,  now  remaining 
in  ruius,  was  surmounted  by  a  second 
and  perhaps  a  third  story  of  nearly  the 
same  height,  but  of  different  character 
from  the  first.  In  these,  of  course,  the 
arched  openings  would  be  wanting, 
their  place  being  taken  by  windows 
or  apertures  not  unlike  what  we  should 
expect  in  a  modern  building.  Some 
have  gone  so  far  as  to  construct  restora- 
tions of  the  palace,  giving  the  full 
fagade  of  about  three  hundred  feet 
from  right  to  left,  and  a  height  of  three 
stories.  Nor  is  it  improbable  that  the 
conjecture  fairly  represents  to  the  eye 
the  true  outline  of  the  ancient  edifice. 
And  in  this  we  may  not  forbear  to  note 
the  close  resemblance  of  the  restora- 
tion to  the  well-known  appearance  of 
the  projection  of  a  great  railway  station 
in  Europe  or  America.  The  arches  in 
the  first  story  correspond  to  the  open- 
ings for  the  tracks,  and  the  second  and 
third  stories  above  are  not  unlike  the 
superstructure  of  our  stations  for  pas- 
sengers. 

We  have  already  remarked  that  at 
the  bottom  or  further  end  of  the  great 
halls  were  arranged  the  apartments  of 
actual  occupation.  Research  has  shown 
among  these  the  usual  divisio'i  between 
those  assigned  to  the  men  and  those 
occupied  by  the  women.  It  is  in  evi- 
dence that  the  arrangements  in  this 
respect  were  strictly  Oriental,  the  aim 
being  to  prevent  the  free  intercourse  of 
the  men  and  the  women  of  the  court. 

Something  has  already  been  said  of 
the  adjacent  structure,  to  which  anti- 
quarians Jjave  assigned  the  office  of 
a  temple.  It  is  not  certainly  known 
that  such  was  the  use  of  the  edifice. 
The  ground  plan  shows  a  square  of 
about  for<;y  feet  in  each  dimension.  It  appears 
that  th«  building  was  surrounded  through  its 
■"sh^'e  extent  by  a  hall  or  passage-way,  which 


J 


admit  the  light  into  the  passage.  The  door- 
way bore  a  frieze  which  exhibited  some  of  the 
finest  work    which    the   Parth'im   cnisels   were 


394 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


able  to  produce.  As  to  the  interior  apart- 
ment, that  also  was  of  a  vaulted  form  above, 
and  dimly  lighted  by  a  single  aperture.  It 
has  been  noted  that  the  main  apartment  within 
was  devoid  of  ornamentation,  and  from  this 
fact  the  conjecture  has  been  principally  formed 
that  the  room  was  devoted  to  religious  worship. 
The  severe  spirit  of  the  Iranians  did  not  per- 
mit the  religious  thought  to  be  distracted  from 
the  contemplation  of  the  unseen  by  the  inter- 
position of  material  forms. 

The  present  sketch  may  serve  as  an  outline 
of  building  at  its  best  estate  among  the  Par- 
thians.  While  the  race  may  not  by  any 
means  be  compared  in  its  structural  abilities 
with  the  Greeks,  the  Romans,  or  the  Egyptians, 
it  may  well  be  likened  to  the  Persians  and 
Susianians.  The  work  which  we  have  here 
described  was  on  the  whole  substantially  and 
well   done.     The   building   material — a  gray- 


members  of  a  given  family  or  kindred.  The 
work  is  plain  and  solid.  The  subterranean 
apartments  are  of  a  peculiar  bell-shape,  widen- 
ing to  the  bottom  somewhat  after  the  manner 
of  the  modern  cistern.  Such  underground 
rooms  are  carefully  walled  with  stone  well 
laid,  plain,  and  substantial.  It  is  quite  likely 
that  the  vaults  were  used  as  a  receptacle  for 
the  bones  collected  from  the  towers  of  the 
dead,  where,  as  already  explained,  the  flesh  of 
the  bodies  had  been  plucked  away  and  de- 
voured by  the  birds  of  the  air. 

It  is  clear,  however,  that  burial,  in  the 
proper  sense,  came  at  length  to  be  practiced 
by  the  Parthians.  We  may  well  infer  that 
the  notions  of  the  Babylonians  were  to  some 
extent  adopted  by  the  Parthian  people  of  the 
times  of  the  Empire.  At  all  events  coffins  are 
found  not  wholly  dissimilar  to  those  of  the 
ancient    Chaldees,    but    there    is   a   sufficient 


PARTHIAN  SLIPPER  COFFIN. 


brown  limestone — was  selected  of  the  proper 
quality,  and  was  handled  with  skill.  Tlie 
cutting  was  done  wiih  great  exactitude.  No 
mortar  or  cement  has  been  found  in  any  of  the 
walls.  It  would  appear  that  the  builders  re- 
lied wholly  upon  perfect  work  by  the  chisel 
for  the  fitting  and  juxtaposition  of  tlie  ma- 
terials. Like  the  builders  of  Egypt  and  Baal- 
bec,  they  relied  upon  the  accuracy  of  the  line 
and  the  perfection  of  the  work  rather  than  on 
the  uncertain  and  dubious  expedient  of  mortar. 
We  have  already  remarked  that  the  smaller 
segment  within  the  circular  wall  of  Hatra  was 
for  the  most  part  a  necropolis.  The  surface  of 
this  part  is  marked  with  many  small  structui-es, 
square  as  to  their  shape,  built  of  stone,  but 
long  since  fallen  into  ruins.  It  can  hardly  be 
doubted  that  they  were  the  sepulchres  of  the 
Parthian  citizens  dwelling  across  the  river.  In 
general,  the  foundations  are  about  twenty  feet 
square,  but  are  sometimes  larger.  Doubtless 
each  structure  marks  the  resting-place  of   the 


variation  from  the  type  to  indicate  a  change 
of  use  and  manner.  Instead  of  the  so-called 
"  di.sh-cover "  vessel,  the  Parthians  employed 
what  is  known  as  the  "slipper"  coffin,  so 
named  from  its  resemblance  in  shape  to  a 
sli|)per.  Such  boxes  were  of  earthenware,  a 
blue-green  in  color,  and  glazed  and  orna- 
mented in  the  way  of  finish.  They  are  found 
of  all  lengths,  from  three  to  six  feet,  are  not 
untasteful  in  form,  and  are  perhaps  among  the 
most  durable  sarcophagi  ever  invented. 

The  antiquary,  by  careful  examination, 
has  found  near  the  foot  of  the  box  an  aperture 
evidently  designed  for  the  escape  of  the  gases 
generated  in  putrefaction.  As  for  the  princi- 
pal opening,  that  was  closed  over  the  face  of 
the  dead  with  a  lid,  which  was  no  doubt 
hermetically  sealed  in  its  place.  The  small 
art  of  the  Parthians  sought  expression  on  the 
coffin-lid,  which  was  not  infrequently  adorned 
with  figures  either  suggestive  of  the  life  and 
manners  of  the  dead  or  emblematical  of  some 


FARTHIA.— PEOPLE  AND  ARTS. 


395 


are    sufficieut    to 


of  those  waveriug  Lopes  wherewith  the  living 
of  all  ages  have  beguiled  themselves  iu  the 
presence  of  death. 

We  have  come  iu  this  eonuectiou  to  the 
consideration  of  such  in- 
different Art  as  the  Par- 
thiaus  were  able  to  pro- 
duce. We  have  seen  how 
unfavorable  on  the  whole 
the  country  was  for  an 
artistic  development,  and 
how  little  genius  for  re- 
production of  forms  and 
images  the  Parthian  race 
possessed.  The  remains 
of  this  people,  liowever, 
show  a  certain  degree  of  aesthetic  perception, 
and  a  corresponding  measure  of  artistic  achieve- 
ment. First  of  all,  we  may  mention  the 
terra-cotta  statuettes  which  are  found  in  the 
ruins  of  the  Parthian  cities.  Some  of  these 
Loftus  has  described  with  his  usual  care.  The 
Parthian  artist  seems  to  have  preferred  the  re- 
cumbent posture  in  the  subject  of  his  work. 
One  effigy  represents  a  warrior  reclining  at  a 
banquet.  He  wears  his  helmet,  his  coat  of 
mail,  and  his  greaves.  Tiiere  is  evidently 
much  truthfulness  in  the  delineation.  Female 
figures  are  represented  according  to  the  fitness 
of  things.  The  figure  is  draped,  and  the 
face  veiled  after  the  manner  of  the  East.  In 
some  instances,  however,  it  appears  that  the 
infection  of  Western  art  had  reached  to  Iran, 
for  examples  have  been  found  iu  which  a  por- 
tion of  the  person  and  the  lower  limbs  are 
nude. 

From  these  attempts  at  the  representation 
of  the  highest  existing  form,  namel)',  the  body 
of  man,  we  may  pass  to  the  consideration  of 
utensils.  These  were  to  a  certain  extent  of 
artistic  outline  and  finish.  The  vases  and  jars, 
water-jugs  and  lamps,  of  the  Parthian  people 
were  of  terra-cotta,  and  were  sufficiently  well- 
formed  to  merit  praise  even  in  a  modern  col- 
lection of  such  objects.  In  general,  the  same 
were  modeled  after  the  Babylonian  pattern, 
being  produced  on  the  potter's  wheel,  and 
hardened  by  the  heat  of  the  furnace.  It  may 
be  noted  in  this  connection  that  the  larger 
part  of  the  pottery  recovered  from  the  Par- 


thian period  has  been  found  in  the  sepulchral 
vaults,  where,  no  doubt,  food  and  drink  were 
placed  by  the  hand  of  that  superstitious  af- 
fection which  was  stretclied  out  by  all  the  an- 


PAKTHIAN    VASES,  Jl'CjS,    AND  LAMPS. 

cient  peoples  over  the  burial-place  of  the 
departed. 

From  utensils  we  may  pass  to  personal 
decorations.  These  were  many,  and  not  in- 
elegant. We  have  already  referred  to  the 
triple  necklaces  worn  by  the  kings  and  queens, 
and  doubtless  by  the  nobility.  The  diadems 
of  royal  personages  were  adorned  with  jewels. 
Ear-riugs  and  finger-rings  appear  to  have  been 
generally  worn  by  both  men  and  women. 
Beads  and  bangles  were  of  the  fashion,  as  were 
also  armlets,  wristlets,  anklets,  and  the  like. 
The  toes  were  often  adorned  with  rings.  la 
the  manufacture  of  ornaments  the  Parthian 
smiths  employed  the  precious  metals,  as  also 
copper  and  brass.  Another  kind  of  personal 
ornament  much  in  vogue,  especially  among 
the  nobility,  was  the  band  of  gold  which 
was  made  to  depend  from  caps  and  mitres 
in  the  style  of  modern  ribbons.  The  infer- 
ence of  great  personal  pritle  may  be  deduced 
from  the  universality  of  adornments  for  the 
person. 

It  is  the  decision  of  antiquaries  that  not 
more  than  a  half  dozen  authentic  examples  of 
Parthian  bas-reliefs  have  been  recovered. 
From  these  the  opiniou  of  the  modern  reader 
must  be  formed  relative  to  the  extent  and 
character  of  Parthian  sculpture.  On  the  Rock 
of  Behistun  oue  of  these  examples  is  found. 
It  consists  of  a  procession  of  figures  moving  in 
one  direction,  somewhat  after  the  manner  of 
the  procession  ou  the  frieze  of  the  Parthenon. 
Some  of  the  figures  are  on  foot,  but  the  rest 
are  mounted,  and  are  riding  with  lance  at  rest. 


396 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


evidently  in  the  charge  of  battle.  In  one  part 
a  flying  figure  appears,  which  is  thought  to 
represent  Fame  or  Victory.  The  attitude  of 
both  men  and  horses  is  spirited,  and  it  is  be- 
lieved that  the  work,  before  the  decay  which 
has  come  through  centuries  of  exposure  to  the 
elements,  was  of  a  high  order  of  artistic  merit. 
It  has  been  observed,  however,  that  there  are 
discrepancies  in  the  design,  as  for  instance,  *he 
circlet,  or  diadem,  which  Flying  Fame  I.olds 
over  the  head  of  the  warrior  is  altogether  too 
large,  being  sufficient  to  cover  his  whole  figure  ! 


another  example  of  such  art  is  that  of  a 
mounted  hunter  engaged  in  conflict  with  a 
bear.  His  spear  is  at  the  animal's  throat. 
His  horse  rises  and  the  bear  rears  on  his  hind 
legs  for  the  final  struggle.  The  work  is  rudely 
done,  but  the  design  is  true  to  nature  and 
marked  with  much  spirit.  The  figure  on 
horseback  presents  a  wonderful  beard,  curled 
into  a  pufl'  surrounding  all  the  lower  part  of 
the  face,  and  balanced  behind  with  a  cor- 
responding protuberance  of  the  hair.  The 
bear  much  resembles   an  American  grizzly  in 


bnm 


HUNTER  KILLING  A  BEAR. 


But  this  is,  as  Hamlet  might  say,  to  consider 
the  question  "  too  curiously." 

Other  bas-reliefs  have  been  discovered  in 
various  places.  A  favorite  subject  was  the 
horse  and  the  man.  One  work  of  great  value 
and  merit  represents  a  Magus,  or  High  Priest, 
in  the  oracular  attitude.  At  his  right  hand  is 
the  cone  burr.  He  is  in  full  robe  of  office. 
He  wears  a  mitre  that  might  almost  have 
suited  one  of  the  mediseval  Popes.  His  hair  is 
worn  long,  and  is  curiously  dune  into  a  broad 
pufl^  extending  laterally  on  both  sides  at  the 
back  of  the  neck  as  far  as  the  shoulders.    Still 


his  form  and  attitude,  and  the  hunter  seems  tt 
be  clad  as  a  man  of  the  arctic  regions. 

On  the  whole,  however,  and  to  sum  up  re- 
sults, it  might  almost  be  said  that  the  Parthians 
were  a  people  wholly  inartistic  in  taste  and 
habit.  No  doubt  a  single  Greek  town  of  the 
second  or  third  class,  in  the  times  of  the  Hel- 
lenic ascendency,  exhibited  a  larger  range  of  art 
work,  whether  of  the  chisel  or  the  brush,  than 
did  the  whole  Empire  of  Mithridates  spread- 
ing through  many  lands,  from  the  little  prin- 
cipality of  Osrhoene  iu  the  upjjer  bend  of  the 
Euphrates  to  the  summits  of  the  Hindu  Kush. 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


397 


CHAPTER  XXXV.— CiVIIv  AND  MILITARY  ANNA  "  S. 


S  we  have  said  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapter,  the  tribal 
history  of  the  Parthiaus 
is  lost  iu  the  mist  and 
distance.  Nor  need  the 
reader  of  th^  present  age 
cultivate  the  anxious 
spirit  relative  to  the  origin  of  the  migrations 
and  the  wild  iioiiia<lic  life  of  a  primitive  peo- 
ple so  far  removed  in  time  and  place  from  all 
the  interests  of  the  world  that  now  is.  Cer- 
tain it  is  that  the  Parthians  were  little  known 
to  the  Semitic  peoples,  as  is  evidenced  by  the 
fact  that  the  name  is  not  found  iu  the  He- 
brew Scriptures. 

We  have  already  spoken  of  the  Aryan   or- 
igin of  the  Parthian  people  and   the  probable 


intermixture  with  them  of  the  Scyths.  Their 
first  emergence  into  historical  view  is  iu  con» 
nectio'n  with  the  story  of  the  Persian  Empire 
at  that  juncture  when  the  Pseudo-Smerdis  at- 
tempted by  false  pretensions  to  gain  possession 
of  the  throne.  The  narrative  of  that  inter- 
esting episode  in  Persian  liistoiy  has  already 
been  presented.  At  the  time  of  the  conspiracy 
the  Parthians  revolted  and  upheld  the  cause 
of  Sraerdis  against  Darius  Hystaspis  until 
what  time  both  they  and  the  Pretender  were 
put  down. 

From  this  circumstance  we  learn  that  at 
this  time — namely,  in  521  B.  C. — Parthia  was 
a  province,  or  satrapy,  of  the  Persian  Empire. 
It  appears,  indeed,  that  Hystaspes,  father  of 
Darius  the  Great,  held  the  office  of  satrap  of 


PARTHIAN  WAKKIORS. 


398 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Parthia  at  the  time  of  the  Smerdiau  revolt. 
He,  of  course,  supported  the  claims  of  his  son, 
as  did  also  the  majority  of  the  other  princes. 
But  the  Parthiaus,  in  league  with  many  from 
the  adjacent  provinces  in  the  North,  strove  to 
overturn  the  throne,  suffering  severe  reverses 
in  the  field,  losing  in  a  single  engagement,  ac- 
cording to  the  reckless  estimates  of  antiquity, 
about  eleven  thousand  men.  Thus  much  may 
be  gathered  from  the  inscriptions  on  the  Rock 
of  Behistun. 

We  thus  arrive  at  the  existence  of  Parthia 
as  a  division  of  the  Empire  of  the  Persians. 
After  their  suppression  and  punishment  for 
revolt  in  the  interest  of  Smerdis,  the  Par- 
thians  accepted  Darius,  and  remained  loyal  to 
the  succeeding  Achsemenian  kings.  Their 
history  becomes  the  common  history  of  Per- 
sia down  to  the  time  when  the  complication, 
existing  for  more  than  a  century  between  the 
Great  Kings  and  the  commonwealths  of  Greece, 
was  cut  by  the  sword  of  Alexander. 

It  is  not  needed  in  this  connection  to  review 
the  work  of  the  Conqueror  as  he  passed  from 
Europe  into  Asia  and  traversed  that  con-tinent 
through  a  distance  of  two  thousand  miles. 
Persia  was  now  in  the  ascendant  over  all  the 
East.  Her  dominion  was  accepted  by  many 
peoples  and  nations.  Alexander,  by  the  acute- 
ness  of  his  genius,  perceived  that  his  object- 
ive point  was  the  court  of  Babylon,  that  the 
overthrow  of  Darius  would  be  a  universal 
victory,  and  that  the  subject  nations  would, 
with  the  master  stroke,  fall  asunder  and  ac- 
cept himself  instead. 

The  event  was  as  the  expectation.  Arbela 
ended  all.  With  the  life  of  Darius  went  out 
the  dynasty  and  the  whole  cycle  of  ideas 
which  it  represented.  True,  Alexander  deemed 
it  important  to  continue  his  expeditions  north, 
south,  and  east,  until  the  subject  nations  were 
taught  by  ocular  demonstration  the  futility  of 
opposition  to  his  will.  One  of  his  campaigns 
was  directed  against  Bactria.  In  the  prosecu- 
tion of  this,  passing  from  the  Tigris  to  the 
hostile  country,  he  must  needs  traverse  Par- 
thia. But  it  does  not  appear  that  the  Par- 
thians  had  refused  to  accept  the  results  of  Ar- 
bela. Little,  perhaps  nothing,  is  said  of  any 
resistance  on  their  part  to  the  Conqueror's  prog- 


ress.    To   them,   as  to    so    many    others,  the 
event  was  but  a  change  of  masters. 

The  reader  of  the  present  age  is  many  times 
astonished  at  the  rapid  and  spectacular  trans- 
formations of  antiquity — this  for  the  reason 
that  he  does  not  apprehend  the  civil  and  so- 
cial condition  of  the  ancient  world.  The  Per- 
sian Empire,  for  instance,  was  not  closely 
enough  bound  in  its  parts  to  constitute  a 
Staatenbund,  much  less  a  consolidated  union 
of  nations.  Each  satrap  was  a  feudatory, 
holding  loosely  under  his  suzerain.  To  strike 
down  the  latter  was  to  break  the  nexus  of  the 
whole,  and  to  deliver  the  provinces  back  to 
local  independence.  But  the  condition  waa 
such  that  the  establishment  of  another  nexus 
was  easy,  if  not  necessary. 

Thus  for  two  centuries  we  contemplate 
Parthia  as  a  satrapy  of  the  Persian  Empire, 
and  then  behold  its  transference  to  the  Son 
of  Philip  and  his  successors.  It  is  sufficient 
to  note  in  this  connection  that  the  country  of 
Parthia  proper  was,  under  the  Persian  kings, 
at  first  associated  for  governmental  purposes 
with  Chorasmia,  Sogdiana,  and  Arya.  In  the 
second  stage  Parthia  was  bound  up  with  Hyr- 
cauia  into  a  single  province,  and  it  is  probable 
that  the  two  were  held  as  one  at  the  time  of 
the  conquest  of  the  Empire  by  the  Macedo- 
nians. By  that  event  Parthia,  without  other 
serious  changes,  was  subjected  to  a  Greek  ad- 
ministration under  officers  appointed  at  the 
first  by  Alexander  himself,  and  afterwards  by 
his  successors. 

.  In  order  to  follow  the  history  of  the  coun- 
try we  are  obliged  in  this  place  to  enter  again 
that  distracted  epoch  which  succeeded  the  death 
of  Alexander  the  Great.  We  shall  hereafter, 
when  we  come  to  narrate  with  particularity 
the  partition  of  the  world  among  the  Greeks, 
describe  the  wars,  the  tumults,  and  the  trans- 
formations by  v.'hich  the  quadripartite  division 
of  Asia,  Eastern  Europe,  and  South-eastern' 
Africa  was  effected.  For  the  present  it  is  suf- 
ficient to  present  an  outline  of  that  part  of 
the  field  with  which  the  destinies  of  Parthia 
are  concerned.  The  four  Powers  to  which  we 
have  just  referred — as  determined  by  war  and 
compromise  among  the  successors  of  Alexan- 
der— were  Macedonia,  Egypt,  Asia  Minor,  and 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


39S 


Syria.  The  last  named  was  misnamed ;  for 
tiie  dominion  so-called  had,  at  first,  but  little 
respect  to  Syria  Proper.  Oa  the  contrary,  it 
iiu'luded  all  of  the  Alexandrian  conquests  in 
South-western  Asia.  It  was  by  far  the  most 
extensive  and  important  part  of  what  had 
been  taken  by  the  Son  of  Philip ;  and  it  is 
with  this  so-called  Kingdom  of  Syria  that  we 
are  here  concerned. 

Considered  from  the  style  of  dynasty  estab- 
lished over  it,  the  same  was  known  as  the 
Kingdom  of  the  Seleucid.e,  so  named  from 
Seleucus  Nicator,  founder  of  the  line  of  sov- 
ereigns referred  to.  As  for  Seleucus,  he  had 
not  at  the  division  of  the  Empire  received  a 
portion,  but  he  was  at  length  appointed  satrap 
of  Babylon,  and  from  that  position  soon  rose 
to  preeminence  in  the  East.  In  this  relation 
be  served  under  Antigonus,  to  whom  the  King- 
dom of  Syria  had  been  given.  But  having 
aroused  the  jealousy  of  the  king,  Seleucus  fled 
to  Egypt,  and  put  himself  for  a  season  under 
the  protection  of  Ptolemy.  At  length  the 
Greek  monarchs  of  the  three  western  divisions 
of  the  Macedonian  Empire  banded  against  the 
king  of  Syria.  AVheu  tiiis  confederacy  was 
formed,  Seleucus  first  recovered  his  office  as 
satrap  of  Babylon,  and  in  that  relation  joined 
the  Western  monarchs  with  his  forces  on  the 
field  of  Ipsus.  It  was  by  the  battle  so  named 
that  the  subsequent  destinies  of  Western  Asia 
were  for  a  long  time  determined.  A  new  di- 
vision, being  a  modification  of  that  already  in 
existence,  was  made  by  the  victors,  and  Seleu- 
cus received  for  his  part  all  of  the  Asiatic  con- 
quests which  had  been  achieved  by  Alexander, 
with  the  exception  of  Lower  Syria  and  Asia 
Minor. 

No  sooner  had  this  result  been  achieved 
than  Seleucus  was  able  to  look  around  and 
view  with  complacency  his  dominions.  These 
included  Upper  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  parts  of 
Capj)adocia  and  Phrygia,  As.«yria,  Media,  Baby- 
lonia, Snsiana,  Persia  Proper,  Carmania,  Sa- 
gartia,  Hyrcania,  Parthia,  Bactria,  Sogdiana, 
Arya,  Zarangia,  Arachosia,  Sacastaua,  Gedro- 
sia,  and  the  hither  parts  of  India — and  to 
these  was  presently  added  Armenia  on  the 
west.     The  Imperial  realms  here   defined    in- 

cludetl  a  million  two  hundred  thousand  square 
N. — Vol.  I — 25 


miles,  from  which,  after  deducting  the  waste 
and  desert  parts,  about  eight  hundred  thousand 
square  miles  of  valuable  and  fertile  territory 
remained. 

It  now  devolved  upon  Seleucus  to  choose 
his  capital  and  organize  his  Government.  In 
this  connection  the  cities  of  Mesopotamia,  fa- 
mous in  ancient  story,  would  naturally  suggest 
themselves.  There  on  the  Lower  Euphrates 
was  Babylon,  which  Alexander  himself  had 
preferred  as  the  seat  of  his  dominion.  On  the 
Upper  Tigris  was  Nineveh,  or  the  site  of  Nine- 
veh, equally  well  situated  for  a  capital  of  em- 
pire. For  a  short  season  the  former  was 
chosen ;  but  Seleucus  for  some  reason  wea  led 
of  Babylon,  and  determined  to  build  a  caj  tal 
of  his  own.  For  this  he  chose  a  site  about 
forty  miles  distant  to  the  north-east,  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Tigris,  and  there  laid  the 
foundations  of  Seleucia,  which  soon  sprang  into 
importance  and  grandeur  as  the  seat  of  central 
interest  for  all  of  South-western  Asia. 

Here  then  was  founded  the  Kingdom  of  the 
Seleucidse,  under  auspices  favorable  to  perma- 
nence and  grandeur.  But  it  was  not  long 
until  Seleucus  made  the  fatal  mistake  of  aban- 
doning the  position  which  he  had  so  «ell  chosen 
in  Mesopotamia  and  seeking  another  and  less 
favorable  capital  in  the  far  south-west,  on  the 
border  of  his  Empire. 

It  would  appear  that  Alexander  and  hia 
succe.ssors  fought  against  the  law  of  nature  in 
their  attempt  to  carry  European  institutions 
backwards  across  Asia.  There  is  certainly  an 
irresistible  cosmic  force  which  draws  men  to 
the  West.  The  historical  drama  constantly 
shifts  its  scene  in  the  direction  of  the  setting 
sun.  There  was  doubtless  a  time  in  the  past 
when  Babylon  itself  was  a  young  and  progress- 
ive municipality  in  the  West.  A  large  part 
of  ancient  history  is  concerned  with  the  pro- 
cesses and  vicissitudes  by  which  the  central 
energies  of  human  power  were  transferred  from 
Babylon  to  Rome,  just  as  a  large  part  of  Mod- 
ern History  has  covered  the  details  of  the 
movement  from  Rome  to  London.  There  is 
something  in  nature,  there  is  something  in  man, 
there  is  much  in  the  correlations  of  man  and 
nature,  which  propel  civilization  in  the  direc* 
tion  indicated  and  makes  it  almost  impossible 


400 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


to  replant  eastward  the  aggressive  societies  and 
institutions  of  the  West. 

The  men  of  the  Alexandrian  epoch  found 
it  so.  Perhaps  no  valid  reason  could  have 
been  assigned  by  Seleucus  for  yielding  his 
vantage  on  the  banks  of  the  Tigris  and  trans- 
ferring his  seat  of  government  to  Antioch,  in  the 
valley  of  the  Orontes.  Whatever  may  have 
been  his  motive,  the  policy  was  fatal  to  the 
maintenance  of  a  European  dominion  in  South- 
western Asia.  The  king,  by  the  removal,  re- 
associated  himself  with  the  contentious  and 
contending  successors  of  Alexander  in  Mace- 
donia, Egypt,  and  Asia  Minor.  He  was  at 
once  reinvolved  with  them  in  those  wars  which 
were  destined  to  continue  until  what  time  the 


must  sooner  or  later  lose  him  all  his  Easterm 
provinces.  Alexander  had,  against  the  preju- 
dices of  his  own  countrymen,  adopted  the- 
policy  of  uniting  the  ruling  classes  and  native- 
princes  of  the  East  with  himself.  He  had 
encouraged  to  a  great  extent  among  his  officers- 
and  men  the  formation  of  rrarriage  unions  and 
other  alliances  by  which  the  conquered  peoples- 
might  come  to  regard  their  interests  as  identi- 
fied with  those  of  the  Conqueror.  He  had 
deliberately  called  to  his  aid  the  princes  of 
the  subject  Asiatic  provinces,  reappointed  them- 
to  their  places,  conferred  honors  upon  them, 
and  made  them  secure  under  his  authority. 
While  this  policy  had  left  behind  much  bitter- 
ness on  the  part  of  the  adventurers  who  had' 


I.  SELEUCUS  I.  (Nicator)  B.  C.  s8o. 

I 

2.  Antiochcs  I.  (Soter),  261. 

3.  Antiochcs  II.  (Theos),  246. 


4.  Seledcus  II.  (Callinicus),  2-J6. 


Antiochus  Hierax. 


5.  Seleuccs  III.  (Ceraunus),  223. 


6.  Antiochus  III.  (The  Great),  187. 


DYNASTY 
OF    THE    SELEUCID.«. 

EXPLANATION: 
Kings  numbered  in  order  of  succession, 

tlius,  1. '2.3.  etc. 

Regular  Jescent  indicated  thus . 

Doubtful  or  spurious  deticent,  thus 

Arabic  numbei-s  after  names  indicate 

date  of  death  or  dethronement. 


I 
7.  Seleucus  IV.  (Philopator),  175. 

I 
10.  Demetrius  I.  (Soter),  150. 


8.  Antiochus  IV.  (Epiphanes),  164. 


9.  Antiochcs  V.  (Eupator),  162.       11.  Alexander  Balas,  145. 


12.  Demetrius  II.  (Nicator),  125.       14.  Antiochus  Vn.  (Sidetes),  128. 


13.  Antiochus  VI.  (Theos),  142. 


16.  Antiochcs  IX.,  95. 
18.  Antiochus  X.,  83. 


15.  Antiochus  VIII.    17.  Selecccs  V.,    20.  De.metrics  III.,  21.  Antiochus  XII. ,  69. 
(Grypus),  96.                       94.                             88.  | 

I  22.  Antiochus  XIII.,  65. 
19.  Antiochus  XI.,  83. 


Mistress  of  the  World  should,  from  her  seat 
on  the  Tiber,  stretch  out  her  scepter  over  all. 

But  we  are  here  concerned  rather  with  the 
actual  course  of  events  than  with  speculative 
views  concerning  them.  The  withdrawal  of 
the  capital  of  the  East  from  Seleucia  to  An- 
tioch left  the  Asiatic  nations  without  the  visible 
presence  of  the  master.  It  left  them  to  the 
suggestion  of  conspiracy,  revolt,  and  independ- 
ence. Worst  of  all,  it  left  them  to  the  domi- 
nation of  corrupt  satraps,  who  resumed  the 
manners  and  methods  of  the  past,  extorting 
from  the  subject  peoples  whatever  might  be 
gained  by  excess  and  tyranny. 

For  Seleucus  had  in  the  meantime  com- 
mitted   another    administrative    error,   which 


hoped  to  revel  in  all  the  spoils  of  conquest — 
while  it  had  in  many  instances  alienated  the- 
home  Government  of  Macedonia — it  had  nev- 
ertheless secured  to  the  Conqueror  the  regards,, 
the  confidence,  and  even  the  affection  of  peo- 
ples and  races  whom  he  could  not  otherwise- 
have  bound  sincerely  to  his  interests. 

At  the  first  his  successors  followed  in  » 
feeble  and  uncertain  way  the  policy  of  their 
great  leader.  But  their  weakness  and  cupidity 
soon  prevailed,  and  they  began  to  promote  Eu- 
ropeans in  the  place  of  native  princes.  This- 
method  was  fatally  adopted  by  Seleucus  on  his- 
withdrawal  to  Antioch.  He  set  Greeks  in 
authority  over  the  Asiatics,  as  if  to  say  that 
his  security  in  the  East  depended  upon  Euro- 


PARTHIA.—CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


401 


pean  rather  than  Asiatic  support.  It  may 
be  doubted  whether  his  governors  themselves, 
chosen  henceforth  from  the  small  Europeau 
contingent,  were  more  loyal,  more  devoted  to 
the  king  thau  would  have  been  the  native  no- 
blemen of  Asia;  and  as  for  the  subject  peo- 
ples, all  sympathy  between  themselves  and 
their  rulers  must  at  once  have  been  destroyed. 

We  thus  see  the  head  of  the  Syrian  king- 
dom of  the  Greeks  establishing  himself  in 
leisure  and  pleasure  at  Antioch,  little  legarding 
the  concerns  of  the  East.  Tlie  Mesopotamiau 
countries  and  all  beyond  were  left  in  charge 
of  their  European  governors.  Seleucus  him- 
self gave  his  attention  to  Western  affairs,  in- 
terfering in  Egypt  and  Asia  Minor,  according 
to  the  caprice  of  the  day.  Seleucus  reigned  un- 
til the  year  B.  C.  280  when  he  was  assassinated 
at  Lysimachia.  He  left  his  crown  to  his  son 
Antiochus  I.,  c»alled  Soter,  second  of  the 
Seleucid  princes.  The  latter  pursued  the  same 
policy  with  his  father,  and  became  involved  in 
the  same  troubles.  The  administration  of  the 
East  was  continued  in  the  same  manner,  was 
attended  with  the  same  dangers,  and  that  of 
the  West  was  distracted  with  like  quarrels 
and  battles,  until,  after  the  space  of  nineteen 
years,  Antiochus  Soter  was  slain  by  a  Gaul,  in 
a  conflict  near  Ephesus. 

The  crown  next  descended  to  Antiochus 
II.,  surnamed  Theos,  who,  during  the  ten 
jears  of  his  reign,  was  engaged  in  almost  con- 
stant warfare  with  Asia  Minor  and  Egypt. 
The  history  of  all  three  reigns,  covering  the 
period  from  the  accession  of  Seleucus,  in  B.  C. 
301,  to  the  death  of  Antiochus  Theos,  in 
B.  C.  250,  has  a  common  feature — that  of 
neglect  of  the  East  and  needless  comjilication 
with  the  affairs  of  the  West. 

During  this  period,  the  old  kingdom  of 
Parthia,  reduced  for  centuries  to  subordination, 
first  to  Persia,  afterwards  to  the  successors  of 
Alexander,  lay  in  comparative  obscurity.  But 
the  time  had  now  arrived  for  an  emergence 
by  rebellion  into  light  and  life  and  action. 
At  this  epoch  the  actual  history  of  Parthia  as 
an  independent  power  begins.  All  the  rest  is, 
as  it  wore,  the  setting  of  the  picture.  From 
this  time  forth  the  movement,  first  toward  free- 
dom, and  then  to  greatness,  is  rajiid  and  direct. 


The  administration  of  Antiochus  the  Di- 
vine was  of  precisely  the  kind  to  furnish 
the  opportunity  and  the  suggestion  of  a  revolt. 
About  six  years  before  the  conclusion  of  his 
reign,  Theodotus,  or  Diodotos,  the  Greek 
satrap  of  Bactria,  perceived  in  the  distance 
between  himself  and  Antioch  and  in  the  ef- 
feminate administration  of  the  king  the  hint 
of  successful  rebellion.  He  accordingly  at 
once  threw  off  the  yoke,  gave  himself  the  title 
of  BasUeus,  and  entered  upon  an  independent 
administration.  Thus  did  Bactria  lead  the 
way  in  renouncing  the  sovereignty  which  had 
been  accepted  since  the  Alexandrian  conquest. 
It  appears  that  Antiochus  had  neither  the  am- 
bition nor  the  courage  to  chastise  his  rebellious 
governor,  and  Theodotus  was  accordingly  per- 
mitted to  take  his  undisturbed  course  to  inde> 
pendence. 

The  example  was  contagious.  The  neigh- 
boring satrapies  felt  the  shock  of  the  Bactrian 


COIN  OF  THE0DOTD8. 

revolution,  and  soon  adopted  a  similar  method. 
Parthia  was  the  first  to  follow  in  the  wake  of 
the  neighboring  revolt.  In  this  country,  how- 
ever, the  movement  took  on  a  wholly  different 
character.  In  Bactria  the  revolution  could 
hardly  be  said  to  be  national.  The  Greek 
governor  was  simply  permitted  to  raise  him- 
self to  the  rank  and  title  of  king ;  but  in 
Parthia  the  revolt  had  a  different  source. 
Here  the  spring  of  action  was  a  national  sen- 
timent against  the  rule  of  the  Europeans  in 
any  form.  The  feeling  was  against  the  Greek 
Dynasty  in  toto,  so  that  instead  of  following 
the  lead  of  the  governor  in  making  himself 
independent  of  Antiochus,  the  Parthians  rose 
against  the  governor  himself,  and  the  whole 
system  of  foreign  domination  which  he  repre- 
sented. 

The  circumstances  and  details  of  the  revolt 
have  been  differently  told  by  different  authors. 
It  has  been  narrated  that  a  certain  Aesaces — 


402 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


■which  name  the  leader  of  the  revolution  cer- 
tainly bore — appeared  out  of  Bactria,  from 
which  country  he  had  fled  from  the  jealousy 
of  Theodotus.  Coming  into  Parthia,  he  in- 
duced the  people  to  accept  him  for  their  leader 
in  a  rebellion  against  their  own  Greek  gov- 
ernor. Successful  in  this,  he  was  made  king 
of  Parthia  and  founder  of  the  dynasty. 
Another  account  says  that  Pherecles,  satrap 
of  Parthia  under  Antiochus  the  Divine,  of- 
fered an  insult  to  Arsaces,  who,  according  to 
this  tradition,  was  a  native  Parthian,  sou  of 
Phriapites,  and  that  he — Arsaces — and  his 
brother  Tiridates  drew  five  of  their  fellow- 
noblemen  into  a  con.spiracy  and  slew  the 
Batrap.  This  done,  the  people  were  easily  in- 
duced to  rise  and  throw  oft'  the  foreign  domi- 
nation altogether.  The)'  then  chose  Arsaces 
for  their  king.  Still  another  account  makes 
Arsaces  to  have  been  a  Scythian  of  the  nation 
called  the  Dahte,  who  came  by  hostile  invasion 
into  Parthia,  overthrew  the  Greek  government, 
and  made  their  leader  king. 
It  is  sufficient  for  historical  pur- 
poses to  say  that  the  rebellion 
against  the  Greeks  was  led  by 
a  patriot  named  Arsaces,  who 
COIN  OF  .as.cEs ,.  ^^.^g  perhaps  of  Scythian  extrac- 
tion ;  that  the  foreign  officers  were  expelled ; 
that  the  pride  of  the  nation  was  gratified  by 
the  success  of  the  insurrection ;  and  that  its 
leader  was  made  king  of  Parthia,  with  the 
title  of  Arsaces  I.  These  events  are  assigned 
to  the  year  B.  C.  256,  but  some  have  moved 
the  event  forward  to  250,  being  the  year  of 
the  death  of  Antiochus  Theos. 

The  accession  of  Arsaces  and  the  founding 
of  the  Parthian  monarchy  were  not  wholly 
peaceful.  The  expulsiim  of  the  Greeks  from 
the  country — the  suppression  of  their  in- 
fluence— was  not  of  easy  accomplishment. 
The  Greek  capital,  Hecatompylos,  built  by 
Alexander,  had  been  peopled  in  the  first  place 
by  Macedonians  and  other  men  out  of  the 
West.  These  and  their  descendants  would, 
out  of  the  nature  of  things,  resist  the  revolu- 
tion and  strive  to  regain  their  ascendency. 
The  party  of  the  late  government,  great  or 
small,  would  follow  the  counter-revolution. 
Arsaces,  therefore,  had   to   make   battle    with 


the  malcontents,  and  to  put  them  down  by 
force  of  arms.  Nor  was  he  able  to  give  per- 
fect quiet  to  the  kingdom  before  his  death, 
which  came  by  a  spear-thrust  in  the  side,  in 
the  year  B'.  C.  247. 

The  crown  descended  to  Tiridates,  brother 
of  the  late  king.  But  he  took  for  his  title 
Arsaces  II.,  and  is  generally  referred  to  by  that 
name.  It  appears  that  the  name  Arsaces  was 
at  once  adopted  as  the  designative  title  of  the 
Dynasty,  which  is  thus  known  in  history  as 
the  Arsacid.e.  It  remained  for  the  second 
king  of  this  great  house  to  promote,  establish, 
and  defend  the  kingdom  planted  in  weakness 
and  uncertainty  by  his  brother.  His  reign 
lasted  for  over  thirty  years,  during  which  time 
Arsaces  II.  fully  justified  the  expectations  of 
his  country.  The  boundaries  of  Parthia  were 
enlarged.  It  was  fortunate  for  the  monarchy 
that  so  strong  a  character  was  at  its  head,  for 
scarcely  was  the  king  established  in  power 
until  all  of  his  energies  and  resources  were 
needed  to  protect  the  nation  from  conquest. 
It  was  at  this  junctu'-e,  namely,  in  B.  C.  245, 
that  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  of  Egypt,  warlike 
and  ambitious,  led  an  army  into  Asia,  entered 
the  kingdom  of  Syria,  overthrew  Seleucus 
Callinicus  in  battle,  captured  Antiuch,  and  then 
made  an  expedition  into  Mesopotamia — as 
though  he  would  recover  the  whole  Empire  of 
Alexander.  The  major  countries  in  his  i)ath 
yielded  with  little  resistance.  Babylonia,  Su- 
siana,  Assyria,  Persia,  and  Media  went  down 
successively  before  the  invader.  Indeed,  the 
restoration  of  the  Asiatic  dominion  was  com- 
plete, with  the  exception  of  Bactria  and 
Parthia. 

Tiridates  thus  found  his  kingdom  threat- 
ened by  a  new  conqueror,  between  whom  and 
himself  an  unequal  contest  must  be  waged — 
on  his  own  side  for  existence,  and  on  the 
side  of  Ptolemy  for  Empire.  But  destiny  had 
prepared  a  different  event.  While  Ptolemy 
was  engaged  in  rapidly  reconstructing  the 
power  which  Seleucus  had  permitted  to  go  to 
wreck,  his  attention  was  suddenly  recalled  to 
Egypt.  In  that  country  a  rebellion  had 
broken  out,  and  the  king  was  obliged  to  hurry 
back  to  Africa,  lest  his  losses  at  home  might 
be  gi-eater  than  his  gains  in  Asia.     The  great 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


409 


campaign  which  he  had  made  with  so  much 
apparent  success  became,  historically  consid- 
ered, a  campaign  and  nothing  more.  The 
countries  which  he  had  conquered  regained 
their  independence  with  the  withdrawal  of 
the  Egyptian  army,  and  South-western  Asia 
resumed  her  former  aspect. 

But  the  lesson  of  the  expedition  was  not 
lost  on  Tiridates.  He  could  but  observe  with 
what  ease  the  countries  through  which  Ptolemy 
had  passed  had  been  subdued.  The  wings  of 
his  own  ambition  fluttered  at  the  prospect. 
Why  should  not  a  Parthian  king  make  suc- 
cessful warfare  in  the  neighboring  countries? 
He  accordingly  organized  an  army,  marched 
into  Hyrcania,  overran  the  district,  and  added 
it  to  his  own  dominion.  This  was  an  act  of 
direct  aggression  on  the  kingdom  of  Syria.  • 
Hyrcania  was  a  satrapy  of  that  Power,  and 
Selcucus  Callinicus  must  either  yield  ignobly 
to  the  aggression,  or  else  fight  for  the  recovery 
of  the  jjrovince.  Thus  were  prepared  the 
antecedents  of  a  conflict  between  the  Parthiaus 
on  the  one  side  and  the  Graeco-Asiatic  kings 
on  the  other,  which  was  destined  to  be  trans- 
mitted to  the  Romans,  and  by  them  perpetuated 
for  several  centuries. 

For  the  moment,  however,  Callinicus  was 
unable  to  attempt  the  punishment  of  his 
enem)'.  The  king  of  Syria  had  a  brother, 
Antiochus  Hierax,  who  troubled  his  dominions 
in  the  West  and  paralyzed  the  powers  of  the 
kingdom.  But  at  length  an  accommodation 
was  reached  between  the  two  brothers,  and 
Callinicus  found  himself  ready  for  his  eastward 
expedition.  It  appears  that  by  this  time  the 
Parthian  cavalry  had  difTused  a  wholesome 
fear  of  itself  throughout  South-western  Asia. 
At  all  events  the  Syrian  king  deemed  it  pru- 
dent to  approach  the  enemy  with  the  support 
of  an  ally.  He  accordingly  drew  the  king 
of  Bactria  into  a  league  with  himself  against 
Parthia — a  thing  most  unnatural  and  most 
dangerous  to  the  latter  kingdom. 

Callinicus  then  advanced  to  the  conflict, 
which  Tiridates  was  not  well  able  to  enter. 
Courage  was  not  wanting,  but  an  adequate 
force  to  contend  with  the  combined  armies  of 
Syria  and  Bactria.  Tlie  Parthian  king  found 
it  necessary  to  recede  before  the   enemy,  and 


to  fall  back  into  Scythia,  beyond  the  Oxus. 
Parthia  was  penetrated  by  the  foe,  and  it  ap- 
peared superficially  that  the  independence  of 
the  country  was  at  an  end.  At  this  juncture, 
however,  Theodotus  died,  and  the  crown  de- 
scended to  his  son,  more  patriotic  than  his 
father.  Tiridates  succeeded  in  detaching  the 
new  king  of  Bactria  from  the  unnatural 
league,  and  brought  him  into  alliance  with 
himself.  The  situation  was  so  changed  by 
this  event  that  Tiridates  was  able  to  meet 
Callinicus  in  the  field.  A  decisive  battle  was 
fought,  in  which  the  Syrian  army  was  routed 
and  driven  from  the  country. 

This  success  was  perhaps  the  critical  event 
in  the  early  history  of  the  Parthian  Kingdom. 
It  was  regarded  by  the  people  as  the  definitive 
achievement  of  independence.  The  day  of  the 
battle  became  the  day  of  the  nation,  and  was 
commemorated  after  the  manner  which  peo- 
ples in  all  ages  have  adopted  in  preserving 
and  transmitting  the  story  of  their  liberty. 
Nor  was  the  eflfect  of  the  victory  to  be  disre- 
garded as  it  respected  the  other  countries  of 
Asia.  The  final  delivery  of  Parthia  by  suc- 
cessful battle  from  the  dominion  of  the  Greek 
Kingdom  of  Syria  was  an  example  to  the  other 
Asiatic  States.  It  showed  tliat  the  successors 
of  Alexander,  in  so  far  from  being  invincible, 
might  be  repelled  by  valor  and  constrained  by 
overthrow  to  confine  themselves  to  the  borders 
of  the  Western  seas.  Henceforth  the  discern- 
ing eye  might  discover  the  unmistakable  symp- 
toms of  the  coming  of  a  native  Asiatic  Empire 
in  the  place  of  the  vast  dominion  estaolished 
by  the  Son  of  Philip. 

The  critical  events  to  which  we  have  just 
referred  happened  about  the  year  237  B.  C. 
The  purposes  of  Callinicus  after  his  defeat  and 
expulsion  may  not  be  well  discovered;  but  the- 
difiiculties  in  his  own  dominions  were  so  great 
as  to  confine  his  attention  henceforth  to  his 
home  affairs.  Hierax  was  again  an  insurgent, 
and  with  him  the  king  had  to  decide  the  issue 
by  force.  Parthia,  delivered  from  apprehen- 
sion, was  left  to  pursue  her  own  course,  and 
Tiridates  employed  the  remainder  of  his  reign, 
full  twenty  years  in  duration,  in  consolidating 
and  establishing  the  kingdom. 

By  this  time  the  Parthians  had  departed  in 


401 


UmVEESAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


the  national  evolution,  from  the  ancient  bar- 
baric type,  and  had  learned  to  avail  themselves 
of  approved  methods  of  defense.  Instead  of 
trusting  henceforth  to  the  wild  and  audacious 
charges  of  their  cavalry,  they  began  to  fortify 
the  country  against  the  possible  recurrence  of 
such  invasions  as  that  of  Callinicus.  Several 
positions  of  importance  were  converted  into 
fortifications  and  intrusted  to  regular  garrisons 
for  defense.  The  king  is  himself  represented 
by  Justin  and  other  authors  as  active  in  these 
enterprises.  Among  other  works  which  he 
promoted  was  the  building  of  a  new  capital. 
We  may  well  believe  that  Hecatompylos  was 
not  wholly  a  pleasant  seat  of  government  for 
the  first  of  the  Arsacid  princes.  The  place 
had  been  built,  as  we  have  said,  by  Alexander. 
It  was  a  Greek  city.  It  represented  the 
European  domination — a  thing  which  had  now 
become  hateful  to  the  nation.  The  tradition 
of  such  a  city  was  in  the  way  of  a  peaceful 
native  administration.  The 
suggestions  of  the  place  were 
against  the  existing  order,  and 
the  king  sought  to  escape  from 
these  surroundings  and  to 
transfer  his  government  to 
the  new  city  of  Dara,  which 
he  founded  and  promoted  as  the  Parthian 
capital. 

For  some  reason,  however,  the  enterprise 
was  not  wholly  successful.  It  is  not  certain 
that  Tiridates  ever  succeeded  in  removing  the 
Government  to  his  new  city.  If  so,  the 
transfer  was  of  brief  duration.  We  may  con- 
jecture tliat  the  Hecatompylonians,  seeing  the 
Government  about  to  slip  away  from  them, 
found  it  to  their  interest  to  become  more  loyal 
to  the  existing  order — less  Greek  and  more 
Parthian  in  their  sympathies.  It  is  possible, 
moreover,  that ,  there  was  an  equalization  of 
forces.  Even  the  Saxons  of  England  were 
not  wholly  proof  against  the  refinement,  the 
culture,  the  graceful  speech  and  manners  of 
the  Normans.  Though  they  succeeded  in  ab- 
sorbing their  conquerors,  they  were  them- 
selves, in  a  measure,  absorbed  in  turn.  The 
Greeks  were  the  Normans  of  Parthia.  With 
them  were  culture,  artistic  taste,  elegant 
speech,  fancy  and  wit.     These  things  are  lov- 


COIN    OF 
ARTABANU3  I. 


able,  even  in  our  enemies.  Our  hatred  of  the 
foreigner  yields  somewhat  to  our  liking  for  his 
ways.  Women  more  than  men  are  subject  to 
this  infection.  Probably  the  Parthian  prin- 
cesses and  ladies  of  high  rank  had  found  in 
the  Greek  residents  of  Hecatompylos  a  mere 
graceful  and  charming  folk  than  their  own 
brothers  and  lovers.  At  any  rate  the  Greek 
attraction  finally  prevailed  over  the  repelling 
forces,  and  Hecatompylos  was  retained  as  the 
future  capital  of  Parthia. 

It  was  about  the  year  214  B.  C.  that 
Tiridates,  second  of  the  Arsacidse,  died,  leav- 
ing the  crown  to  his  son  Artabanus  I.  He 
also  was  an  Arsaces,  being  the  third  of  that 
title.  By  this  time  Seleucus  Callinicus  had 
also  rendered  his  account,  transmitting  his 
throne  to  Autiochus  III.,  his  second  son.  The 
latter  inherited  the  local  troubles  with  which 
the  reign  of  his  father  had  been  distracted. 
Scarcely  had  he  taken  the  crown  when 
Achseus,  one  of  his  governors,  rose  in  rebellion, 
and  civil  war  again  ensued  in  Syria. 

By  this  time  the  Parthian  kings  had  learned 
to  be  observant  of  the  course  of  affairs  in  the 
West  and  the  South-west,  and  to  take  advantage 
of  any  circumstance  which  might  favor  the  de- 
velopment of  their  own  kingdom.  Artabanus 
I.  was  of  this  mood.  Perceiving  that  the 
king  of  Syria  had  as  much  as  he  could  attend 
to  in  his  home  dominions,  the  Parthian  planned 
the  conquest  of  Media.  This  ancient  State, 
now  fallen  into  decay,  lay  open  to  invasion, 
and  Artabanus  undertook  its  conquest.  He 
carried  a  vigorous  campaign  into  the  country, 
where  he  seems  to  have  been  received  with 
little  hostility.  He  made  his  way  to  Ecbatana, 
took  the  city,  completed  the  conquest,  and 
added  Media  to  his  dominion.  For  the  mo- 
ment it  appeared  that  a  great  kingdom  or  Em- 
pire was  about  to  be  projected,  under  the  aus- 
pices of  the  ArsacidiB. 

But  Autiochus  HI.  could  not  well  permit 
his  great  dependencies  in  the  East  to  be  torn 
away  without  an  eflTort  for  their  recovery. 
As  soon  as  he  could  bring  afl^airs  to  quiet  in 
Upper  Syria,  he  gathered  a  large  army  and 
set  out  for  Mesopotamia.  The  event  showed 
that  the  king  was  not  incapable  of  great  am- 
bition.    Passing   rapidly    beyond    the    Tigris 


PARTHIA— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


406 


■and  the  Zagros  mountains,  he  entered  Media, 
recovered  the  capital,  restored  the  Syrian  au- 
thority, and  then  moved  forward  against  Par- 
thia  itself.  lu  doing  so,  he  had  to  traverse 
the  Iranian  desert,  a  region  almost  wholly 
without  water.  Upon  this  circumstance  Arta- 
banus  relied  to  keep  his  enemy  at  bay.  He 
kept  detachments  of  cavalry  in  the  desert  in 
front  of  the  Syrian  army,  with  orders  to  fill 
■up  or  poison  the  wells  upon  which  Antiochus 
must  depend  for  water.  But  the  progress  of 
-the  latter  could  not  be  stayed.  Hyrcania  was 
entered  and  its  cities  taken.  The  Parthiaus 
•now  confronted  the  enemy,  but  were  unable 
to  check  his  course.  They  adopted  the  expe- 
dient, however,  of  keeping  out  of  his  way 
until  what  time  the  Syrian  king,  wearied  with 
campaiguing  against  a  foe  whom  he  could  not 
■etrike  down,  consented  to  peace. 

It  is  thought  that  Artabanus  agreed  to  co- 
operate with  the  Syrian  monarch  in  a  war 
with  Bactria.  That  country,  the  reader  will 
*emember,  had  also  become  independent. 
Euthydemus,  the  king,  had  shown  himself  able 
■ia  defend  the  country.  Nor  did  he  shrink 
from  the  invasion  of  his  dominions  by  Anti- 
ochus. It  is  probable  that  Artabanus  was  se- 
cretly in  sympathy  with  the  Bactrian  king  in  the 
•struggle  that  ensued  with  Antiochus.  At  any 
rate,  Euthydemus  was  able  to  uphold  the  for- 
•tunes  of  his  country  until  the  Syrian  king,  see- 
ing the  impossibility  of  restoring  the  Eastern 
Empire  by  war,  withdrew  from  the  country, 
leaving  both  Parthia  and  Bactria  to  follow  their 
•own  course  of  development.  It  would  seem  that 
Antiochus  scarcely  regarded  himself  as  a  victor 
in  his  Eastern  wars,  for  the  conditions  of  peace 
which  he  conceded  to  those  who  had  opposed 
tira  were  such  as  follow  a  drawn  battle  rather 
than  a  conquest. 

It  would  appear,  however,  that  Parthia  was 
■considerably  weakened  by  the  struggle  through 
which  she  had  passed.  The  history  of  the 
kingdom  becomes  for  many  years  obscure. 
The  remainder  of  the  reign  of  Artabanus  was 
of  little  importance  in  a  national  sense.  At 
least  the  ancient  historians  have  passed  over 
the  closing  years  of  the  third  century  B.  C, 
•as  though  they  were  marked  by  no  stirring 
•event  from  the  side  of  Parthia.     In  Bactria  the 


case  was  somewhat  different.  We  may  infer 
that  this  kingdom  was  not  so  severely  pun- 
ished in  the  war  with  Syria  as  was  Parthia. 
At  any  rate,  the  remaining  years  of  Euthy. 
demus,  and  of  his  son  and  successor  Demetrius, 
were  marked  in  Bactrian  history  as  a  period 
of  advancement  and  prosperity.  Historically 
considered,  the  forces  were  at  this  time  bal- 
ancing between  the  two  kingdoms  as  to  which 
should  finally  take  the  lead  in  the  restoration 
of  the  A.siatic  Empire  under  native  princes. 

We  may,  therefore,  say  no  more  in  this 
connection  than  that  the  subsequent  reign  of  his 
son,  named  Priapatius,  otherwise  Arsaces IV., 
was  more  obscure  than  that  of  his  predecessor. 
The  single  fact  remaius  that  he  occupied  the 
throne  from  B.  C.  196  to  181.  The  epoch  was 
in  one  sense  important,  for  it  was  at  this  time 
that  the  period  in  history  assigned  to  the  suc- 
cessors of  Alexander  the  Great  comes  to  a 
close.  In  the  year  196  B.  C.  the  Roman 
Proconsul,  Titus  Quinctius  Flaminius,  made 
his  appearance  at  the  Isthmian  games,  at  Cor- 
inth, and  proclaimed  the  protectorate  of  the 
Western  Republic  over  Greece.  It  was  the 
end  of  Hellenic  independence,  and  the  begin- 
ning of  the  end  of  all  those  divisions  of  po- 
litical power  which  had  been  established  in  the 
East  by  the  Macedonians.  Since  it  was  from 
the  latter  that  Parthia  had  most  to  fear,  and 
since  these  were  now  to  be  completely  over- 
whelmed by  Rome,  we  may  note  the  time  as 
the  crisis  from  which  the  Parthian  Empire 
and  ascendency  were  to  begin.  It  thus  hap- 
pened that  in  the  obscurity  of  the  reign  of 
Priapatius  the  antecedents  were  preparing  of 
a  great  dominion  for  his  successors. 

We  may  here  make  a  brief  pause  and  digres- 
sion for  the  purpose  of  noting  the  condition  of 
afl'airs  in  the  extreme  eastern  part  of  the  former 
dominions  of  Alexander  the  Great.  If  the 
Macedonian  governors  had  not  been  able  to 
hold  their  authority  over  the  Asiatics  in  the 
meridian  of  Parthia  and  Bactria,  what  shall 
we  say  of  their  inability  in  the  Indus  valley  ? 
There  lay  the  great  region  of  the  Puujaub, 
cut  off  from  all  dictation  of  the  AVest  and 
from  all  support  by  the  Europeans.  The  will 
of  the  Conqueror  had  indeed  been  sufficient  to 
hold   the    countries  of    Afahanistan   and  the 


406 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Upper  Indus  in  subjection,  but  not  so  tlie  will 
of  his  successors. 

The  native  Indian  princes,  like  those  of  the 
Great  Plateau,  soon  revolted,  and  regained 
their  independence.  Among  these  a  king  called 
Chandragupta  arose  and  established  a  dominion 
in  the  Punjaub  fit  to  be  called  a  kingdom. 
Already  at  the  close  of  the  fourth  century 
B.  C,  when  Seleucus  Xicator  made  his  great 
expedition  into  the  East,  he  found  Chandra- 
gupta reigning  over  the  countries  between  the 
two  great  rivers  of  India.  Nor  was  it  deemed 
advisable  by  the  Macedonians  to  enter  into  a 
war  with  him  for  the  recovery  of  the  country. 
The  Indian  prince  was  left  in  authority  under 
treaty  stipulations  defining  the  extent  of  the 
Indian  Kingdom.  Nearly  a  centurj'  went  by, 
and  Antiochus  III.  crossed  Asia  on  his  expe- 
dition to  the  East.  But  on  approaching  India 
he  also  made  a  pause,  and  renewed  with  the 
successors  of  Chandragupta  the  treaty  of  Se- 
leucus. Amicable  relations  were  established 
between  the  Syrian  Kingdom  and  the  far  East, 
and  gifts  were  interchanged  between  the  mon- 
archs  in  the  manner  of  ancient  royalty. 

But  these  things  were  displeasing  to  the 
king  of  Bactria.  It  was  little  agreeable  to 
his  feelings  to  be  overspauned  by  so  wide  an 
arch  as  that  between  Antioch  and  the  Pun- 
jaub. Euthydemus  determined  to  break  this 
far-reaching  connection  between  the  East  and 
the  West,  and  himself  made  war  on  India. 
After  him  Demetrius,  the  succeeding  Bactrian 
king,  took  up  the  cause.  He  carried  a  vic- 
torious army  into  Afghanistan,  and  afterwards 
into  India.  On  the  Kiver  Hydaspes  he  built 
the  city  Euthymedeia,  long  known  in  ancient 
geography.  He  established  his  supremacy  in 
the  countries  dominated  by  his  arms ;  and  the 
historian  of  the  day  might  well  have  been 
on  tiptoe  to  witness  the  further  expansion  of 
the  Bactrian  power  into  a  universal  Asiatic 
Empire. 

This  period,  however,  covered  the  climax. 
The  Bactrian  ascendency  could  reach  no 
higher.  It  is  believed  that  the  success  of  the 
kingdom  in  the  times  of  Euthydemus  and 
Demetrius  was  correlated  with  the  unsuccess 
of  Parthia  at  the  same  epoch.  It  may  have 
been  that  the   Parthian   kincrs  of  the  period 


were  unable  to  do  more  than  to  maintain  the 
status  in  quo  until  what  time  the  nation  might 
revive  from  the  effects  of  the  Syrian  war,  and 
until  Bactrian  ambition  should  run  its  course. 

We  may  pass  at  once  from  the  unknown 
reign  of  Arsaces  IV.  to  that  of  his  son  and 
successor  Phraates  I.,  otherwise  Arsaces  V. 
The'latter  acceded  to  power  in  the  year  B.  C. 
181,  and  his  coming  marked  an  epoch  of  re- 
vival in  the  fortunes  of  the  kingdom.  It  were 
difficult  to  say  how  much  under  such  circum- 
stances is  due,  on  the  one  hand,  to  the  re- 
newal of  spirit  among  the  people,  and  how 
much  on  the  other  should  be  attributed  to  the 
ambition  of  the  monarch.  Neither  is  available 
to  any  great  extent  without  the  aid  of  the 
other.  Of  a  certainty  an  ancient  king  could 
not  of  himself  make  a  successful  war.  Equally 
certain  it  is  that  an  ancient  people,  accus- 
tomed to  the  forms  of  monarchy,  used  to  re- 
ceive mandates,  and  to  look  to  its  head  for 
orders  and  inspiration,  could  not  make  suc- 
cessful war  without  the  leadership  of  a  com- 
petent king. 

In  this  case  we  may  assume  that  the  people 
of  Parthia  had  recovered  from  their  period  of 
depression,  and  that  Phraates  was  ambitious 
of  conquest.  At  all  events  he  began  his  reign 
by  making  war  on  the  Mardi.  The.se  were  a 
mountain  people  living  iu  the  fastnesses  of  the 
Elburz  range — a  kind  of  Swiss  of  the  sub- 
Caspian  hills.  Their  position  was  almost  in- 
accessible, and  their  spirit  the  spirit  of  mount- 
aineers. We  may  perceive,  moreover,  that 
Phraates  was  much  at  fault  in  making  his 
first  war  from  his  inability  to  use  the  Parthian 
cavalry  in  the  country  which  he  must  pene- 
trate. Nevertheles.s,  the  invasion  of  Jlardia 
was  successful.  The  tribe  was  conquered  and 
combined  with  the  Parthians. 

The  reader  must  bear  in  mind  that  the 
authority  of  the  kings  of  Antioch  still  nomi- 
nally extended  to  the  borders  of  Parthia  and 
Bactria.  Any  movement  of  the  Parthian 
king,  therefore,  beyond  the  limits  of  his  own 
territory  was  aggressive,  and  might  well  pro- 
voke the  hostility  of  the  Seleucid  monarch. 
The  latter  at  this  time  was  Seleucus  IV.,  sur- 
named  Philopator.  At  the  time  of  the  con- 
quest of  the  Mardians  by  Phraates,  the  Syrian 


PARTEIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


407 


monarch  was  deeply  involved  with  Rome. 
The  sliadow  of  that  colossal  power  had  already 
fallen  on  Greece  and  Egypt  and  the  East.  It 
was  therefore  out  of  the  question  for  the  king 
of  Syiia,  whatever  may  have  been  his  resent- 
ment, to  proceed  against  the  Parthian  King- 
dom in  punishment  for  its  aggression.  Per- 
haps the  loss  of  the  country  of  the  Mardi  was 
not  much  regarded.  The  great  Powers  of 
Western  Asia  were  liearly  all  established  on 
the  plain.  The  massive  peoples  which  were 
wielded  by  the  kings  of  Mesopotamia,  of  Asia 
Minor,  and  of  Syria  were  adjusted  to  the  low- 
lands, to  the  alluvial  countries,  and  knew  not 
how  to  deal  with  mountain  tribes  any  more 
than  the  ostrich  understands  the  eyrie  of  the 
eagle.  So  the  Mardi  were  permitted  to  go  to 
the  conqueror. 

Phraates,  gratified  with  his  success,  soon 
made  a  bolder  move.  It  would  appear  that 
he  was  able  to  consider  geography  in  its  rela- 
lations  with  political  development.  It  hap- 
pened that  his  point  of  view  took  in  easily 
one  of  the  critical  positions  of  Asia.  The 
Greek  writers  have  dwelt  with  much  interest 
on  the  celebrated  pass  called  the  Caspian 
Gates.  We  have  already  had  occasion,  in  the 
histories  of  Media  and  Persia,  to  refer  to  this 
famous  gap  left  by  nature  between  the  mount- 
ains on  the  one  hand  and  the  desert  on  the 
other.  In  modern  geography  the  place  is 
designated  as  the  Pass  of  Girduni  Sudurrah. 
It  is,  in  a  word,  the  gateway  between  Ar- 
menia, Media,  and  Persia  on  the  one  side,  and 
Turkistan,  Khorassan,  and  Afghanistan  on  the 
other.  Nor  is  there  any  other  way  by  which 
convenient  or  even  practicable  passage  between 
the  East  and  the  West  can  be  found.  The 
situation  seems  almost  to  have  been  contrived 
as  a  military  expedient  in  the  strategy  of  the 
Asiatic  nations. 

For  here  thcElburz  mountains  stretch  their 
impassable  barrier  from  the  Caspian  on  the 
north  to  the  desert  regions  of  the  Great  Pla- 
teau on  the  south.  At  the  termination  of  the 
range  in  this  direction  a  spur  projects  to  a 
considerable  distance  desertward,  as  if  to  ex- 
tend the  barrier  beyond  the  natural  limit. 
This  mountain  spur  is  broken  from  the  prin- 
cipal   range    in    such    manner    as    to    make 


human  transit  possible,  but  hardly  practicable 
through  the  northern  gap.  At  the  lower  ex- 
tremity, however,  where  the  oflshoot  abuta 
against  the  desert,  stand  the  so-called  Caspian 
Gates.  The  approach  from  either  side  seems 
to  be  absolutely  barred  by  the  mountain  wall, 
but  an  army  winding  carefully  along  finds  a 
narrow  and  unobstructed  pass  from  Media 
Rliagiana  on  the  west  into  the  country  of  the 
ancient  Sagartians  on  the  east. 

The  importance  of  the  Caspian  Gates  wa» 
well  known  to  the  ancients.  Phraates  per- 
ceived it.  Having  conquered  the  Mardi,  he 
next  turned  his  attention  to  Media  Rhagiana ; 
for,  could  he  but  succeed  in  conquering  that 
country,  he  could  gain  possession  of  the  westera 
entrance  to  the  Gates,  and  thus  be  able  to  bar 
henceforth  the  progress  eastward  of  a  Syrian 
army.  The  enterprise  was  one  of  hazard.  It  was 
undertaken  by  Phi-aates  by  transferring  a  part 
of  the  tribe  of  the  Mardi  into  the  open  country 
westward  from  the  Gates.  The  movement 
was  successful.  Phraates  and  his  ParthianS' 
made  their  way  through  the  pass  and  overran 
at  least  a  portion  of  Media  Rhagiana.  The 
country  west  of  the  Gates  was  occupied  by 
Parthian  garrisons,  and  the  strategic  position 
was  secured  by  Phraates.  His  reign,  however, 
was  not  marked  by  any  other  important 
events.  He  wore  the  crown  for  only  sevea 
years,  dying  in  B.  C.  174. 

Thus  far  the  dynasty  had  been  tolerably 
regular  as  to  the  descent  of  the  crown.  Tiri- 
dates  is  reckoned  as  the  brother  of  the  first 
Arsaces.  The  succession  was  then  to  the  son 
and  to  the  son's  son.  With  the  death  of 
Phraates,  however,  the  crown,  in  accordance 
with  the  purpose  of  the  late  king,  was  trans- 
mitted to  his  brother  Mithridates,  as  against 
the  claims  of  his  own  son.  It  is  probable  that 
Mithridates  had  been  a  strong  stay  of  the 
monarchy  during  the  late  reign.  Phraates  had 
honored  himself  with  the  title  of  Philadelphus, 
which  would  indicate  his  reliance  upou  his 
brother.  If  we  are  to  judge  by  results  the 
lateral  transmission  of  the  crown  was  beneficial 
in  the  highest  degree,  for  we  here  come  to  the 
sudden  rise  of  Parthia  to  the  rank  and  char- 
acter of  an  Empire. 

IMore  than  any  other  name  among  Parthian 


408 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— TEE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


monarchs  is  that  of  Mithridates  known  to  the 
peoples  of  the  West.  Those  historians  who 
are  willing  to  allow  tc  individual  agency  the 
general  results  which  in  the  aggregate  go  by 
the  name  of  History,  have  been  wont  to 
ascribe  to  Mithridates  the  place  among  his 
countrymen  which  the  same  writers  assign, 
each  in  his  respective  sphere,  to  Alexander  and 
Caesar.      More  properly  we   may   regard   this 


dinary  as  to  impress  itself  strongly  upon  the 
Greeks  and  Romans,  whose  historians  have 
done  tolerable  justice  to  the  builder  of  the 
Parthian  Empire. 

The  conditions  of  success,  however,  had  been 
prepared  for  Mithridates  before  his  coming. 
The  state  of  South-western  Asia  and  Eastern 
Europe  was  now  favorable,  as  it  had  not  been 
before,  to  the  construction  of  a  great  political 


ARSACBS. 


1.  AbsaCES  I.,  B.  C.  247. 


2.  TiKIDATES  I.,  214. 

3.  Artabanus  I.,  196. 

I 

4.  Pbiapatius,  181. 


5.  Pheaates  1.,  174. 


6.  Mithridates  I.,  136. 

I 
7.  Phkaates  II.,  127. 


8.  Abtabanus  II.,  124. 

I 

9.  Mithridates  II.,  89. 

10.  Mnasciras,  76. 

I 

11.  Sanatrceces,  67.  (7) 

I 
12.  Phbaates  III.,  60. 


DYNASTY 
OF   THE   ARSACID>E. 

EXPLANATION: 

Kings  numbered  in  nrder.  thus.  1.2,3.  etc. 

Regular  descent  indicated  thus . 

Doubtful  descent  indicated  thus 

Arabic    numbers   after  names   indicate 
date  of  death  or  dethronement. 


18.  Mtthridates  III.,  55. 


14.  Obodes  I.,  37. 


I 


15.  Phkaates  IV.,  2. 

I 


1 


17.  Orodes  II.,  13.    19.  Aktabancs  III.,  42.    23.  VoNONES  II.,  52. 


18.  VONONES  I.,  16.    RhoJaspes.    16  Phraataces,  12  A.D.      21  Gotarzes,  51.    Artabanus.    22.  Vaedanes,  46. 


Mithndates.      20.  TiEIDATES  II.,  35. 


24.  VOLAGASES  I.,   78. 


Tiridates. 


Pacoms. 


25.  PACORns,  108. 

I 


Exedares. 


26.  Chosroes,  130. 

1  27.  VoL.*GASEs  n.,  149. 

Parthamasiris.       „   ,,       I  .,,,     ,„, 

28.  VOI.AGASES  III.,  191. 

29.  VOLAGASES  IV.,   209. 


30.    ARTABANl'S  IV.,  226. 


Volaga.ses. 


sixth  representative  of  the  Arsacid  Dynasty 
as  the  personal  expression  of  the  historical 
growth  and  purpose  of  the  Parthian  nation  in 
his  age.  To  him  undoubtedly  great  abilities  and 
great  ambitions  must  be  ascribed.  His  cour- 
age and  strength  were  equally  manifested  in 
civil  administration  and  in  war.  His  reign, 
covering  a  period  of  thirty-seven  years,  is  the 
most  important  and  interesting  of  Parthian 
history.     His  career  as  a  ruler  was  so  extraor- 


power  on  the  scene  of  what  had  been  the 
Persian  Empire.  In  the  first  place,  the  con- 
dition of  Bactria  invited  the  Parthians  to 
achieve  what  the  neighboring  kingdom  had 
not  been  able  to  accomplish — the  consolidation 
of  Asia.  True,  the  Bactrian  kings  had,  as  we 
have  seen,  aspired  to  dominion.  They  had  put 
out  their  hands  by  conquest  over  the  East  to 
the  extent  of  grasping  the  country  as  far  aa 
Upper  India.     They  had  also  crossed  the  Pare- 


PARTHIA.—CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


409 


pamisus  Mountain  chain  to  the  south,  aud 
had  brought  Arya,  Sarangia,  aud  Arachosia 
under  their  sway. 

Eucratidas  was  now  the  king  of  Bactria.  It 
appeared  that  during  his  reign  the  full  polit- 
ical and  military  energies  of  his  people  had 
been  put  forth,  and  that  victory  and  organi- 
zation could  go  no  further  under  the  Dynasty 
cf  Euthydenius.  A  great  difficulty  existed  in 
holding  in  one  even  the  countries  already 
brought  into  union.  The  student  of  history 
■will  not  have  failed  to  note  among  the  ancient 
nations  to  what  an  extent  a  mountain  barrier 
was  a  bar  to  the  political  unity  of  the  peoples 
on  the  two  sides  of  the  chain.  At  the  time  of 
which  we  speak  it  was  fouud  difficult  to  hold 
together  the  nations  lying  on  the  south  and  the 
north  of  the  Paropamisus  While  Eucratidas 
was  absorbed  with  the  work  of  unifying  the 
Southern  races,  the  Northern  races  rose  against 
him.  There  the  Scythians  made  invasions, 
and  the  nomadic  life  reasserted  itself  in  rebell- 
ion. Turning  his  attention  to  these  distrac- 
tions, the  king  soon  found  tliat  the  tribes  of 
the  South  were  not  to  be  trusted  in  his  ab- 
sence. Thus  between  the  two  the  energies  of 
Eucratidas  were  \rasted,  and  the  kingdom 
vexed  with  disunion  and  war. 

In  the  direction  of  Syria  there  was  equal 
confusion.  The  great  dominion  established  by 
Seleucus  was  gradually  receding  and  contract- 
ing around  Autioch.  Even  in  those  foreign 
parts  still  dependent  upon  the  Seleucid  king 
there  was  a  loosing  of  the  bands  wherewith 
they  were  bound  to  the  center.  At  this  time 
Seleucus  I'hilopator  had  become  king  aud  had 
involved  himself  in  foreign  wars.  Now  it  was 
that  Ccele-Syria  became  an  object  of  conten- 
tion between  the  Ptolemies  and  the  Seleucidaj. 
It  was  said  that  Antiochus  the  Great  in  giving 
his  daughter  Cleopatra  to  Ptolemy  V.,  bad 
promised  to  dower  her  with  Ccele-Syria,  which 
would  have  transferred  the  country  to  Egypt. 
The  reigning  Seleucus  also  found  cause  of 
■quarrel  and  war  with  the  Grecian  section  of 
the  Alexandrian  Empire  and  with  Armenia, 
now  in  revolt  against  himself  Of  a  certainty 
a  prince  thus  distracted  by  serious  conflicts  on 
three  sides  of  his  dominions  was  in  no  condition 
successfully  to  resist  a  determined   movement 


for  nationality  among  the  Asiastics  beyond 
the  Tigris. 

It  thus  happened  that  Mithridates  found 
on  his  accession  to  power  a  fair  field  for  his 
ambitions.  He  found  Eucratidas,  his  Bactrian 
rival,  iuvolved  iu  a  war  on  the  side  of  India. 
This  circumstance  seemed  to  invite  the  Par- 
thian to  his  first  aggression.  He  led  an  army 
into  the  adjacent  parts  of  Bactria,  and  seized 
the  two  provinces  of  Turiua  and  Aspionus. 
It  is  believed  that  by  this,  his  first  successful 
foreign  campaign,  the  king  of  Parihia  possessed 
himself  of  the  regions  out  of  which  theScythic 
elements  of  the  Parthian  nation  had  been  de- 
rived. A  source  of  disturbance  was  thus  cut 
off,  and  its  fountain  drawn  up  by  absorption. 
The  king  made  himself  secure  in  his  conquest, 
and  then  wheeled  about  towards  Media.  Wo 
have  seen  how  the  latter  province  had  already 
l)een  partly  takeu  away  from  the  Syrian  kings. 
But  the  latter  still  held 
their  sway  over  Media 
Magna,  aud  it  was  against 
this  district  that  Mithri- 
dates now  advanced. 

The  Syrian  crown  at 
this  time  had  descended 
to  Antiochus  Eupator, 
a  mere  youth,  incapable 

of  aflJairs.  The  kingdom  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  regent  Lysias ;  but  his  energies  were 
for  a  while  exhausted  in  a  war  with  the 
Jews.  At  the  court  also  he  found  opposition 
iirthe  designs  of  a  certain  Philip,  who,  as  the 
teacher  of  Eupator,  cl.aimed  the  right  of  con- 
trolling the  boy-king's  actions  and  policy. 
Civil  war  broke  out  until  what  time  Philip 
was  overthrown  and  slain.  By  this  time 
Prince  Demetrius,  a  cousin  of  Seleucus,  laid 
claim  to  the  throne  in  virtue  of  their  common 
descent.  Demetrius  bad  been  given  by  one 
of  the  former  Seleucids  as  a  hostage  to  Kome. 
His  youth  was  spent  in  the  city  of  the  Tiber. 
At  length  he  made  his  escape  from  Italy,  re- 
turned to  Syria,  headed  a  revolution  against 
his  cousin,  and  gained  the  throne. 

It  was  during  this  confused  and  confusing 
condition  of  affiiirs  that  Mithridates  threw  his 
army  upon  the  Medes.  It  was  of  littie  avail 
that  the  Syrian  claim  to  the  dominion  of  the 


COIN  OF  MITHRIDATES  I. 


410 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


country  was  asserted.  Even  before  the  be- 
ginning of  the  invasion  the  Median  tribes  had 
become  virtually  independent.  Indeed,  the 
spirit  of  the  people  was  a  more  serious  ob- 
stacle to  the  ambitions  of  Mithridates  than 
was  the  Syrian  army.  The  details  of  the  war 
with  Media  have  not  been  preserved,  but  the 
general  result  was  manifested  Iq  the  transfer 
of  Media  Magna  to  the  Parthian  king.  Per- 
haps the  condition  cf  the  country  thus  sub- 
jugated was  not  greatly  changed.  It  is  be- 
lieved that  the  same  prince  who  had  ruled 
under  the  king  of  Syria  was  retained  iu  office 
by  Mithridates  as  his  representative  among 
the  subject  peop!e. 

It  was  now  evident  that  the  kingof  Parthia 
was  about  to  begin  his  career  as  Imperial  con- 
queror. Such  premonitions  are  always  alarm- 
ing to  the  surrounding  peoples.  Whoever 
plays  the  part  of  Alexander  or  Cresar  has  a 
hard  struggle  at  the  outset.  It  is  only  after  a 
period  of  victory,  when  the  volume  of  con- 
quest begins  to  roll  on  by  its  own  momentum 
that  the  conqueror  rides  majestically  on  the 
rising  wave.  In  the  present  instance  the 
Hyrcauians  took  the  alarm  and  set  themselves 
against  the  Parthian  king.  The  latter  was 
now  ready  for  any  emergency,  and  made  haste 
to  advance  against  the  hostile  nation.  The 
Hyrcanians  sought  to  induce  the  Medes  and 
the  Mardian  mountaineers  to  join  them  in  the 
war,  but  their  efforts  were  unavailing.  Hyr- 
cania  was  thus  exposed  without  support  to  the 
wrath  of  Mithridates,  who  soon  succeeded  in 
reducing  the  province  to  submission.  Thus  in 
at  least  three  directions  the  Parthian  monarch 
stretched  his  cords  and  strengthened  his  stakes. 

Scarcely  had  these  movements  been  ac- 
complished when  a  revolt  broke  out  in  Ely- 
mais.  It  is  believed  that  the  prince  or  king 
of  this  country  had  already  made  himself  in- 
dependent of  the  Syrian  monarchy  before  his 
war  with  Mithridates.  The  latter  now,  for 
the  first  time,  had  opportunity  to  test  his  abil- 
'ities  as  leader  of  an  army  in  a  truly  foreign 
war.  Thus  far  he  had  contended  with  nations 
whose  dominions  bordered  on  Parthia.  Now 
he  was  obliged  to  lead  his  forces  to  a  distance 
through  a  desert  country,  and  meet  the  Ely- 
msans  in  battle.     But  the  event  was  auspi- 


cious to  the  Parthian,  who  overran  Elymais 
and  added  it  to  his  dominions.  This  successful 
campaign  had  thrown  him  between  Persia  and 
Babylonia.  It  was  not  likely  that  a  victorious 
monarch  would  fail  to  make  the  most  of  his 
advantageous  position.  It  appears  that  both 
the  Persians  and  the  Babylonians  recognized 
the  peril  of  their  situation,  and,  perceiving  the 
weakness  of  the  ties  hj  which  they  were  bound 
to  Antioch,  deemed  it  prudent  to  cast  in  their 
lot  with  the  conqueror.  It  thus  happened  that 
an  extensive  region  in  the  South-west,  includ- 
ing the  Babylonian  plain  and  the  whole 
country  eastward  to  the  Carmanian  desert, 
was  added  by  a  single  campaign  to  what  may 
now  be  called  the  Parthian  Empire. 

A  period  of  more  than  twenty  years  was 
occupied  by  Mithridates  in  these  wars.  Dur- 
ing the  whole  of  this  time  the  Syrian  kings 
had  been  unable  to  disentangle  themselves 
from  tlieir  troubles  in  the  West  and  give  at- 
tention to  the  Eastern  revolution.  Nor  had 
the  king  of  Bactria  found  opportunity  or  dis- 
position to  attempt  the  recovery  of  what  had 
been  lost  by  conquest.  The  attention  of  Eu- 
cratidas  had  been  constantly  occupied  with 
troubles  and  revolts  on  the  side  of  India.  He 
w'as  thus  obliged  to  assent  to  the  loss  of  his 
western  provinces  to  his  rival.  It  would  seem 
that  the  two  kings,  one  pressing  his  way  to- 
wards the  Indus  and  the  other  towards  the 
Babylonian  plain,  had  come  to  amity  and 
common  purposes.  But  to  a  part  of  the  Bac 
trian  nation  this  concord  with  Parthia  was 
distasteful.  Prince  Heliocles,  son  of  the  Bac- 
trian  monarch,  represented  the  discontent, 
and  sought  to  recover  from  Parthia  the  lost 
provinces.  Believing  that  his  father,  the 
king,  was  in  the  way  of  his  ambitions,  he 
secured  his  taking  off  by  violence,  and  seized 
the  crown  for  himself  This  he  did  with  the 
evident  purpose  of  going  to  war  with  Mith- 
ridates. 

But  the  latter  was  on  the  alert.  Perceiving 
the  designs  of  his  antagonist,  the  Parthian 
king  turned  into  Bactria,  quickly  overthrew 
Heliocles,  subverted  the  kingdom  as  to  all  its 
western  provinces,  and  added  them  to  his 
Empire.  He  then  carried  his  victorious  arms 
to  the  east,  forcing  the  Bactrian   monarch  to 


PAETEIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


411 


the  mountains,  and  compelling  him  and  his 
successors  to  accept  henceforth  the  restricted 
region  adjacent  to  Upper  India.  Thus  between 
tiie  years  B.  C.  163  and  140  were  tlie  widely 
extended  countries  of  South-western  Asia  re- 
stored by  revolt  and  war  to  Asiatic  domina- 
tion. The  drama  as  a  whole  was  virtually  a 
restoration  of  the  Persian  Emj)ire  under  the 
auspices  of  Parthia.  Of  the  extent  and  char- 
acter of  the  Imperial  territories  we  have  already 
given  an  account  in  the  first  chapter  of  the  pres- 
ent Book.  The  Imperial  domain  now  consisted 
of  at  least  twelve  provinces,  and  embraced  an 
area  but  little  less  than  five  hundred  thousand 
square  miles  in  extent.  It  only  remained  for 
Mithridates  to  consolidate,  organize,  and  de- 
fend the  countries  and  nations  that  had  fallen 
under  his  sway. 

As  for  foreign  violence,  little  was  to  be 
feared  except  from  the  side  of  the  kingdom 
of  Syria.  Doubtless  the  reigning  princes  at 
Antioch  had  been  deterred  for  nearly  a  quarter 
of  a  century  from  invading  the  East  by  the 
distractions  of  the  West.  Doubtless  the  npws 
of  Eastern  rebellions,  wars,  conquests,  and 
transformations  smote  dismally  on  the  ears  of 
the  Syrian  kings.  Doubtless  the  loss  of  their 
revenues  was  to  them  a  source  of  extreme 
annoj'ance  and  discomfort.  But  the  struggles 
of  the  rulers  around  the  eastern  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean,  from  the  Libyan  desert  to  the 
Grecian  archipelago,  were  sufficient  to  keep 
the  Syrian  mouarchs  from  any  effort  at  the 
recovery  of  their  provinces.  AVe  have  seen 
how  the  Regent  Lysias  and  the  teacher  Philip 
contended  for  the  mastery  of  the  government 
and  the  young  king  of  Antioch  ;  how  Deme- 
trius Soter  came  from  Rome  and  took  the  king- 
dom, and  how  Syria  was  obliged  to  contend 
with  Egypt  for  the  recovery  of  the  territory 
given  away  with  the  first  Cleopatra. 

At  length  the  crown  of  what  remained  of 
the  Syrian  monarchy  descended  to  Demetrius 
II.,  a  prince  not  without  ambition.  Reaching 
a  hdl  in  the  Western  wars  he  cast  his  yes  to 
the  East,  and  ali:nit  the  year  140  B.  C 
planned  an  expedition  for  the  recovery  of  the 
fortunes  of  his  house  by  war.  Jlithridates 
bud  not  found  everything  comformable  to  his 
will  in  the  administration  of  the  new  Empire. 


Among  the  conquered  Bactrians  there  were 
mutterings,  discontent,  incipient  rebellions. 
In  all  the  countries  which  he  had  conquered 
were  Greek  cities  jilauted  either  by  Alexander 
himself  or  by  his  successors.  These  seats  of 
power  and  influence  had  been  built  up  by  im- 
migration from  Europe.  Thither  had  come 
thousands  of  Greeks  and  Macedonians  from 
the  European  main-land,  from  the  archipelago, 
and  from  Asia  Minor.  These  had  increased, 
multiplied,  expanded.  They  had  become  the 
intellectual  class  throughout  all  South-western 
Asia.  They  had  taken,  in  marriage  or  in 
illicit  relations,  the  choice  princesses  of  the  Asi- 
atics. There  had  thus  appeared  a  large  and 
influential  Grteco-Asiatic  element  in  the  popu- 
lation. 

On  the  whole,  the  sympathies  of  this  class 
were  hostile  to  the  Parthian  ascendency. 
Through  a  hundred  and  sevent}'  years  the 
Seleucid  kings  had  held  sway,  real  or  nomi- 
nal, over  the  countries  this  side  of  India. 
Even  the  Asiatics,  pure  and  simple,  had  be- 
come at  last  accustomed  to  the  European  and 
Syrian  dominations.  All  of  these  conditions, 
sympathies,  and  tendencies  had  to  be  overcome 
and  reversed  by  Mithridates  beftu-e  his  Im- 
perial rule  could  be  accepted  with  cordiality  by 
the  diverse  peoples  whom  he  had  conquered. 

It  thus  came  to  pass  that  when  Demetrius 
II.  entered  upon  his  war  with  Parthia,  he  was 
assisted  somewhat  by  the  social  and  political 
condition  of  Asia.  He  began  his  campaign 
under  favoi'able  auspices,  making  his  way  first 
into  Babylonia,  where  he  received  the  submis- 
sion of  the  country.  It  will  be  understood 
by  the  reader  that  the  peoples  of  these  Asiatic 
dominions  had  little  choice  among  their  mas- 
ters. They  could  therefore  be  delivered  from 
hand  to  hand  as  merchandise  of  the  mart. 
But  Demetrius  now  began  to  encounter  op- 
position. The  Bactrian  cavalry  was  in  his 
front.  He  was  able,  however,  to  continue 
his  advance  and  to  win  several  battles  be- 
yond the  Mcso]M)taniian  rivers.  Elymais  was 
overrun  and  temporarily  recovered  to  tlie 
Syrian  monarcliy.  Other  districts  were  re- 
taken, and  Mitiiridates  found  himself  receding 
before  tlie  superior  forces  of  his  enemy. 

It  appears  that  at   this  lime,  if  we  are  to 


412 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


trust  the  testimony  of  Justin,  the  Parthian 
king  overreached  his  rival  b)'  proposing  ne- 
gotiations. While  these  were  pending  he  at- 
tacked and  routed  the  Sj-rian  army,  capturing 
Demetrius  himself  and  leading  him  away  into 
the  interior.  It  seems  that  the  whole  expedi- 
tion was  blown  away.  Nor  was  Mithridates 
satisfied  until  he  had  taken  the  captured  king 
from  capital  to  capital  through  the  provinces, 
showing  him  in  the  cities  to  the  Grteco- 
Asiatics  as  an  example  of  what  might  be  ex- 
pected of  those  who  dared  to  raise  the  arm 
against  his  Empire  and  himself. 

Of  a  certainty  the  victory  of  Parthia  was 
sufficiently  decisive.  So  much,  however, 
could  hardly  be  said  for  the  scheme  of  the 
king  to  unite  his  dynasty  with  that  of  Syria 
by  intermarriage.  It  appears  that  he  placed 
his  royal  prisoner,  Demetrius,  in  a  suitable 
residence  in  Hyrcania,  where  he  maintained 
him  in  a  style  befitting  his  rank.  He  also 
sought  to  have  his  daughter  given  to  the 
Syrian  monarch,  in  order  that  the  destinies 
of  the  two  houses  might  be  blended  in  the 
issue.  But  the  project  came  to  naught. 
Mithridates  himself  was  now  well  advanced  in 
years.  He'  was  exhausted  by  the  vicissitudes 
and  str.uggles  of  a  reign  more  than  thirty-seven 
years  in  duration.  Soon  after  he  had  put  his 
royal  prisoner  into  Hyrcania  for  safe-keeping 
he  sickened  and  died,  in  B.  C.  136. 

As  we  have  said,  the  Parthian  Empire  had 
now  reached  its  greatest  territorial  extent. 
It  had  become  the  great  power  of  Western 
Asia.  The  Old  Era  was  drawing  to  a  close. 
Rome  was  making  her  way  through  an  aristo- 
cratic republicanism  towards  Imperial  world- 
wide dominion.  Already  by  the  time  which 
we  have  now  reached,  namely,  the  last  quarter 
of  the  second  century  B.  C,  the  two  rival 
powers  of  the  world  were  the  Roman  Republic 
in  the  West  and  Parthia  in  the  East.  Before 
entering  upon  an  account  of  the  struggles  be- 
tween these  two,  covering  several  centuries 
about  the  beginning  of  our  era,  it  may  be  of 
interest  and  instruction  to  note  with  some  par- 
ticularity the  civil  and  political  constitution 
of  the  Parthians. 

The  Government  of  the  Empire  was  in  its 
leading  features  an  amplification  and  adapta- 


tion of  the  old  Parthian  monarchy  to  the 
new  Imperial  conditions.  We  have  many 
such  examples  in  history  of  an  aspiring  State 
imposing  by  war  and  diplomacy  its  civil  insti- 
tutions upon  surrounding  and  subject  peoples. 
In  our  own  day  we  need  go  no  further  than 
the  recent  establishment  of  the  German  Em- 
pire, under  the  hegemony  of  Prussia,  in  illus- 
tration of  this  form  of  political  development. 
Ancient  Parthia — Parthia  Proper— imposed 
herself  and  her  half-barbaric  forms  of  admin- 
istration upon  the  nations  whom  she  conquered, 
insomuch  that  the  Empire  was  but  an  enlarge- 
ment of  institutions  which  had  already  existed 
for  four  or  five  centuries. 

The  first  point  to  which  we  may  refer  in 
the  explication  of  the  political  life  of  the  Par- 
thians, is  the  ascendency  and  strong  counter- 
check of  the  Nobility  on  the  Monarchy.  The 
secular  nobles  were  known  as  the  Megistanes. 
The  body  so  called  might  well  be  compared  to  the 
British  House  of  Lords  in  embryo ;  that  is,  it 
was  composed  of  two  groups  of  notables,  the  one 
secular,  and  the  other  of  a  religious  derivation. 
The  former  were  called,  in  the  Grseco-Asiatic 
tongue,  the  Sophoi,  that  is,  the  "Wise,"  and 
the  latter  were  the  Magi,  or  degenerated  Zo- 
roastrian  priesthood.  These  two  branches  of 
nobles  combined  to  form  one  of  the  great 
councils  by  which  the  Parthian  monarch  was 
advised  and,  in  at  least  a  negative  sense,  di- 
rected. Besides  the  Megistanes  there  was  an- 
other body,  made  up  for  the  most  part  of 
members  of  the  royal  family,  and  known  as 
the  Domestic  or  Privy  Council.  In  these  ar- 
rangements we  see  the  germs  in  the  one  of 
the  modern  Senate,  and  in  the  other  of  the 
modern  Ministry,  or  Cabinet.  After  all,  an- 
tiquity is  not  so  far  away ! 

The  head  of  the  Parthian  monarchy  was 
chosen  by  election  of  the  Megistanes.  The 
naming  of  the  king  required  the  concurrent 
voice  of  the  Megistanes  and  the  Domestic 
Council.  But  over  and  above  these  bodies 
was  the  constitution,  in  which  heredity  was 
recognized  as  the  best  law  of  choice.  That  is, 
the  councils  must  choose  by  law,  among  the 
Arsacid  princes,  that  one  whom  the  constitu- 
tion pointed  to  as  the  legitimate  sovereign. 
I  This  was  generally  the  eldest  son  of  the  late 


PARTHIA.—CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


418 


kiiig;  or  iu  lieu  of  liiiii,  his  next  brother 
must  be  chosen.  In  default  of  sons,  then  the 
eldest  surviving  brother  of  the  last  monarch 
was  the  one  designated  for  the  crown  ;  after 
him,  his  brother.  In  default  of  sous  and 
brothers,  then  the  choice  rested  on  the  uncle 
of  the  last  ruler.  In  case  the  descent  was 
thus  diverted  from  the  direct  line,  it  could 
not  be  recovered  by  representatives  of  that 
line  except  in  default  of  the_  younger  branch 
whereon  the  crown  now 
rested.  Here  again  we  dis- 
cover aa  almost  identical 
prototype  of  the  English 
law  of  royal  descent  and 
inheritance. 

In  some  instances  the 
Parthian  councils  felt  war- 
ranted in  deposing  their 
sovereign.  Such  proceed- 
ing, however,  could  but  be 
revolutionary  in  character. 
Only  an  imbecile  or  idiot 
prince  would  permit  him- 
self, without  an  appeal  to 
the  sword,  to  be  put  aside 
by  the  act  of  the  Megis- 
tanes.  If  James  11.  proves 
recreant  to  his  trust — is  no 
longer  tolerable  by  the  na- 
tion— we  will  put  him  aside. 
We  will  declare  that  he  has 
himselfabdicated  the  throne. 
We  will  call  over  William  to 
be  king  in  his  stead.  But 
of  a  certainty  James  and  his 
adherents,  not  accepting  our 
decision  in  the  matter,  will 
fight  for  the  recovery  of  his 
crown  and  kingdom. 

As  to  induction  into  office,  we  might  have 
expected  that  the  Magi,  more  particularly  the 
Magus  Megistos,  or  High  Priest,  would  be  called 
upon,  or  would  assume  the  right,  in  virtue  of  his 
religious  office  and  after  the  manner  of  his  kind, 
to  crown  the  sovereign  and  consecrate  him  to 
his  royal  duties.  But  this  office,  on  the  con- 
trary, was  reserved  for  the  Surena,  or  General- 
issimo of  the  army.  He  it  was  who  was  sum- 
moned on   the   day  of  coronation   to  put  the 


crown  upon  his  sovereign's  head,  a  fact  which 
fully  establishes  the  strongly  military  character 
of  the  monarchy. 

In  common  with  the  other  great  despotisms 
of  the  East,  the  Parthian  Government  was 
little  changed  from  age  to  age.  There  was  in 
it  much  of  the  same  quality  which  made  the 
laws  of  the  Medes  and  Persians  the  synonym 
for  unchangeableness  in  both  ancient  and 
modern  times.     As  a  rule  the  king  governed 


MAGUS  MEGISTOS,  OR  HIGH  PRIEST. 

according  to  his  own  judgment,  executing  his 
own  decisions  as  though  they  were  the  decrees 
of  a  Parthian  Congress.  The  reader  must 
understand,  however,  that  in  all  personal  gov- 
ernments there  are  traditional  checks  and  re- 
straints upon  the  absolutism  of  the  sovereign, 
the  nature  and  force  of  which  it  is  difficult  for 
citizens  of  a  modern  republic  or  kingdom  to 
understand.  It  appears  that  the  nature  of 
man  is  of  itself  a  constitution  whose  provisions 


414 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


are  as  well  understood  and  as  mandatory  as 
the  most  formal  articles  in  the  written  code  of 
nations.  Added  to  this  unalterable  principle 
of  human  nature,  as  shown  in  the  unwritten 
restraints  imposed  by  public  opinion  on  the 
wills  of  barbaric  kings  and  emperors,  we  must 
allow,  in  the  case  of  Parthia,  a  restraining  in- 
fluence to  the  Magian  priesthood.  This  body, 
whose  numbers,  in  the  latter  times  of  the  Em- 
pire, Gibbon  has  estimated  at  eighty  thousand, 
could  not  fail  to  hold  the  rod  of  religious  au- 
thority over  the  secular  rulers.  The  sovereign 
himself,  according  as  his  nature  was  of  a  re- 
ligious or  a  secular  bias,  must  have  felt  in 
greater  or  less  degree  the  common  awe  which 
the  traditional  representative  of  the  ancient 
Iranian  feith  exercised  over  the  minds  and 
conduct  of  the  common  people. 

In  lieu  of  a  representative  Government,  com- 
posed of  delegates  assembling  from  all  parts 
at  the  capital — in  lieu  of  a  system  of  adminis- 
tration by  which  revenues  were  regularly  gath- 
ered and  authority  dispensed  from  the  central 
Government  to  its  remotest  members — the  an- 
cient provincial  system,  developed  by  the 
Achasmenian  kings  into  the  well-known  sa- 
trapial  form,  was  adopted  and  adhered  to  by 
the  Parthian  monarchs.  The  plan  was,  in 
brief,  to  regard  the  different  provinces  as  a 
sort  of  quasi  independencies,  over  each  of  wliich 
a  satrap,  or  governor,  was  appointed  by  the 
king.  There  was,  however,  among  the  de- 
pendencies much  inequality.  Some  of  them 
consisted  merely  of  the  territories  of  a  tribe 
only  half  emerged  from  the  barbaric  state. 
Others  rose  as  high  in  the  scale  as  regular 
kingdoms.  There  was  a  great  difference  in 
rank  between  the  rulers  of  the  latter  and 
those  of  the  former.  The  latter  were  in  real- 
ity sub-kings,  tributary  monarchs  to  the  great 
sovereign,  who  now  took  upon  himself  the  title 
of  King  of  Kings.  Over  the  smaller  and  less 
important  provinces  mere  satraps,  holding  office 
during  the  pleasure  of  the  sovereign,  were  sent 
out.  In  such  countries  as  Media,  Persia,  Arme- 
nia, and  Babylonia,  the  viceroys  were  rultrs  of 
royal  rank  and  hereditary  rights.  They  had, 
of  course,  been  obliged  to  accept  a  tributary 
relation  to  the  Parthian  Emperor;  but  beyond 
this   the  administration   of  the  sub-kings  was 


comparatively  free  from  interference.  There 
was,  indeed,  no  general  administration  for  the 
whole  Empire,  but  a  sort  of  feudalism,  under 
which  connections  and  subordinations  were  es- 
tablished on  the  principle  of  protection  from 
above  down,  and  of  military  service  and 
tribute  on  the  part  of  the  subject  States. 

Besides  the  two  kinds  of  government  here 
referred  to,  namely,  the  common  satrapy  and 
the  half-hereditary  viceroyalty,  there  was  still 
a  third  variety  of  political  organization  within 
the  Imperial  dominions.  This  was  the  free 
city.  It  was  not  within  the  desire,  and  prob- 
ably not  within  the  ability,  of  the  Parthian 
monarchs  to  eradicate  the  Grreco-Macedonian 
municipalities  which  for  nearly  two  centuries  had 
constituted  the  nests  of  Europeanism  in  Asia. 
These  cities  had  for  six  generations  lain  like 
gems  of  culture  on  the  immoderate  breast  of 
barbarism.  In  many  respects  they  were  in 
Asia,  but  not  of  it.  In  the  natural  order  of 
things  they  became  detached  from  the  sur» 
rounding  provinces.  At'length  permanent  re- 
lations were  established  between  them  and  the 
monarchy.  Many  of  the  cities  paid  tribute 
directly  to  the  royal  treasury,  and  were  hence- 
forth isolated  from  the  local  government  of  the 
satrapy. 

It  was  the  policy  of  the  Empire  not  to  dis- 
turb the  provincial  governments,  of  whatever 
kind  they  were,  so  long  as  the  tribute  was  paid 
regularly  and  in  full  amount.  The  same 
principle  held  with  the  cities.  The  latter 
were  allowed  to  proceed  on  their  own  lines  of 
development.  Thus,  for  instance,  Seleucia 
grew  to  greatness.  According  to  Pliny,  the 
population  waxed  to  si.x  hundred  thousand. 
Fortifications  were  built,  and  the  place  be- 
came a  sort  of  Hamburg  of  antiquity.  A 
municipal  government  was  constituted  after  a 
plan  that  might  well  remind  the  reader  of 
MediiBval  Venice  under  the  Doges.  Of  course 
the  arts  and  learning  of  the  Parthian  Empire 
fled  for  covert  to  these  Grseco-Asiatic  strong- 
holds. Each  became  a  sort  of  Constantinople 
of  the  desert,  wherein  Culture  might  peaceably 
examine  her  still  beautiful  features  in  the 
mirrors  which  had  been  preserved  from  the 
days  of  the  Grecian  ascendency. 

To  destroy  such  places  was  a  thing  not  t^ 


J'ARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


415 


be  considered  bv  the  Parthian  kings;  and  so 
they  were  spared  from  violence.  More  than 
this,  we  may  discover  in  the  situation  one  of 
the  prevailing  habits  of  the  Parthian  court. 
We  have  already  remarked  upon  the  unfixod- 
ness  as  to  the  locality  of  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment. Hecatompylos,  the  old  cajiital  of  Par- 
thia  Proper,  ceased  to  be  regarded  as  the  seat 
of  the  Empire.  Ctesiphon  was  preferred,  par- 
ticularly for  the  winter  months.  The  milder 
climate  of  the  Soutli  and  the  half-Greek  re- 
finements of  the  metropolis  wx)oed  the  kings 
and  their  courts  out  of  the  boisterous  North. 
.Not  far  away  was  the  city  of  Vologesocerta, 
which  likewise  invited  at  certain  seasons  a 
visit  from  the  sovereign.  Then,  with  the  re- 
turn of  summer,  the  Emperor  and  his  retinue 
would  hie  away  into  Media  and  fix  themselves 
for  awhile  at  Ecbfitana,  the  ancient  capital. 
Sometimes  the  royal  residence  was  at  Tape 
in  Hyrcania;  and  during  the  spring  months 
the  monarch  was  wont  to  enjoy  himself  at 
Uhages.  which  had  been  one  of  the  first  con- 
quests of  Mithridates. 

Could  the  observer  look  in  once  more  upon 
this  ancient  Parthian  court,  as  it  was  consti- 
tuted in  the  days  of  the  King  of  Kings,  he 
should  behold  an  assemblage  of  splendid  per- 
sons clad  in  the  style  of  the  Orient,  having 
the  manners  of  a  half-redeemed  barbarism, 
and  living  in  sueii  luxurious  habit  as  war 
and  pride  and  appetite  had  engendered.  The 
manner  of  the  royal  establishment  was  virtu- 
ally the  same  as  that  of  Assyria  and  Persia. 
The  story  of  the  kingly  courts  in  those  coun- 
tries has  already  been  recited.  In  general, 
there  was  about  the  king's  residence  much 
passion  and  treachery.  It  might  almost  ap- 
pear that  there  is  something  climatic  about 
the  sentiments  and  customs  of  men,  by  which 
they  are  controlled  in  the  different  epochs  of 
history  and  the  different  localities  of  the 
world.  It  might  be  difficult  to  conceive  of 
the  existence  of  the  Hellenic  democracy  on 
the  Plateau  of  Iran,  and  equally  difficult  to 
imagine  the  existence  of  a  Persian  or  Par- 
thian court  in  the  Grecian  Islands. 

However  this  may  be,  we  may  assure  our- 
selves that  the  Arsacid  princes  virtually  re- 
vived and  restored  the  style  of  government 


which  had  been  practiced  by  the  Acha?menian 
kings.  But  in  one  respect  Parthia  appears  to 
have  outdone  the  Orient  in  the  way  of  bar- 
baric grandeur.  In  time  of  war,  not  only  the 
king,  but  his  court,  his  Government,  went 
into  the  field.  The  State  was  encamped  with 
the  army.  An  immense  retinue  of  non- 
combatants  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  expe- 
dition. A  caravan  of  camels  carried  not  only 
the  military  equipage,  but  a  half  cityful  of 
articles  belonging  to  peace.  The  king  and  his 
generals  had  no  thought  of  leaving  any  grati- 
fication behind  them.  The  wives  and  concu- 
bines of  the  monarch  and  his  nobles  were  borne 
on  litters  from  camp  to  camp,  and  all  the 
means  of  revelry,  all  the  accoutrements  of 
pleasure,  were  bountifully  supplied  at  every 
stage  of  the  campaign.  The  royal  society  re- 
moved from  place  to  place  with  only  the  cav- 
alry interposed  between  itself  and  the  enemy. 

Conquest  had  now  reached  its  territorial 
limit  except  on  the  side  of  Syria.  In  that 
direction  the  country  was  still  open  to  inva- 
sion, and  the  motives  were  present  for  the 
renewal  of  war.  Time  and  again  the  Grseco- 
Syrian  kings  had  thought  to  recover  by  the 
sword  their  Eastern  provinces.  Time  and 
again  the  Parthians  had  succeeded  in  beating 
them  back.  Would  not  the  latter  now  turn 
upon  their  foe,  and  drive  an  expedition  in  the 
direction  of  the  Mediterranean?  At  this  very 
time  Demetrius,  one  of  the  Syrian  kings,  was 
a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the  Parthians.  We 
have  seen  how  Mithridates  confined  him  in 
regal  state  in  Hyrcania,  and  how  he  sought  to 
give  him  his  daughter  Rhodogun(5  in  mar- 
riage. This  project  went  over  unfulfilled  to 
Phraates  II.,  who,  in  the  year  136  B.  C, 
succeeded  his  father  on  the  throne. 

Meanw^hile  the  Syrian  crown  had,  when  the 
captivity  of  Demetrius  was  known,  descended 
to  Antiochus  Sidetes,  brother  of  the  prisoner. 
It  appears  that  as  soon  as  Phraates  came  into 
power  he  began  to  consider  the  question  of 
conquering  Syria.  He  first  sought  to  promote 
his  purpose  by  an  intrigue.  Having  succeeded 
in  inducing  the  captive  Demetrius  to  accept 
Rhodogun^  as  his  wife,  he  attempted  to  enlist 
his  prisoner  in  his  cause.  To  this  end  he 
tempted  him  with  the  prospect  of  liberation, 


«18 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


hoping  tbat  as  soon  as  Demetrius  was  free  he 
would  reclaim  the  Syrian  throne.  The  cap- 
tive was  himself  not  innocent  of  such  a  dream, 
but  he  sought  to  consummate  his  hopes  with- 
out the  connivance  of  his  brother-in-law.  He 
accordingly  made  one  or  two  unsuccessful  ef- 
forts to  escape,  but  was  in  each  instance  pur- 
sued, retaken,  and  brought  back  to  captivity. 

Meanwhile  feelings  of  correlative  antago- 
nism were  cherished  by  the  Syrian  king  against 
the  Parthians.  He  too  bided  his  time.  For 
the  present  Antiochus  Sidetes  was  engaged  in 
a  war  with  the  Jews.  That  rebellious  people, 
under  the  leadership  of  the  High  Priest  Simon, 
attempted  to  maintain  the  independence  which 
had  been  conceded  by  Demetrius  before  his 
overthrow  and  captivity.  In  course  of  time 
the  Jews,  under  the  command  of  John  Hyr- 
canus,  who  had  succeeded  his  father  Simon, 
were  reduced  to  submission,  and  Antiochus 
found  himself  free  to  make  war  on  the  Par- 
thians. He  organized  a  powerful  army,  and 
set  out  in  the  direction  of  Babylonia.  The 
king  of  Syria  was  still  able,  notwithstanding 
the  losses  of  territory  which  his  predecessoj-s 
had  met,  to  bring  into  the  field  a  force  greatly 
superior  to  that  with  which  Phraates  was  able 
to  confront  him.  The  latter,  however,  came 
forth  as  far  as  Mesopotamia,  and  time  and 
again  joined  battle  with  his  antagonist.  But 
in  each  engagement  the  victory  remained  with 
the  Syrians,  and  the  Parthian  king  was  obliged 
to  recede  toward  the  central  parts  of  his  Empire. 

The  successes  of  the  Syrians  in  the  field 
were,  in  the  next  place,  increased  by  the 
chronic  disaffection  of  the  Greek  cities.  The 
latter,  together  with  many  of  the  provinces  on 
the  side  of  Babylonia,  rose  and  went  over  to 
Antiochus.  It  was  the  same  old  story  of  ex- 
changing masters  under  the  expediency  of 
the  hour.  For  the  time,  the  western  horizon 
seemed  to  bear  nothing  but  thunder-clouds 
and  tempest  for  Phraates;  but  he  was  un- 
daunted, and  set  himself  against  further  dis- 
aster. The  time  had  now  come  for  making 
the  most  of  the  captive  Demetrius.  The  Par- 
thian king  set  him  at  liberty,  and  he  sped 
away  like  an  arrow  in  the  direction  of  Syria. 
It  seems,  however,  that  Antiochus  did  not  learn 
of  the  flight  of  the  dangerous  bird,  and  so  he 


pressed  on,  gaining  additional  advantages 
until  what  time  winter  set  in,  and  the  Syrian 
army  was  distributed  into  the  cities  for 
quarters. 

The  forces  of  the  invasion  were  thus  scat- 
tered over  a  wide  extent  of  country ;  but  the 
situation  seemed  one  of  security,  and  no  un- 
easiness was  felt  by  the  king.  On  the  side  of 
Parthia,  however,  the  case  was  viewed  with  a 
keener  eye.  The  Parthian  soldiers  were  able 
for  winter  service,  being  inured  to  the  climate. 
The  case,  moreover,  was  well-nigh  desperate, 
and  Phraates  determined  to  make  the  most  olf 
the  opportunity.  At  first  the  different  de- 
tachments of  the  Syrian  army  were  well  re- 
ceived in  the  cities  to  which  they  were  sent; 
but  military  occupation  is  always  a  wearines.s 
of  the  flesh.  The  soldiers  ate  and  drank  antil 
caroused,  after  the  manner  of  their  kind,  untill 
the  citizens  became  heartily  sick  of  having 
gone  over  to  Antiochus. 

As  the  winter  wore  on  Phraates,  learning 
of  the  universal  discontent,  sent  trusted  agents 
into  all  the  cities  where  the  Syrians  were 
quartered,  and  contrived  a  great  conspiracy. 
It  was  arranged  that  on  a  given  day  each 
city  should  rise  against  the  soldiers  and  de- 
stroy them,  while  at  the  same  time  Phraates 
himself  should  make  a  rush  for  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Syrian  army  and  overwhelm 
his  enemy  in  battle.  The  plot  was  carried  into 
execution.  At  the  given  time  the  citizens 
sprang  to  arms,  surrounded  the  quarters  of 
the  soldiers,  and  slew  and  massacred  until 
scarcely  a  Syrian  was  left  to  tell  the  story. 
The  rumor  of  the  insurrection  flew  to  Anti- 
ochus, and  he  led  forth  his  central  division  to 
the  rescue,  only  to  be  met  by  Phraates  in  the 
field.  In  this  struggle  also  the  issue  was 
against  the  Syrians.  The  Parthian  cavalry 
swept  everything  before  it,  and  Antiochus 
himself  was  slain.  Almost  the  entire  force, 
enormous  as  it  was,  was  destroyed.  Accord- 
ing to  Diodorus  Siculus,  three  hundred  thou- 
sand of  the  Syrians  perished. 

At  all  events  the  expedition  was  brought 
to  utter  ruin.  Not  a  vestige  of  the  invading 
force  was  left  in  the  field.  The  triumph  of 
Phraates  was  complete  in  every  particular. 
He    succeeded    in    capturing    the    son    and 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


411 


daughter  of  his  adversary.  The  rapid  res- 
toration of  Parthian  authority  ensued  in  all 
those  parts  of  the  country  which  had  been 
overawed  by  the  Syrians.  The  Parthian  king 
made  strenuous  efforts  to  overtake  and  bricg 
back  Demetrius,  hoping  thus  to  secure  all  the 
Seleucid  princes,  and  thus  perhaps  extinguish 
the  Dynasty.  But  Deraetri^is  had  already 
fled  beyond  his  reach,  and  cculd  not  be  re- 
taken. 

As  to  the  Syrian  monarchy  an  additional 
disaster  was  in  waiting.  No  sooner  was  it 
known  in  Judaea  that  Autiochus  was  slain 
than  the  people  rose  against  their  masters  and 
achieved  their  independence.  The  kings  of 
Antioch,  in  the  remaining  sixty-three  years  of 
their  power,  were  not  able  again  to  subdue 
the  Jews,  and  Palestine  remained  an  inde- 
pendency until  what  time  the  scepter  of  Rome 
was  passed  over  the  countries  east  of  the 
Mediterranean. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  advantages  of 
victory,  Phraates  found  serious  obstacles  in  his 
path.  An  enemy,  not  indeed  so  numerous, 
but  far  more  terrible  in  war  than  the  Syrians, 
rose  on  the  opposite  borders  of  the  Empire. 
For  several  generations  the  Scythians  had 
been  in  league  with  the  Parthiaus.  The  old- 
time  kinship  and  affinity  of  the  two  peoples 
have  been  more  than  once  referred  to  in  the 
preceding  pages.  Friendship  existed,  and 
common  cause  was  frequently  made  by  the 
Scyths  with  the  people  and  king  of  Parthia. 
When  Antiochus  Sidetes,  the  late  invader, 
came  into  Babylonia  with  his  army,  Phraates 
had  solicited  the  aid  of  the  Scythians,  and  a 
great  body  of  the  wild  warriors  had  accepted 
the  call.  They  set  out  on  their  march  to  join 
Phraates,  but  did  not  succeed  in  doing  so  until 
after  the  defeat  and  destruction  of  the  Syrian 
army.  Then,  forsooth,  Phraates  had  no  further 
use  for  the  Scyths  or  for  their  belated  offers 
of  aid.  The  Northern  warriors  then  demanded 
their  pay,  and  when  this  was  refused  they 
turned  about  and  began  to  take  by  ravage  in 
the  districts  of  Parthia  a  liberal  compensation 
for  tiieir  alleged  services. 

Agaiust  these  disturbers  of  his  Empire 
Phraates  was  now  obliged  to  turn  about  from 
the  scene  of  his  great  victory.     He  had  mean- 


while forgiven  the  Greek  cities,  and  had  ac- 
cepted from  them  a  contingent  of  soldiers. 
He  had  also  incorporated  with  his  own  army 
the  prisoners  whom  he  had  taken  from  An- 
tiochus. There  was  thus  a  considerable  di- 
vision of  his  forces  made  up  of  foreign  ele- 
ments. With  this  army  he  advanced  agaiust 
the  Scyths,  and  came  to  battle.  In  the  midst 
of  the  conflict  the  Greeks,  on  the  Parthian  side, 
treacherously  rose  against  their  general  and 
went  over  to  the  Scythians.  The  Parthians, 
thus  weakened  by  defection,  were  routed  and 
swept  from  the  field.  Phraates  himself  was 
among  the  slain. 

Had  the  Scythians  possessed  the  instincts 
of  conquest  and  reorganization,  they  might 
now,  to  all  appearances,  have  gone  forward  to 
the  overthrow  of  the  Empire  ;  but  their  method 
was  simply  the  method  of  plunder.  As  fot 
the  Greeks,  by  whose  aid  the  victory  had  been 
achieved,  finding  themselves  suddenly  liber* 
ated  from  military  captivity,  they  broke  up 
and  rolled  away  towards  the  West,  recovering 
as  best  they  might  their  homes  in  Mesopo- 
tamia and  Syria.  The  reign  had  been  brief, 
extending  only  to  the  year  B.  C.  127.  Nor 
might  it  be  claimed  that  the  Empire  had,  on 
the  whole,  been  improved  or  strengthened  by 
the  agency  and  valor  of  the  sixth  of  the  Ar- 
sacid  kings. 

Phraates  at  the  time  of  his  death  was  still 
a  young  man.  It  appears  that  he  left  no  son 
to  succeed  him.  At  any  rate  the  crown  was 
transferred  to  his  uncle,  Artabanus  II.  The 
latter,  on  coming  to  power,  had  to  face  the 
most  serious  responsibilities.  The  victorious 
Scythians  and  their  Greek  auxiliaries  were  still 
in  the  heart  of  Parthia.  The  native  army 
had  been  almost  destroyed.  At  the  same  time 
serious  difficulties  arose  on  the  side  of  Baby- 
lonia. The  satrap  of  this  country  had  by  his 
oppressions  goaded  the  people  into  rebellion 
and  war.  But  the  clouded  aspect  of  affairs 
soon  gave  place  to  a  clearer  sky.  The  Greeks, 
as  we  have  seen,  were  more  anxious  to  escape 
from  the  country  than  to  continue  the  conflict. 
As  for  the  Scythians,  they  in  all  ages  were 
satisfied  to  stuff  themselves  with  coarse  food, 
to  heat  their  blood  with  strong  drinks,  and  to 
enjoy  the  ineflable  sleep  of  bai-barism.     In  the 


418 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


present  instance  they  plundered  until  they 
were  satisfied,  and  then  withdrew  from  the 
country,  leaving  the  Parthiaus  to  reflect  upon 
the  costliness  of  refusing  military  pay  to  half- 
savages.  . 

But  while  the  Empire  thus  happily  emerged 
from  the  dangerous  local  complications  which 
had  thickened  around  the  last  years  of  Phra- 
ates,  another  and  more  general  peril  came  in- 
stead. This  was  the  pressure  which  now  be- 
gan to  be  felt  CD  the  northern  and  eastern 
frontiers  from  the  impact  of  human  hordes 
bearing  down  out  of  the  unknown  regions  be- 
yond the  Jaxartes.  It  were  long  to  give  an 
account  of  this  extraordinary  movement.  In 
its  origin,  its  character,  and  tendencies,  it  was 
one  of  the  many  irruj>tions  of  the  barbaric 
upon  the  civilized  or  half-civilized  races  of 
men.  The  philosophy  of  such  ethnic  agita- 
tions is  better  understood  as  it  respects  the 
after-parts  and  results  of  the  movements  than 
with  respect  to  their  origin.  The  true  begin- 
ning of  the  migration  of  tribes  is  a  thing  ex- 
ceedingly hard  to  discover.  After  the  war- 
like migrations  have  once  been  started,  it  is 
easy  enough  to  note  the  process  by  which  one 
barbarous  nation  after  another  is  jostled  from 
its  seats  until  the  last  of  the  series  is  thrown 
across  the  borders  of  civilization.  Again,  we 
may  say  that  the  primal  impulse  is  partly 
cosmic  and  partly  ethnic  in  character.  Time 
and  again  we  have  had  occasion  to  remark 
upon  the  operation  of  those  subtle  forces  in  the 
natural  world  by  which  the  human  race  is 
pressed  westward  through  all  continents  and 
across  all  seas.  Again,  some  races  of  men  ex- 
hibit a  peculiar  aptitude  for  movements  of  this 
kind.  It  might  be  said  with  truth  that  they 
are  most  susceptible  in  their  constitution  to 
the  influence  of  those  far-reaching  physical 
laws  to  which  we  have  just  referred. 

But  as  we  have  said,  the  origin,  the  source, 
the  fountain  of  the  disturbance  is  hartlly  dis- 
coverable. The  impulse  rises  far  ofi"  in  the 
regions  of  utter  barbarism.  Perhaps  we  might 
find  it  in  the  peculiar  fecundity  of  certain 
tribes,  in  certain  stages  of  their  development. 
Such  movements  always  precede  the  mo- 
nogamic  stage  in  the  human  evolution.  At 
any  rate,  we  may  contemplate  a  certain  spot 


in  barbarism  as  overstocked  with  human  be- 
ings, having  the  aggressive  instinct  and  the 
nomadic  character.  Migration  ensues,  and 
the  neighboring  tribes  are  propelled  in  a  di- 
rection a  little  to  the  south  of  west.  This 
course  is  sought  under  the  same  influence 
which  carries  the  colony  of  bees  to  its  des- 
tination after  leaving  the  parent  hive.  Eu- 
rope has  been  many  times  troubled,  and  at 
least  once  extinguished,  by  a  barbarian  ava- 
lanche precipitated  under  the  influences  here 
described. 

At  the  time  of  which  we  speak  Asia,  as 
well  as  Europe,  began  to  feel  the  pressure. 
Bactria  was  the  first  to  be  smitten  in  the  flank 
by  the  ram's-head  of  barbarism.  About  the 
time  of  the  accession  of  Artabanus  II.  the 
Bactrian  provinces  were  despoiled  by  barba- 
rians of  the  nomadic  order.  A  large  part  of 
the  country  was  actually  taken  by  tribes  out 
of  the  North,  breaking  in  as  though  they  had 
been  fired  from  a  catapult.  But  Bactria  was 
not  the  only  part  so  threatened  and  assaulted. 
Arya  was  also  invaded,  and  the  Hyrcanian 
borders  felt  the  pressure.  All  along  the  line 
of  the  Oxus,  from  its  Caspian  delta  to  its 
head-waters  in  the  mountains  of  Upper  India, 
the  horde  surged  back  and  forth  to  find  an 
entrance  into  the  Empire. 

The  tribes  were  nameless  and  numberless. 
Their  character  has  been  depicted  by  Herod- 
otus and  Strabo.  Tlie  nomadic  habit  was  the 
dominant  trait.  The  tribesmen  had  wagons 
and  carts  and  the  other  apparatus  peculiar  to 
races  of  the  woods  and  steppes ;  and  the 
women  and  children  of  the  race  were  borne  in 
these  vehicles  from  one  station  to  another. 
The  vocation  was  hunting,  war,  plunder.  Do- 
mestic animals,  especially  cattle  and  horses, 
were  carried  along  with  the  movement.  The 
milk-driuking  and  cheese-eating  appetite  of  the 
Scyths  is  known  wherever  Ancient  History 
has  been  read.  The  social  structure  was  based 
on  polyandria,  the  sexual  union  being  much 
the  same  in  manner  as  that  of  the  North 
American  Indians. 

The  Asiatic  barbarians  were  famous  in  their 
day  for  their  .=kill  in  horsemanship  and  archery. 
Their  weapons  were  the  bow  and  arrow,  the 
spear  and  the  lance,  the  knife,  or  short  sword, 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AJs^D  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


419 


and  the  battle-axe.  These,  as  to  their  metal- 
lic parts,  were  of  bronze.  War  was  waged  in 
the  style  of  savages.  Many  usages  which  have 
been  eliminated  iu  civilized  warfare  prevailed. 
Arrows  were  poisoned  with  the  venom  of  ser- 
pents or  the  diseased  discharges  of  animal 
bodies.  The  enemy  might  be  destroyed  iu 
any  manner  fatal  to  human  life.  Not  only 
ehould  the  foe  be  slain,  but  his  body  might  be 
cooked  and  eaten,  as  if  it  wei-e  the  product  of 
the  chase.  Nor  did  the  cannibalism  of  the 
barbarians  stop  with  devouring  the  fallen  foe. 
Friends  and  kinsmen  might  be  eaten  if  only 
the  rules  of  the  Scythian  constitution  should 
be  observed.  The  young  and  middle-aged 
were  not  for  food;  but  with  the  failure  of  the 
bodily  powers  in  advanced  life,  the  father  or 
uncle  of  the  polyandriau  family  was  taken, 
killed  by  his  household,  and  eaten  with  grati- 
tude. Nor  does  it  appear  that  the  victims  under 
such  circumstances  regarded  their  fate  as  a 
hardship.  It  was  the  usage  of  the  nation.  The 
hardship  came  in  the  form  of  disease  which 
sometimes  prevented  the  law  from  having  its 
course  in  the  final  disposition  of  the  body. 

It  was  against  such  a  race  as  this  that 
Artabanus  II.  was  called  to  contend.  Nor 
was  he  slow  to  accept  the  challenge  which 
came  roaring  out  of  the  country  of  the  Jax- 
artes.  Soon  after  his  accession  to  the  throne 
he  made  successful  warfare  first  upon  those 
tribes  that  had  already  broken  into  his  domin- 
ions. Bactria  was  expurgated  of  her  savage 
contents,  and  the  king  then  led  his  army  vic- 
toriously into  the  enemy's  country.  The  na- 
tion of  the  Tochari  was  turned  back  by  battle, 
and  the  cohort  of  barbarism  felt  a  sudden  jar 
in  its  progress,  at  which  the  tribes  were 
Startled  and  stood  still.  But  while  Artabanus 
was  thus  carrying  on  successful  warfare  with 
the  hostile  races  beyond  his  own  borders,  he 
was  wounded  in  battle,  and  died  from  the  in- 
jury. The  event,  while  not  at  once  decisive 
as  to  the  general  issue  of  the  war,  ended  the 
campaign,  and  the  Parthians  receded  from  the 
barbarian  countries.  As  for  the  crown,  it  was 
at  once  transferred  to  Mithuidates  II.,  son 
and  successor  of  the  late  king. 

The  volume  of  barbarism,  like  a  stream  of 
ffatur,  on  meeting  an   obstacle  turns  to  right 


or  left,  and  makes  its  way  into  a  devious 
channel.  It  appears  that  the  war  of  Arta- 
banus in  the  country  north  of  the  Oxus  had 
had  some  such  physical  effect  on  the  savage 
races.  At  least  the  new  king  found  less 
difficulty  than  might  have  been  anticipated  in 
staying  the  further  progress  of  the  nomads. 
The  beast  of  barbarism  reared,  plunged,  and 
took  another  course.  Mithridates  II.  had 
little  trouble  in  re-establishing  his  northern 
frontier.  The  Scythic  tribes  were  turned  to 
the  east,  as  if  to  make  a  detour  around  the 
Empire.  The  historical  forces  had  been  strong 
enough  to  deflect  the  cosmic  forces,  and  to 
discharge  the  river  of  savagery  far  to  the  east 
in  Afghanistan  and  Upper  India.  Bactria  was 
wholly  recovered  by  the  king,  and  it  waa 
evident  that  the  barbarians,  finding  a  vent  in 
another  direction,  would  trouble  him  no 
further. 

It  was  equail)  manifest  that  the  kingdom 
of  the  Seleucidse  would  not  again  send  out  an 
army  to  interfere  with  the  natural  course  of 
events  in  the  countries  bej'ond  the  Euphrates. 
This  condition  of  affairs  invited  the  ambitious 
and  capable  Mithridates  to  enlarge  his  borders 
by  war.  Of  the  surrounding  countries  Ar- 
menia was  at  this  time  the  most  inviting.  Thus 
far  only  a  part — the  smaller  and  less  impor« 
tant  part — of  the  country  had  been  brought 
under  the  sway  of  the  Parthian  kings.  Ar» 
menia  JVIagna,  as  the  country  between  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Araxes  was  called  by  the 
Romans,  still  retained  its  independence.  More 
properly,  it  had  been  included  as  a  part  of  the 
kingdom  of  Syria,  and  had  not  been  wrested 
therefrom  by  the  Parthians.  The  country 
was  of  ancient  renown.  Itjiad  been  an  object 
of  contention  and  conquest  among  the  great 
conquerors.  Alexander  had  taken  it.  Seleu- 
cus  had  received  it.  With  the  decline  of  the 
S.yrian  monarchy,  Armenia  attained  a  quasi  in- 
dependence. A  branch  of  the  House  of  Ar.saces 
was  recognized  in  authority  over  the  Arme- 
nians. There  had  evidently  been  an  uncertain 
war  between  the  country  and  Partbia.  The 
Prince  Tigrancs  was,  in  his  youth,  a  hostage  at 
the  Parthian  court.  Now,  at  length,  the  time 
had  arrived  when  a  great  contention  was  to 
determine  whetber  Armenia  should  be  joined 


420 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


in  political  fortunes  with  the  East  or  the  West — 
with  the  Empire  having  its  seat  beyond  the 
Caspian,  or  with  the  Republic  havitjg  its  seat 
on  the  Tiber. 

For  Rome  had  now  appeared.  She  had 
boldly  put  forth  her  claim  to  the  mastery  of 
Europe.  One  after  another  of  the  adjacent 
countries  had  yielded  to  her  sway.  Greece, 
in  196  B.  C,  had  become  a  Roman  i^roviuce. 
Just  fifty  years  later  Carthage  was  finally  ob- 
literated. The  countries  of  the  Western  and 
Central  Mediterranean  presented  no  further 
obstacle,  and  Roman  ambition  must  pass  over 
into  Asia  Minor  and  the  still  remoter  East. 
As  far  back  as  B.  C.  190,  Antiochus  III.,  of 
Syria,  was  ruinously  routed  on  the  field  of 
Magnesia.  He  was  obliged  to  accept  what 
terms  soever  the  conqueror  imposed.  He  was 
compelled  to  relinquish  his 
authority  over  a  large  part 
of  his  kingdom;  to  give 
up  his  elephants  of  war; 
to  surrender — or  promise 
to  surrender — the  fugitive 
Hannibal  of  great  renown ; 
and  to  give  his  own  son 
as  a  hostage  for  the  ful- 
fillment of  the  treaty. 
Thus  did  the  Roman  Re- 
public succeed  in  obtain- 
ing a  foothold  in  Asia,  and 
tt  was  the  custom  of  that  stern  Power  not  to 
relinquish  what  had  once  been  acquired.  As 
soon  should  we  expect  the  She-wolf  nurse  of 
the  Twin  Robbers  to  give  up  her  prey  through 
the  possession  of  sentiment. 

We  pause  not  in  this  connection  to  narrate 
the  progress  of  events  among  the  States  of 
Asia  Minor  whereby  Rome  and  Parthia  were 
first  brought  into  relations.  At  the  first  the 
connection  brought  friendship  rather  than  an- 
tipathy. Mithridates  V.,  king  of  Pontus,  had 
suddenly  risen  to  great  power,  and  about  the 
close  of  the  second  and  the  beginning  of  the 
first  century  B.  C.  had  constructed  an  Empire 
out  of  a  petty  kingdom  in  Asia  Minor.  He 
had  made  himself  and  his  armies  a  terror  in 
all  the  countries  west  of  Armenia.  A  part  of 
that  kingdom  was  added  to  his  dominions. 
Half    of    Paphlagonia    was    snatched    away. 


Galatia  was  overrun  and  conquered,  and  Cap* 
padocia  was  threatened  by  his  ambitions. 

The  king  of  Armenia  was  at  this  time  that 
Tigranes  whom  we  have  mentioned  above. 
He  seems  to  have  favored  the  project  of  the 
king  of  Pontus,  and  to  have  made  an  alliance, 
political  and  matrimonial,  with  him.  Now  it 
was,  namely,  in  the  year  B.  C.  92,  that  the 
Roman  Proconsul  Sulla  was  sent  with  an  army 
into  Asia  to  thwart  the  Pontine  monarch  ia 
his  plans.  It  happened  that  the  Eastern  army 
with  whom  the  Consul  first  came  to  battle 
was  the  Armenian  contingent.  This  force  was 
routed  by  the  Romans,  and  Cappadocia  was 
saved  from  the  grip  of  Mithridates  V.  As 
for  Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia,  he  had  in  the 
meantime  renounced  any  ties  of  friendship  or 
political  relation  with  the  king  of  Parthia. 
He  had  gone  to  war  with  that  personage,  and 
had  succeeded  for  the  time  in  making  himself 
master  of  so  much  of  Armenia  as  had  belonged 
for  nearly  a  century  to  the  Parthian  Empire. 
Thus  did  Tigranes  become  an  enemy  to  both 
Mithridates  II.  and  Rome. 

He  who  is  the  enemy  of  your  enemy  is,  in 
politics  and  war,  j'our  friend.  It  thus  came 
to  pass  that  an  amicable  relation  was  estab- 
lished between  the  Parthian  king  and  the 
Roman  Proconsul  in  Asia.  The  former  sent  to 
the  latter  as  his  ambassador  a  nobleman  named 
Orobazus,  bearing  a  proposal  for  a  league  be- 
tween Parthia  and  Rome.  The  well-known 
policy  of  the  Roman  Senate  of  reserving  all 
treaty  rights  to  itself,  forbade  Sulla  to  do 
more  than  to  entertain  the  Parthian  ambassa- 
dor and  to  encourage  by  friendliness  the  over* 
tures  made  by  his  master.  But  before  any 
positive  treaty  could  be  efiected  between  the 
leading  powers  of  Europe  and  Asia,  the  am- 
bitious and  aggressive  Tigranes  was  able  to 
work  much  havoc  along  the  western  borders 
of  the  Parthian  Empire.  A  war  of  nearly 
ten  years'  duration,  extending  to  the  year 
B.  C.  83,  ensued,  in  the  course  of  which  the 
Armenian  king  was  almost  uniformly  victo- 
rious. He  made  successful  campaigns  into 
Upper  Mesopotamia,  and  tore  away  no  incon- 
siderable territory  from  the  dominions  of 
Mithridates.  He  established  and  consolidated 
his  kingdom  on  an  independent  basis.     For  a 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


421 


e>eason  he  exercised  sovereignty  without  the 
slightest  obeisance  in  the  direction  of  Antioch 
or  Ctesiphon  or  Rome. 

Mithridates  II.  went  down  to  death  six 
years  before  the  conclusion  of  his  war  with 
the  Armenians,  in  which  his  unsuccess  was  so 
conspicuous  as  to  cast  some  shadow  on  his 
title  of  "The  Great,"  won  in  his  youth  by 
victorious  battle  with  the  Scyths.  His  reign 
covered  a  period  of  about  thirty-five  years,  and 
was  principally  noted  in  its  latter  days  on  ac- 
count of  the  contact  and  first  relations  of  the  Em- 
pire which  he  ruled  with  the  Roman  Republic. 

It  happens  in  the  history  of  most  nations 
that  after  what  may  be  called  the  first  Im- 
perial epoch  a  period  of  distraction  and  de- 
cadence ensues.  Success  to  a  nation  brings 
the  same  trials  and  dangers  which  it  brings  to 
the  local  society  or  to  the  individual.  The  ex- 
ercise of  power  and  the  means  of  gratification 
entail  perils  and  plant  pitfalls,  and  rarely  do 
a  people  escape  the  one  or  avoid  the  other. 
There  now  supervened  in  the  history  of  the 
Parthian  Empire  such  a  time  of  retrogression 
and  confusion.  This  was  manifested,  first  of 
all,  on  the  dynastic  side.  The  reader  will  have 
observed  with  what  regularity  the  crown  had 
thus  far  passed  to  the  ninth  prince  of  the  Ar- 
sacida;.  No  break  or  serious  disturbance  had 
occurred  in  the  Dynasty.  But  a  time  now  fell 
out  when  obscurity  came  to  the  royal  house, 
and  it  is  not  known  positively  who  was  the 
next  king  in  order  after  Mithridates  II.  It  is 
believed,  however,  that  a  prince  of  little  repu- 
tation, bearing  the  name  of  Mnasciras,  prob- 
ably the  son  of  the  late  monarch,  came  to  the 
throne.  Neither  from  the  Behistuu  inscrip- 
tions nor  from  the  Parthian  coins  are  we  able 
to  know  definitely  the  course  of  the  succession. 
The  events  of  the  years  extending  from  B.  C. 
89  to  B.  C.  76  are  str  obscure  that  one  may 
almost  pass  the  gap  as  though  it  were  uot. 

In  the  latter  part  of  this  period,  however, 
the  light  returns  sufficiently  to  enable  us  to 
see  men  as  trees  walking.  In  B.  C.  7G  a  new 
king,  named  Sanatrceces,  whom  we  may  con- 
sider as  the  eleventh  of  the  Dynasty,  came  to 
the  throne,  an<l  the  administration,  whatever 
it  had  been,  was  quickened  into  greater  ac- 
tivity.    It  is  known  that  the  new  monarch  was 


already  an  octogenarian  on  his  coming  to 
power.  It  is  also  known  that  he  had  been  for 
a  great  time  a  prisoner,  or  possibly  a  hostage, 
among  the  Scythians;  and  it  is  believed  that 
his  accession  to  the  throne  of  the  Empire  waa 
effected  by  the  aid  of  a  body  of  Scythian  war- 
riors who  returned  with  him  in  his  old  ag9 
from  the  country  beyond  the  Oxus.  Front 
this  circumstance  we  get  a  glimpse  of  a  con 
dltion  which  had  evidently  come  to  pass  in  the 
Empire.  Civil  war  had  ensued,  and  part  of 
the  people  had  no  doubt  joined  in  the  recall  of 
Sanatrceces.  At  any  rate,  the  aged  hero 
gained  the  crown,  and  did  something  before 
his  death  to  restore  the  fortunes  of  his  country. 

The  period  at  which  we  have  here  arrived 
might  almost  be  designated  in  Asiatic  history 
as  the  age  of  the  Armenian  ascendency.  We 
have  seen  above  with  what  vigor  Tigranes,  the 
Armenian  king,  son-in-law  of  Mithridates  II., 
had  followed  his  ambitions  and  added  to  his 
conquests.  By  him  Armenia  Minor  was  con- 
quered aud  absorbed.  From  Parthia  the 
great  and  valuable  province  of  Northern 
Mesopotamia  was  taken.  Adiabene  also,  in- 
cluding, according  to  the  current  organization, 
the  ancient  Assyria,  was  in  like  manner  torn 
from  the  Empire  by  conquest.  Parts  of  Media 
were  added  to  the  Armenian  dominion,  inso- 
much that  Tigranes  sent  the  dread  of  his  name 
into  all  the  surrounding  countries. 

While  thus  by  successful  war  Armenia  was 
advancing  to  the  rank  of  a  first-class  Power  in 
South-western  Asia,  Rome  was  strengthening 
her  position  and  advancing  her  interests  in  all 
the  hither  parts  of  the  continent.  The  army 
of  the  Republic  and  that  of  Tigranes  were  face 
to  face,  and  it  was  only  a  question  of  time 
when  one  or  the  other  must  go  to  the  wall. 
The  king  of  Parthia  had  cause  to  fear  each 
aud  both  of  these  tremendous  forces  as  vhey 
rose  on  his  western  borders.  He  was  in  doubt 
whether  it  were  best  for  him  to  take  his 
chances  by  allying  himself  with  the  Armeni- 
ans, and  thus  recognizing  the  violence  by  which 
Tigranes  had  taken  away  a  portion  of  the  Par- 
thian Empire,  or  to  make  a  union  with  Rome. 
In  his  embarrassment  he  dealt  doubly  with 
the  question,  holding  out  to  each  party  the 
promise  and  expectation  of  favor. 


422 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


It  is  said  that  Lucullus,  the  Roman  Consul, 
now  engaged  iu  war  with  Tigranes,  was  so 
much  offended  at  the  uncertain  course  taken 
by  the  Parthian  king,  that  he  contemplated 
the  abandonment  of  the  Armenian  war  until 
what  time  he  should  make  an  expedition  be- 
yond the  Tigris  and  teach  Sanatrceces  the  folly 
of  temporizing  with  Rome.  This,  however, 
was  not  done.  Tigranes  at  length  fell  back 
before  the  Roman  legions,  and  Parthia  was 
delivered  from  her  peril.  The  reign  of  Sana- 
trceces ended  with  his  life,  about  the  year  67 
B.  C,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  his  son, 
Phraates  III. 

Pompey  the  Great  had  now  come  into 
Asia,  and  with  him  the  new  king  was  obliged 
to  deal.  The  Roman  was  engaged  in  a  war 
with  Pontus,  but  he  solicited  and  gained  the 
friendship  of  Phraates,  to  whom  in  return  he 


t^^^CX'iy 


s»i^i3«- 


ROMAN   LECIONAEIES. 


pledged  the  restoration  of  the  provinces  which 
had  been  conquered  by  th  Armenians.  By 
this  means  the  Parthian  king  was  induced  to 
make  an  alliance  with  Rome.  At  the  same 
time  he  became  deeply  involved  ith  Armenia. 
In  that  country  civil  dissension  had  come  as  a 
paralysis  to  Tigranes.  His  son,  bearing  his 
own  name,  had  entered  into  a  conspiracy  and 
become  leader  of  a  rebellion  against  the  throne. 
The  insurrection  soon  cam  to  naught,  and  the 
young  Tigranes  fled  to  the  court  of  Parthia  for 
refuge  and  protection.  Phraates  espoused  his 
cause,  and  being  under  promise  to  Pompey  to 
prevent  Armenia  from  joining  Pontus  in  the 
field,  the  Parthian  king  now  fulfilled  his 
promise  by  taking  up  the  quarrel  of  the  refugee 
prince  and  marching  into  Armenia  to  support 
him  against  his  father. 

For  the  time  this  movement  was  successful. 


The  elder  Tigranes  fled  to  the  mountains  foe 
safety,  and  the  younger  was  proclaimed  king. 
But  on  the  withdrawal  of  Phraates  into  his 
own  dominions,  the  tide  turned,  and  the  re- 
bellious prince  was  defeated  in  battle  and 
obliged  to  save  himself  by  flight.  By  this  time, 
however,  the  Romans  had  ended  the  war  with 
Pontus,  and  turned  with  crushing  force  against 
Armenia.  Tigranes  was  obliged  to  yield  tc 
the  Proconsul  and  to  accept  his  arbitration  in 
the  affairs  of  the  East.  It  thus  happened  that 
by  battle  and  diplomacy  Pompey  managed 
with  Roman  energy  and  skill  to  gain  a  place 
from  which  he  was  able  to  balance  up  Ar 
menia  and  Parthia,  the  one  against  the  other, 
in  such  manner  as  to  make  the  hostility  jf 
either  of  little  account  as  it  respected  his  own 
purposes  in  the  country.  It  has  been  con- 
jectured that  the  Roman  contemplated  an  im- 
mediate war  on  Parthia  as  the  stronger  and 
more  dangerous  of  the  two  Powers  with  which 
he  must  ultimately  contend.  But  he  was  de- 
terred from  such  an  undertaking,  and  chose  to 
mploy  craft  and  talent  rather  than  the  sword 
in  holding  his  position  as  arbiter  of  Western 
Asia. 

Meanwhile  in  Parthia  a  deplorable  civil  con- 
dition f  llowed  in  the  wake  of  Imperial  great- 
ness. The  time  had  arrived  when  the  poly- 
gami  system  and  the  personal  passions  of  the 
royal  princes  brought  in  the  age  of  conspiracy 
and  murder  in  the  king's  house.  A  condition 
supervened  not  unlike  that  which  has  dis- 
graced the  history  of  modern  times  in  the 
courts  of  Persia  and  Turkey.  Phraates  III. 
was  not  permitted  to  end  his  reign  in  the  order 
of  nature.  His  two  sons,  Mithridates  and 
Orodes,  formed  a  plot  which  reached  as  high 
as  their  father's  life.  He  was  assassinated  by 
them.  Th  elder  of  the  two  took  the  throne 
in  B.  C.  60,  and,  like  other  murderers,  found 
it  desirable  to  obliterate  the  memory  oi  his 
crime  with  the  glory  of  foreign  war. 

The  complaint  whlh  he  had  made  against 
his  father  was  the  alliance  of  the  latter  with 
the  Romans,  and  the  tameness  with  which  the 
late  king  had  permitted  himself  to  be  robbed 
by  the  Armenians  under  the  arbitration  of  the 
Roman  Proconsul.  Mithridates  III.  therefore 
proceeded  to  make  war  on  the  Armenians  for 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


438 


the  recovery  of  Northern  Mesopotamia.  He 
thus  became  a  breaker  of  the  peace.  He  was 
enabled,  however,  to  gain  his  object,  and  the 
ancient  boundary  of  the  Parthian  Empire  on 
the  north-west  was  restored.  The  Armenians 
were  no  longer  able  to  meet  the  Parthiaus  in 
battle.  As  for  the  king,  arrogance  came  with 
conquest.  His  home  administration  at  once 
revealed  the  essentially  criminal  character  of 
Mitliridates.  He  became  jealous  of  his 
brother — brother  by  blood  and  brother  in 
crime — and  drove  him  from  the  country. 
Other  measures  of  like  character  followed,  and 
it  was  not  long  until  the  Megistaues,  whipped 
into  courage  by  the  king's  folly  and  wicked- 
ness, rose  to  the  height  of  action  and  hurled 
Mithridates  from  the  throne. 

Orodes  was  now  recalled  from  banishment 
and  raised  to  power.  As  for  the  deposed 
monarch,  he  and  his  party  were  placated  by 
conferring  on  him  the  governorship  of  jMedia ; 
but  his  conduct  made  it  impossible  for  Omdes 
to  tolerate  him  longer,  and  he  was  expelled. 
He  hereupon  went  over  to  the  Romans,  where 
he  besought  the  Proconsul  Gabinius,  successor 
of  Pompey,  to  aid  him  in  recovering  the  Par- 
thian throne.  The  Roman  was  about  to  ac- 
cept his  overture,  and  would  doubtless  have 
begun  w^ar  on  Parthia  had  not  a  dynastic 
complication  arisen  in  Egypt  which  promised 
a  fairer  field  and  a  richer  reward  for  Roman 
interference.  Mithridates  was  thus  left  to  di- 
gest ids  choler  in  exile.  Presently,  iiowever, 
he  sought  reconciliation  with  his  brother,  re- 
turned to  Parthia,  threw  himself  upon  the 
mercy  of  the  king,  and  was  affectionately  be- 
headed for  his  pains. 

This  event  ended  for  the  time  the  civil  dis- 
sensions of  the  Empire,  and  enabled  Orodes  I. 
to  exercise  undisputed  sway  over  the  nation. 
The  attention  of  the  Romans  had  now  been 
drawn  away  from  the  Mesopotaraian  border, 
and  the  Parthian  king  found  opportunity  to 
foster  his  ambitions  and  develop  his  jilaiis. 
His  abilities  were  of  a  large  order.  He  nspired 
to  become  a  great  conqueror,  like  the  early 
Arsacid  kings.  His  fame  grew,  and  ho  was 
presently  able  to  gain  sundrj'  advantages  in 
the  way  of  detaching  the  petty  princes  on  his 
western  border  from  their  allegiance  to  Rome. 


But  the  time  had  arrived  when  in  the  order 

of  events,  if  not  in  the  necessity  of  things,  the 
growing  animosity  of  the  Republic  and  Parthia 
must  be  referred  to  the  decision  of  battle. 

Marcus  Lucinius  Crassus,  member  of  the 
first  Triumvirate  of  Rome,  had  now  been  sent 
out  as  Proconsul  of  Syria.  He  came  to  his 
province  with  the  intention  of  a  Parthian  war. 
Arriving  in  the  year  B.  C.  54,  he  deliberately 
formed  his  plans  for  the  invasion  of  the  Em- 
pire. He  organized  a  great  expedition, 
crossed  the  Euphrates,  and  began  to  overrun 
the  country.  Several  of  the  Greek  cities 
yielded  without  a  conflict.  Zenodotium,  how- 
ever, resisted  his  progress,  but  at  length  con- 
sented to  receive  a  Roman  garrison.  This  was 
admitted,  and  Crassus  continued  his  campaign. 
But  the  people  if  the  city  rose  on  the  gar- 
rison, and  put  them  to  the  sword.  The  Pro- 
consul then  tuined  about,  destroyed  the  city, 
and  sold  the  inhabitants  into  slavery. 

Thus  far  the  Parthiaus  had  kept  at  a  dis- 
tance. With  the  coming  of  winter  there  had 
been  tio  serious  conflict.  On  the  whole,  the 
Parthiaus  had  cause  to  congratulate  themselves 
on  the  small  progress  and  success  of  the 
Roman  army.  It  appears  that  Orodes  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  little  was  to  be  feared 
from  the  invasion.  He  conceived  a  contempt 
for  Crassus,  and  sent  to  him  an  embassy  with 
such  proposals  as  might  well  have  aroused  the 
animosity  of  an  Oriental,  to  say  nothing  of  a 
Roman  Proconsul.  Among  other  things 
Orodes  referred  with  mock  sympathy  to  the 
advanced  age  of  Crassus,  and  promised  in  cer- 
tain contingencies  to  deal  with  him  as  he  would 
with  a  dotard.  The  interview  might  well  be 
made  the  subject  of  a  drama.  Crassus  en- 
raged, but  still  restraining  himself,  replied  that 
on  Ills  arrival  at  Seleucia  he  would  send  an 
answer  to  the  Parthian  king.  Hereupon  Va- 
gises,  ambassiidor  of  Orodes,  tapped  the  palm 
of  one  of  his  hands  with  the  forefinger  of  the 
other,  and  exclaimed:  "0  Crassus,  the  hair 
will  grow  here  before  ever  you  come  to  Seleu- 
cia I"  Such  were  the  amenities  of  the  winter 
season,  when  neither  party  could  verify  in  the 
field  the  threats  and  hatreds  of  the  council. 

For  the  Roman  commander  the  situation 
had  become  embarrassing.     He  had  projected 


424 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


his  campaign  centrally  across  Northern  Meso- 
potamia. In  different  parts  of  the  country  he 
had  been  obliged  to  establish  garrisons  of  oc- 
cupation. Each  remove  reduced  the  number 
of  his  effective  forces.  Added  to  this  was  a 
certain  waut  of  knowledge  of  the  enemy's 
country,  which  confused  the  Proconsul  in  de- 
termining his  line  of  advance.  It  was  finally 
determined  that  the  route  of  the  expedition 
should  be  through  Upper  Mesopotamia.  This 
country  had  already  been  entered  by  the  army 
in  the  preceding  summer,  but  had  been  given 
up  for  the  winter.  This  course  would  bring 
the  expedition  into  supporting  distance  of  Ar- 
menia, and  it  was  expected  that  the  Romans 
would  receive  from  that  country  a  large  ac- 
cession of  force. 

Meanwhile  Orodes  had  organized  his  army 
and  thrown  it  forward  to  confront  the  enemy. 
His  forces  were  under  the  immediate  com- 
mand of  the  Surena  or  Generalissimo,  who  in 
this  instance — though  his  name  has  not  been 
preserved — appears  to  have  been  a  military 
captain  of  the  greatest  ability  and  courage. 
For  many  years  he  had  been  one  of  the  princi- 
pal stays  of  the  Empire.  Through  his  agency, 
indeed,  Orodes  had  been  confirmed  on  the 
throne.  He  had  already  recovered  several 
important  places,  including  the  rebellious  city 
of  Seleucia.  The  army  now  sent  out  to  meet 
the  Romans  under  his  command  was  composed 
entirely  of  cavalry.  It  had  perhaps  been 
foreseen  that  it  was  by  this  branch  of  the 
service  that  victory  might  be  expected  rather 
than  from  the  Parthian  infantry.  The  latter 
was  no  match  for  the  Roman  legionaries, 
whose  valor  had  spread  a  wholesome  fear 
throughout  the  civilized  world. 

The  winter  quarters  of  the  Roman  army 
bad  been  on  the  Upper  Euphrates.  Here  lay 
the  province  of  Osrhoene,  whose  prince,  Abga- 
rus,  though  in  alliance  with  the  Romans,  was 
secretly  in  sympathy  and  communication  with 
the  Parthians.  He  was  intrusted  by  Crassus 
with  a  command  of  light-horse,  and  was  as- 
signed to  the  duty  of  scouring  the  country  in 
advance  of  the  army,  and  of  determining  the 
>oute  across  Mesopotamia.  It  has  been  as- 
serted by  Plutarch  and  others  that  this  treach- 
erous guide    purposely   led    Crassus    and  his 


forces  into  a  desert  region,  where  water  could 
not  be  found,  and  where  every  advantage 
would  be  on  the  side  of  the  Parthians  in 
battle.  Perhaps  the  inhospitable  character  of 
the  region  was  exaggerated.  But  at  any  rate 
the  advance  now  lay  through  an  open  country 
little  obstructed  by  rivers  or  hills,  and  well 
fitted  for  the  operations  of  the  Parthian  cavalry. 
Of  the  character  of  the  latter  and  its  method 
of  giving  battle,  sufficient  has  already  been  said 
in  a  former  chapter. 

At  the  same  time  of  the  advance  of  Crassus 
the  Parthian  army  was  brought  to  the  front, 
and  the  two  forces  rapidly  approached  with 
every  element  of  determination  and  passion  on 
both  sides.  At  length  the  conflict  was  pre- 
cipitated on  the  River  Belik,  about  midway 
between  Carrhre  and  Ichnte.  It  was  the  6th 
of  May,  in  the  year  B.  C.  54.  The  Parthian 
army,  under  the  command  of  the  Surena, 
was  carefully  stationed  in  half-concealment  be- 
hind some  'woods  and  low  hills  in  the  neigh- 
borhood. The  cavalrymen  had  been  ordered 
to  cover  their  arms  with  their  garments  or  to 
keep  them  behind  the  horses,  so  that  the 
blaze  of  weaponry  might  not  flash  upon  the 
Romans  in  its  appalling  splendor  until  the 
moment  of  battle. 

Crassus  came  on  from  the  west.  His  army 
of  about  forty  thousand  men  was  composed 
mostly  of  Roman  legions  or  heavy  infantry. 
To  this  was  attached  a  body  of  cavalry  which 
the  Proconsul  had  brought  with  him  out  of 
Gaul,  where  it  had  been  organized  by  Julius 
Ccesar.  All  of  a  sudden  the  Parthian  drums 
sounded  the  battle-note.  Then  the  cavalry 
flashed  into  line,  and  the  charge  began.  The 
Parthian  lines  came  on  at  full  gallop,  but 
stopped  short  of  the  legions  by  the  space  of  a 
bow-shot.  Then  began  such  a  tempest  of  ar- 
rows as  the  invincible  legionaries  had  never 
before  been  obliged  to  face.  No  armor  could 
resist  the  stroke  of  these  fiery  missiles.  The 
air  was  darkened  by  the  discharge.  The  Ro- 
mans could  not  come  at  their  enemy.  When 
they  advanced  the  Parthians  receded  to  a  dis- 
tance, firing  backwards  with  the  same  facility 
as  when  they  halted  and  faced  the  enemy. 

Such  battle  had  never  before  been  known 
in   the    Mesopotamian    plains.     The    Romans 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AXD  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


426 


strove  with  all  their  might  to  close  with  their 
elusive  foe,  but  the  latter  pursued  the  estab- 
lished tactics,  and  could  uot  be  reached.  At 
length  the  son  of  Crassus,  bearing  his  father's 
name  aud  commanding  the  Roman  cavalry, 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  squadron  of  six 
thousand  men,  and  charged  furiously  upon  the 
Parthians.  The  latter  fell  back  from  the 
onset  as  if  in  panic.  The  young  Crassus 
pressed  on  after  the  enemy  further  and  further, 
until  be  was  out  of  sight,  when  all  of  a  sudden 
the  Parthian  cavalry  recovered  itself,  threw 
forward  the  wings,  and  completely  surrounded 
the  Romans.  The  latter  fought  with  despera- 
tion. The  Gallic  horsemen  dismounted,  rushed 
among  the  enemy's  horses,  seized  the  spears, 
and  stabbed  the  steeds  to  death.  But  no 
valor  could  avail.     The  Roman  advance  under 


were  incompetent  as  besiegers.  Nevertheless, 
they  hovered  around  Carrhse,  and  cut  off  the 
city  from  supplies. 

It  appears,  however,  that  the  Parthian  com- 
mander preferred  to  take  no  risks  as  to  the 
future.  Nothing  short  of  the  complete  dis- 
comfiture  of  Crassus  and  his  remaining  forces 
would  satisfy.  To  this  end  the  Surena  now 
stooped  to  treachery.  He  plotted  to  inveigle 
the  Proconsul  into  his  power.  It  may  not  be 
certainly  known  whether  he  contemplated  the 
destruction  of  his  enemy's  life  by  perfidy,  but 
it  is  in  the  nature  of  bad  faith  to  bring  a  more 
criminal  catastrophe  than  was  imagined  at  the 
outset.  The  Surena,  whatever  may  have  been 
his  intentions,  opened  negotiations  with  the 
pent-up  Romans.  He  rode  with  unstrung  bow 
aud  outstretched  hand  into  the  open  space  b©« 


ROMAN  SOLDIERS  GOING  INTO  B.\TTLE. 


the  young  Crassus  was  beaten  down  almost  to 
a  man.  The  commander  himself  was  slain, 
and  his  head  stuck  on  a  pike. 

Again  the  drums  sounded,  and  the  charge 
on  the  main  body  under  the  Proconsul  was 
renewed.  The  head  of  Crassus'  son  was  borne 
aloft  in  full  view  of  the  Romans,  who  now, 
shattered  by  the  battle,  began  to  recede  from 
the  field.  The  wounded  were  abandoned,  and 
on  the  following  morning  were  slain  by  the 
Parthians.  Crassus  the  elder,  with  the  rem- 
nant, succeeded  in  making  liis  way  to  Carrhse, 
where  he  stationed  himself  behind  the  ram- 
parts and  found  a  momentary  .security.  It 
was  hoped  that  he  could  hold  his  position 
until  what  time  his  ally  Artavasdes,  king  of 
Armenia,  could  come  to  his  relief.  Perhaps 
this  might  have   been  done,  as  the   Parthians 


fore  the  city,  and  called  out  for  Crassus  t» 
come  forth  and  confer  with  him  on  the  condi- 
tions of  peace.  The  wily  Parthian  had  pre- 
pared for  the  occasion  by  letting  slip  certain 
of  the  Roman  prisoners,  into  whose  ears  false 
information  had  first  been  dropped  to  the  effect 
tiiat  the  Parthians  were  anxious  for  peace  and 
friendship  with  the  Romans,  and  that  Crassus 
might  easily  come  to  an  agreement  with  the 
Parthian  king.  These  insinuations  had  been 
carried  by  the  returning  prisoners  into  Carrhse, 
and  the  Roman  mind  was  abused  to  the  ex- 
tent of  accepting  them  as  true. 

Crassus,  however,  already  beyond  his  six- 
tieth year,  and  well  informed  as  to  the  dis- 
position and  character  of  the  Asiatics,  was 
slow  to  take  the  bait.  But  the  legionaries 
were    now    thoroughly  demoralized,    aud    the 


426 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


General  was  urged  to  avail  himself  of  the  op- 
portunity. He  accordiugly  went  forth  into  the 
plain,  where  a  conference  was  held  between 
hira  and  the  Surena.  Terras  of  peace  were 
discussed  and  agreed  upon  ;  but  the  Parthian 
insisted  that  the  stipulations  should  be  reduced 
to  writing,  and  to  this  end  the  Romans  present 
were  induced  to  mount  Parthian  horses  and  to 
ride  off  towards  the  Surena's  tent.  Scarcely, 
however,  had  they  started,  when  Crassus  and 
his  friends,  .suspecting  treachery,  reined  up 
the  horses,  and  refused  to  proceed.  The  diffi- 
culty grew  hot,  and  one  of  the  Parthians  was 
cut  down  with  the  sword.  Weapons  were 
drawn,  and  all  of  the  Romans,  including 
Crassus,  were  slain  on  the  spot.  Thus,  far  off 
on  the  Mesopotamian  plain,  was  the  rich  Tri- 
umvir, who,  with  Pompe}'  the  Great  and  Julius 
Csesar,  had  recently  divided  the  world  as  a  fam- 
ily inheritance,  done  to  death  on  the  treach- 
erous sword  of  a  Parthian  warrior. 

When  the  Roman  soldiers  in  Carrhse  learned 
the  fate  of  their  General,  they  were  in  despair. 
Most  of  them  surrendered  to  the  Parthians. 
Some  escaped.  Altogether  ten  thousand  were 
taken  prisoners.  These  were  transferred  into 
the  heart  of  the  Parthian  Empire,  colonized 
and  absorbed  by  intermarriage.  Of  the  whole 
Roman  army,  numbering  forty  thou.sand,  only 
about  one-fourth  succeeded  in  reaching  places 
of  safety.  The  disaster  was  overwhelming — 
wanting  nothing  to  complete  its  magnitude  or 
horror. 

The  immediate  result  of  this,  the  first  war 
of  the  Romans  with  the  Asiatic  Empire,  was 
to  restore  to  the  latter  all  the  provinces  which 
she  had  possessed  on  the  side  of  Mesopotamia. 
The  Euphrates  again  became  the  western 
boundary.  As  for  Armenia,  that  State  also 
passed  to  the  Parthian  dominion.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  Crassus,  to  the  hour  of  his 
death,  expected  the  Armenian  king,  Arta- 
vasdes,  to  come  to  his  assistance ;  but  that 
monarch  had  decided  to  accept  a  posirion 
subordinate  to  the  King  of  Kings.  At  the 
very  time  that  the  Surena  was  bringing  down 
the  Roman  eagles  on  the  Upper  Euphrates, 
Orodes  himself  was  making  an  expedition  into 
Armenia.  This  it  was  that  determined  the 
friendship  of  the   king   of   that   country.     It 


was  expedient  for  him  to  become  friendly.  In 
order  to  cement  the  ties  thus  formed,  the  Par- 
thian king  took  for  his  son  Pacorus  the 
daughter  of  the  Armenian  monarch  in  marriage. 
Nor  may  we  pass  from  the  event  without  noting 
the  manners  of  the  age.  Wliile  the  festival 
was  on  at  the  Armenian  capital — while  Orodes 
and  Artavasdes  were  witnessing  the  perform- 
ance of  one  of  the  tragedies  of  Euripides — 
the  news  came  of  the  overthrow  and  death  of 
Crassus  and  the  destruction  of  his  array.  As 
usual,  in  such  cases,  the  head  of  the  Roman 
Proconsul  was  brought  along  to  confirm  the 
intelligence.  It  happened  that  in  the  play 
the  Greek  actor  had  to  reisresent  a  similar 
slaughter  by  the  display  of  a  mock-head  on 
his  thyrsus.  By  one  of  the  happy  inspirations 
of  barbarism,  he  substituted  the  real  head  of 
Crassus !  Doubtless  the  sensation  in  the  royal 
boxes  was  sufficient. 

In  another  direction,  the  drama  was  con- 
tinued in  the  desert.  The  Surena,  at  enmity 
with  Seleucia  for  lier  half-treachery  to  the 
Parthian  cause,  marched  thither,  to  bring  the 
citizens  to  a  renewal  of  loyalty.  He  chose  to 
spread  the  report  in  this  directinn  that  Crassus 
was  not  killed,  but  was  a  prisoner  in  the  hands 
of  the  conqueror.  To  give  verisimilitude  to 
his  fiction,  he  selected  a  Roman,  like  Crassus 
in  personal  appearance,  clad  him  in  the  pro- 
consular insignia,  mounted  him  on  a  horse, 
compelled  hira  to  play  his  part,  and  .sent  after 
him  into  Seleucia  a  troop  of  mockers  and 
abandoned  women.  Going  into  Seleucia  him- 
self, the  Surena  divulged  to  the  Senate  the 
horrid  immoralities  which  he  had  discovered  in 
the  literature  of  the  Roman  camp — a  revelation 
sufficiently  disgusting  to  the  people  who  were 
unable  to  recognize  in  themselves  a  society 
fully  as  abominable  and  more  perfidious  in  its 
manners  than  that  of  the  Romans. 

By  this  time,  however,  the  Surena  had 
reached  the  limit  of  his  career.  His  success 
in  the  field  had  been  so  great  as  to  make  him, 
according  to  the  judgment  of  Orodes,  a  person 
dangerous  to  the  Empire.  The  great  captain 
was  accordingly  seized  and  put  to  death.  The  ' 
command  of  the  army  was  transferred  to 
Osaces,  who  was  presently  sent  to  the  Syrian 
frontier,   to   assist    the   prince    Pacorus    in   a 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


42'; 


desultory  campaign,  upon  which   he  had  en- 
tered iu  that  quarter. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  Syria  and  Asia  Minor 
were  at  this  time  in  a  condition  to  invite  con- 
quest ;  not  indeed  that  the  Romans  were  un- 
able to  defend  their  possessions  iu  the  East, 
but  the  political  distractions  of  Italy  were  such 
as  to  prevent  unity  of  action.  The  destruc- 
tion of  the  tripartite  agreement — known  as  the 
Triumvirate — by  the  death  of  Crassus,  had 
left  the  world  to  two  masters,  Caesar  and  Pom- 
pey,  the  one  a  representative  of  the  new  de- 
mocracy of  Rome,  and  the  other  the  repre- 
Bentative  of  that  ancient  aristocratic  order  by 
which  the  Republic  had  been  dominated  for 
many  centuries.  At  this  time  the  orator 
Cicero  was  Proconsul  of  Cilicia,  and  knowing 
full  well  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Asia,  he 
hardly  overstated  the  fact  to  the  Senate  when 
he  declared  that  Rome  had  not  a  friend  on 
that  continent.  The  expedition  of  Pacorus 
made  its  waj'  in  the  direction  of  Antioch,  and 
gained  possession  of  several  important  places. 
But  after  this  the  Parthians  divided,  in  dif- 
ferent directions,  one  division  being  carried 
against  Palestine,  and  the  other  led  among  the 
kingdoms  of  Asia  Minor.  If  the  invaders  had 
had  the  skill  to  take  cities  as  well  as  to  win 
battles  in  the  field,  it  would  appear  that  they 
might  have  destroyed  the  Roman  dominion  in 
all  the  countries  east  of  the  Jl)gean. 

But  the  Parthians  did  not  avail  themselves 
of  the  situation.  At  length,  in  B.  C.  49, 
Pompey,  being  then  hard  pressed  by  Csesar, 
made  overtures  to  Orodes,  with  a  view  to  se- 
curing his  aid  against  his  rival.  The  Parthian 
king  offered  to  go  to  the  rescue  on  condition 
that  Pompey  would  deliver  what  remained  of 
the  kingdom  of  Syria  to  him.  But  the  pro- 
posal was  rejected.  Soon  afterwards  came  the 
battle  of  Pharsalia,  in  which  the  fortunes  of 
Pompey  and  the  aristocratic  party  were  utterly 
swept  away.  At  one  time  he  seriously  con- 
templated putting  himself  under  the  powerful 
protection  of  Orodes.  But  he  was  induced 
to  change  his  mind,  and  presently  took  flight 
for  Egypt. 

Cresar,  now  completely  victorious,  was  fully 
informed  of  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the 
East.     He  had  known  the  disposition  of  Oro- 


des to  give  aid  to  Pompey.  In  his  own  mind 
the  vision  of  a  Parthian  conquest  had  for  some 
years  been  settling  into  a  purpose.  But  he 
was  not  yet  ready  to  undertake  so  vast  an  en- 
terprise. After  Pharsalia,  he  returned  to 
Rome,  and  took  up  the  tremendous  work  of 
reorganizing  society  on  a  new  Imperial  plan, 
with  himself  at  the  head.  It  was  not  until 
B.  C.  44  that  he  found  himself  sufficiently  free 
from  the  tremendous  complications  of  the  West 
to  turn  his  attention  to  the  conquest  of  Parthia. 
Like  the  other  designs  of  that  greatest  man 
of  antiquity,  the  Parthian  war  took  shape, 
and  the  first  cohorts  of  the  Roman  army 
were  thrown  into  Greece,  preparatory  to 
the  great  Asiatic  campaign.  Nor  may  we 
well  pass  over  this  historical  hypothesis 
without  conjec- 
turing the  result 
had  Csesar  been 
permitted  to  pur- 
sue his  purpose. 
Certain  it  is  that 
the  Pfarthians 
would  have  felt 
the  stroke  of  the 
strongest  hand 
which  was  ever 
laid  upon  the 
Empire.  Cras- 
sus and  Pompey 
and  Trajan  and 
Severus  c  o  m  - 
bined  could  hardly  have  represented  the  skill, 
the  energy,  the  persistency,  the  adroitness 
in  diplomacy  and  war  of  that  matchless  Ju- 
lius, whose  end  was  now  at  hand.  His  des- 
tiny had  at  last  overtaken  him.  The  Opti- 
mate  Conspirators  gathered  around  him  in 
the  Senate  House,  and  stabbed  him  to  death, 
on  the  Ides  of  March,  in  the  very  spring 
when  the  Parthian  expedition  was  to  be 
undertaken. 

Thus  had  Orodes  the  good  fortune  to  wit- 
ness the  destruction  of  all  three  of  the  pre- 
eminent Romans  who  had  constituted  the  first 
Triumvirate.  The  Surena  had  chopped  ofT 
the  head  of  Crassus  in  the  desert.  A  bloody 
assassin  had  cut  down  Pompey  on  the  shore  of 
Egypt.     The  daggers  of  Brutus  and  Cassius 


JCLIUS  CESAR. 


428 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


had  dispatched  Caesar  in  the  Senate  House. 
Parthia  for  tine  time  was  freed  from  all  appre- 
hension on  the  side  of  Rome. 

The  reader  of  history  will  readily  recall 
the  dreadful  civil  war  which  followed  the 
murder  of  Julius.  He  will  remember  the 
struggle  of  the  conspirators  to  undo  the  great 
historical  movement  of  the  age.  He  will 
once  more  follow  the  complication  which  was 
presently  cut  with  the  sword  of  the  victor  at 
Philippi.  In  this  civil  war  the  Parthians 
bore  a  minor  part.  Bodies  of  Parthian  horse- 
men were  on  several  occasions  found  in  the 
army  of  Brutus  and  Cassius.  Marcus  An- 
tonius,  who  had  received  the  East  for  his 
portion  of  the  world,  entered  into  relations 
with  Orodes,  and  sought  to  join  the  king  with 
himself  in  his  war  with  Brutus  and  Cassius. 


A  CHARGE  OF   PARTHIAN   CAVALRY. 


But  the  Parthian  preferred  the  other  course. 
At  length  the  battle  of  Philippi  was  fought, 
and  the  ancient  aristocracy  of  Rome  was 
hacked  to  pieces  under  the  bloody  swords  of 
the  avengers  of  Csesar.  Now  it  was  that  the 
three  masters  of  the  world  were  able  to  divide 
their  inheritance.  The  Second  Triumvirate 
was  formed.  Octavianus  established  himself 
in  Italy.  Lepidus  became  the  cipher  which 
made  the  other  two  figures  significant.  An- 
tonius  found  food  for  his  passions  in  Egypt. 

It  appears  that  Parthia  postponed  her 
struggle  with  Rome  to  an  inauspicious  occa- 
sion. Pacorus  now  availed  himself  of  the 
help  of  the  treacherous  Labienus,  recently 
envoy  of  Brutus  and  Cassius  at  the  Parthian 
court,  and  organized  an  army  for  the  conquest 
of   the    country   as    far    as   Antioch.     They 


rushed  to  the  field,  and  Saxa,  the  Roman 
governor  of  Syria,  was  defeated  in  battle. 
Labienus  and  Pacorus,  having  taken  Antioch, 
led  their  forces,  the  one  in  the  direction  of 
Palestine,  and  the  other  into  Asia  Minor. 
Both  were  for  awhile  successfuL  Hyrcauus, 
the  king  of  Jerusalem,  was  expelled,  and  his 
rival  Antigonus  set  in  his  place  under  the 
authority  of  the  Parthian  Prince.  Lab.enus 
carried  his  victorious  arms  through  Pamphylia, 
Lycia,  and  Caria.  Thus,  by  the  close  of  the 
year  40  B.  C,  nearly  the  whole  of  Asia  Minor 
was  overrun. 

It  was  in  the  nature  of  Antonius  to  make 
love  and  war  by  turns.  H^  was  equally  fierce 
in  the  chamber  and  the  field.  Learning  of  the 
condition  of  aflTairs  in  the  East,  he  was  roused 
to  wrath,  and  resolved  to  teach  the  Asiatics  a 
lesson  not  to  be  forgotten. 
In  39  B.  C.  he  sent  for- 
ward his  lieutenant  Ven* 
tidius  with  orders  to  crush 
Labienus  and  the  Parthi- 
ans. On  his  arrival  in 
Asia,  Labienus  was  taken 
by  surprise,  and  was 
obliged  to  recede  before 
his  enemy.  Pacorus  was 
called  to  the  rescue,  but 
both  together  failed  to 
stay  the  progress  of  th? 
Romans.  Labienus  was 
defeated,  pursued,  taken,  and  put  to  death. 
The  Parthians  receded  into  Northern  Syria, 
and  attempted  to  hold  the  pass  of  Mount 
Araanus,  but  Ventidius  succeeded  in  securing 
the  place,  and  in  driving  the  Parthiaus  into 
Mesopotamia. 

Pacorus,  however,  was  not  willing  to  relin- 
quish the  countries  which  he  had  so  easily 
conquered.  In  the  following  year  he  renewed 
the  war  by  crossing  the  Euphrates,  and  en- 
gaging in  battle  with  the  Romans.  It  was  in 
the  nature  of  that  soldiery  to  learn  from  the 
enemy.  The  method  of  Parthian  warfare  had 
now  become  well  understood.  Ventidius  had 
prepared  for  the  emergency.  It  was  no  longer 
the  story  of  Crassus  on  the  Belik.  When  the 
Parthians  came  on  to  battle,  they  found  the 
Romans    well    posted    to    receive    them.     On 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


429 


rushing  to  the  charge,  and  before  reaching 
their  favorite  distance  of  a  bow-shot,  they  were 
assailed  by  the  sliugers  of  Labieuus,  and  a 
shower  of  singing  stones  rained  upon  them, 
knocking  them  dead  from  their  horses.  The 
battle  raged  furiously,  but  at  lengtli  the  Par- 
thians  gave  way.  Pacorus  himself  was  slain. 
The  Romans  succeeded  in  securing  the  bridge 
across  the  Euphrates,  and  the  retreat  was  cut 
off.  The  Parthian  army  was  scattered  in  all 
directions.  The  authority  of  Orodes  in  the 
iV^est  and  South-west  was  completely  and  finally 
obliterated.  All  the  Western  provinces  were 
recovered  by  the  Romans.  The  Euphrates 
once  again  became  the  boundary  between  the 
two  Empires;  but  from  either  side  the  hostile 
powers  glared  at  each  other,  neither  satisfied 
■with  the  issue. 

We  may  now  turn  for 
a  moment  to  note  the  con- 
dition of  aflJairs  at  the  cap- 
ital of  the  Empire.  Orodes 
had  grown  old.  His  rec- 
onciliation with  Pacorus, 
who  at  one  time  had  been 
in  rebellion  against  him, 
was  complete.  Perhaps  the 
aged  monarch  felt  a  Par- 
thian pride  in  the  military 
successes  of  his  son  in  the 
West.  The  death  of  the 
latter,  therefore,  fell  heavily 
upon  the  king.  He  became 
half-insane  on  account  of  the  loss  of  his  son. 
True,  he  had  thirty  other  sons,  children  of 
various  wives  and  concubines,  but  none  of 
them  might  well  take  the  place  of  the  warrior 
prince  who  had  perished  in  battle.  The 
king,  however,  felt  it  expedient  to  determine 
the  succession  before  his  death.  He  accord- 
ingly designated  Phraates  as  bis  successor, 
and  the  choice  was  ratified  by  the  Megis- 
tanes.  Orodes  then  abdicated  the  throne 
in  favor  of  his  son.  Tlie  latter,  jealous  for 
good  reason  of  some  of  his  half  brothers  who 
were  born  of  a  princess,  conspired  with  his 
mother,  who  was  a  common  concubine,  and 
had  the  princes  whom  he  feared  put  to  death. 
The  aged  father  hereupon  rebuked  his  son, 
and  was  himself  murdered  for  his  interference. 


Thus,  in  B.  C.  37,  came  Phraates  IV.  to 
the  throne  of  Parthia.  Like  other  royal 
murderers,  he  was  obliged  to  go  forward  in 
the  bloody  path  which  he  had  chosen.  One 
after  another,  his  half  brothers  and  other  rela- 
tives were  assassinated.  In  the  next  place  his 
jealousy  fell  upon  the  nobles,  of  whom  many 
were  slain,  and  others  fled.  A  body  of  them, 
headed  by  a  certain  Monteses,  made  their  way 
to  Antonius,  and  represented  to  him  the  con- 
dition of  affairs  in  Parthia.  JNIonseses  besought 
the  Roman  to  enter  the  country  and  support  a 
counter-revolution  in  his  favor,  promising  to 
accept  the  crown  at  the  hands  of  Antonius, 
and  to  hold  it  as  a  subject  of  the  Roman  Re- 
public. 

The    bait    was    tempting.     Antonius   had 


KOMAN    ARMY  CROSSING  THE  TIGRIS. 

sufficient  cause  for  making  war  on  the  Par- 
thians.  Time  and  again  they  had  entered  and 
ravaged  the  Roman  provinces  in  Syria  and 
Asia  ]\Iin()r.  Ambition  also  led  him  on.  He 
accordingly  gathered  his  forces  on  the  Euphra- 
tine  frontier,  and  made  pre])arations  for  an 
invasion.  Phraates,  informed  of  these  move- 
ments, took  the  alarm,  and  sent  for  Monseses 
to  be  restored  to  honor.  Antonius  permitted 
him  to  depart,  but  sent  with  him  an  embassy, 
demanding  of  the  Parthian  king  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Roman  standards  taken  from 
Crassus.  and  the  liberation  of  all  prisoners 
who  still  survived.  These  demands  were  not 
complied  with,  and  Antonius  continued  his 
preparations  for  war.  His  aggregate  forcej 
amounted  to  a  hundred  and  thirteen  thousand 


430 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


men.  The  army  was  made  up  of  the  legions, 
sixty  thousand  strong,  of  thirty  thousand 
Asiatics  who  had  joined  his  standard,  of  ten 
thousand  Gallic  horsemen,  and  a  considerable 
force  out  of  Armenia.  Artavasdes,  king  of 
the  latter  country,  long  balancing  his  interests 
between  Parthia  and  Rome,  had  at  last  as- 
sented to  a  league  with  Antonius.  and  prom- 
ised his  support  in  the  ensuing  war. 

This  alliance  enabled  the  Roman  to  enter 
the  Parthian  Empire  by  way  of  Armenia,  and 
in  that  direction  the  expedition  was  under- 
taken. Antonius,  after  traversing  the  friendly 
districts,  entered  the  hostile  territory  in  Media 
Atropatene;  and  here  the  war  began.  The 
Romans  advanced  to  the  capital  and  besieged 
the  city.  Several  unsuccessful  assaults  were 
made;  but  the  place  could  not  be  taken. 
Winter  came  on,  with  the  siege  undetermined. 
Meanwhile  the  Parthian  army  got  upon  the 
flank  and  rear,  and  captured  or  destroyed  the 
sieee-train  of  the  Romans.  The  soldiers  be- 
came  discouraged,  and  winter  bellowed  around 
with  hurricanes  of  sleet  and  snow.  Antonius 
was  obliged  to  fall  back.  He  made  an  effort 
to  nesrotiate,  but  the  enemy  laughed  at  his 
calamity.  Nevertheless,  Antonius  was  not 
Crassus.  The  Proconsul  had  no  notion  of 
losincf  his  arniv  or  his  life.  Instead  of  re- 
treating  by  the  expected  route,  he  sought  a 
directer  course  through  a  mountain  pass  back 
to  the  River  Araxes,  and  by  this  way  he 
managed  to  reach  a  place  of  safety.  His 
losses,  however,  had  been  very  great.  About 
forty  thousand  of  his  men  had  perished  by 
battle  or  the  severity  of  the  season.  Parthia 
mififht  well  concfratulate  herself  that  the  re- 
treat  of  the  Roman  army  through  the  winter 
snows,  for  a  distance  of  three  hundred  miles, 
was  the  betrinninfr  of  the  end.  Such,  indeed, 
it  might  have  been  but  for  the  treacherous 
condition  of  all  political  dependence  in  the 
countries  concerned. 

For  no  sooner  was  Antony  repelled  than 
the  Median  governor  of  Atropatene  quarreled 
with  the  king  about  the  division  of  the  Roman 
spoils.  Suspicion  followed  suspicion,  and  the 
Mede  concluded  that  for  him  the  way  of  safety 
was  in  an  appeal  to  Antonius.  He  accord- 
ingly sent  an  embassy  to  Alexandria,  whither 


the  Roman  had  retired  to  spend  the  winter 
with  Cleopatra,  and  tendered  to  him  an  alli- 
ance offensive  and  defensive  asfainst  Parthia. 
Antonius  readily  accepted  the  overture.  He 
had  become  angered  at  his  ally,  the  king  of 
Armenia,  who  had  abandoned  him  in  the  day 
of  his  peril,  and  was  anxious  to  find  a  new 
confederate  on  the  border  of  the  Parthian 
Empire. 

Early  in  B.  C.  34  the  Roman  general  re- 
turned to  the  army  in  Armenia,  and  presently 
succeeded  in  gaining  possession  of  Artavasdes 
the  king.  His  son  and  successor  was  defeated 
in  battle  and  obliged  to  fly  to  the  Parthians. 
As  for  the  king  of  the  Medes,  Antony  ce- 
mented the  union  between  that  personage  and 
himself  by  marrying  the  daughter  of  the 
prince  to  his  son  Alexander,  offspring  of  his 
amours  with  Cleopatra  of  Egypt. 

During  this  year  nothing  was  done  in  the 
field.  The  attention  of  Antony  had  been 
drawn  to  Europe  by  the  threatening  attitude 
of  Octavianus.  The  long  accumulating  diffi- 
culties between  the  two  Roman  leaders  was 
rapidly  coming  to  the  arbitrament  of  the 
sword.  Antonius  was  obliged  to  return  from 
Armenia  into  Asia  Minor  to  counteract  the 
movements  of  his  rival.  Hereupon  Phraates, 
in  B.  C.  33,  renewed  the  war,  and  succeeded 
in  making  the  king  of  Media  his  prisoner. 
The  Armenian  monarch  Artaxias,  recovered 
his  throne.  The  Roman  garrisons  were  ex- 
pelled from  the  countries"  which  they  had  oc- 
cupied within  the  limits  of  the  Empire. 

By  this  time,  however,  the  civil  dissensions 
in  Parthia  were  renewed,  and  an  insurrection 
against  the  king. headed  by  a  certain  Tiridates, 
was  for  the  moment  successful.  Phraate.' 
fled  to  the  Scythians,  solicited  their  aid,  re- 
turned with  an  army,  and  quickly  restored 
himself  to  power.  The  usurper  escaped  to  Oc- 
tavianus, who  was  at  that  time  in  the  East,  and 
took  with  him  to  that  distinguished  Roman 
the  son  of  the  Parthian  king.  When  Phraates 
demanded  the  restoration  of  his  son  and  the 
giving  up  of  the  rebel  Tiridates  who  had  con- 
spired againrt  him,Octa  vianus  refused  the  latter 
request,  but  agreed  to  the  former  on  condition 
that  the  Parthian  would  surrender  the  stand- 
ards taken  from  Crassus  and  liberate  the  sur- 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


4S1 


viving  Roman  prisoners.  This  demand  had 
DOW  become  habitual  with  the  Romans  in  all 
their  dealings  with  Parthia.  In  the  present 
case  Phraates  received  his  son  with  gladness, 
but  refused  to  give  up  the  standards  or  to  set 
the  Roman  prisoners  at  liberty. 

The  reader  of  history  knows  full  well  the 
story  of  the  final  coiiflict  between  Octavianus 
and  Antonius.  Hereafter,  in  the  history  of 
Rome,  we  .«hall  record  at  length  the  vicissi- 
tudes of  the  long  struggle  which  culminated 
at  Actium.  Hereby  the  peaceable  accession 
of  Octavianus  to  the  Imperial  throne  was  made 
easy  and  inevitable.  Antouius,  following  the 
seductions  of  Cleopatra,  fled  once  more  to 
Egypt,  and  there,  after  additional  defeat  and 
humiliation,  stabbed  himself  and  died  in  the 
presence  of  the  woman  for  whom  he  had  lost 
the  world. 

By  these  events  Parthia  was  again  liber- 
ated for  a  season  from  the  fear  of  Roman  in- 
vasion. But  Augustus — for  by  this  title  Oc- 
tavianus is  henceforth  known — was  little 
disposed,  peaceable  as  were  his  general  inten- 
tions, to  permit  the  affairs  of  the  East  to  re- 
main in  their  present  indeterminate  state. 
After  spending  the  first  ten  years  of  his  reign 
in  regulating  and  establishing  the  Imperial 
Government,  after  the  pattern  given  by  Julius, 
the  Emperor  found  himself  ready  to  settle 
finally  the  issue  between  himself  and  the  Par- 
thian king.  Accordingly,  in  B.  C.  20,  he  went 
In  person  into  Asia,  and,  partly  by  menace  and 
partly  l)y  dijilomacy,  induced  Phraates  to  sur- 
render the  Crassian  standards.  However  hu- 
miliating the  act  may  have  been  to  the  King 
of  Kings,  he  nevertheless  yielded  to  the  inev- 
itable and  gave  up  the  trophies  which  signified 
80  much  to  the  half-barbaric  pride  of  himself 
and  his  subjects.  The  Roman  prisoners  who 
etill  survived  were  permitted  to  return  to 
Europe,  and  an  amicable  relation  was  estab- 
lished between  the  emperors  of  the  Esist  and 
the  West. 

It  can  not  be  doubted  that  at  this  time  it 
was  definitely  agreed  that  henceforth  the  River 
Euphrates  should  be  obiJerved  by  both  Powers 
as  the  true  inter-imperial  boundary.  Such 
agreement  was  in  harmony  with  the  well- 
known  theory  of  Augustus  that  the  Roman 
N. — Vol.  I — 27 


Empire  had  now  expanded  to  its  natural  limit, 
beyond  which  neither  sound  policy  nor  mili- 
tary ambition  could  safely  carry  it.  To  this 
the  Parthian  king,  troubled  with  dissensions  in 
his  own  dominion,  was  glad  to  assent,  and 
thus  a  condition  of  stability  and  peace  was 
reached  in  the  closing  years  of  the  Aucient  Era. 
Henceforth  for  a  long  time  amity  existed 
between  Ctesiphon  and  Rome.  Phraates  se- 
lected the  City  of  the  Tiber  as  a  place  for  the 
residence  and  education  of  his  four  sons. 
These  were  Vonones,  Seraspadanes,  Rhodaspes, 
and  Phraates. 

Once  and  again,  however — and  that  with 
respect  to  the  troublesome  kingdom  of  Ar- 
menia— did  hostilities  break  out  between  the 
two  Empires.  The  question  at  issue  was  the 
old  one  as  to  the  relative  and  preponderating 
influence  of  Rome  or  Parthia  with  the  Arme- 
nian king.  Augustus  found  it  necessary  to 
send  his  son  Cains  Csesar  to  the  East  with  an 
army.  The  Roman  prince  came  to  the  Eu- 
phrates and  was  about  to  begin  an  invasion, 
when  the  Parthian  monarch,  taking  counsel  of 
his  fears,  yielded  to  the  inevitable,  and  a  new 
treaty  was  made  by  himself  and  the  young 
Caesar  on  an  island  in  the  Euphrates.  The 
settlement  was  definitive.  The  supremacy  of 
Rome  in  Armenian  affairs  was  acknowledged, 
and  henceforth  Parthia  abstained  from  aggres- 
sion in  this  direction.  Soon  after  the  treaty 
was  concluded,  Caius  Csesar,  going  into  Ar- 
menia,  and  being  obliged  to  besiege  a  town, 
was  slain  by  a  missile  from  the  walls.  But 
events  went  forward  to  their  logical  conclu- 
sion. Armenia  passed  under  the  protectorate 
of  Rome,  and  all  beyond  was  left  to  the  undis- 
puted sway  of  the  Parthian  kings. 

Meanwhile  the  reign  of  Phraates  IV.,  fif- 
teenth of  the  Arsacid;ie,  had  ended  with  his 
life,  in  the  year  B.  C.  2.  The  crown  de- 
SQended  to  his  son  Phr.\ataces,  offspring  of  an 
Italian  slave-girl,  whom  Augustus  had  sent  as 
a  pre.sent  to  his  friend,  the  late  king  of  Parthia. 
To  him,  rather  than  to  any  of  the  elder  sons  long 
resident  in  Rome,  the  throne  passed  without 
dispute.  But  it  was  not  long  until  the  Par- 
thian nobles,  hating  the  mother  of  their  new 
sovereign  and  despising  the  race  to  which  she 
belonged,  rose  against  Phraataces,  drove  him 


432 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


from  power,  and  took  his  life.  Having  suc- 
ceeded thus  by  insurrection  ia  undoing  the 
existing  order,  the  Megistaues  proceeded  to 
elect  to  the  throne  a  certain  Orodes,  of  whom 
little  is  known  except  that  he  was  one  of  the 
Arsacidse.  We  may  conjecture  that  he  was  a 
descendant  of  Orodes,  fourteenth  monarch  of 
the  line. 

At  any  rate,  a])out  the  year  A.  D.  12,  he 
was  called  home  from  exile,  and  given  the 
crown.  Almost  immediately,  however,  he  dis- 
played such  qualities  of  cruelty  and  vice  as 
sickened  the  nobles  with  their  own  work.  A 
company  of  them  accordingly  inveigled  the 
king  into  a  hunting  excursion,  and  availed 
themselves  of  the  opportunity  to  put  i;im  to 
death.  An  embassy  was  at  once  despatched 
to  Kome,  to  call  home  Vonones,  eldest  son  of 
Phraates  IV.  The  prince  complied  with  the 
requisition,  returned  from  his  long  absence, 
and  accepted  the  crown.  But  it  was  soon 
found  that  his  residence  in  Eome  had  unfitted 
him  for  the  Parthian  throne.  He  came  back 
essentially  a  Roman,  and  in  a  short  time  the 
alienation  between  him  and  his  makers  was 
complete.  Vonones  was  permitted  to  reign 
for  about  three  years ;  but  in  A.  D.  16,  or 
possibly  the  following  year,  the  nobles  again 
went  into  insurrection,  deposed  Vonones,  and 
elected  a  certain  Aktabanus,  who  at  this  time 
was  viceroy  of  Media  Atropatfine,  to  the 
throne  of  the  Empire.  By  a  strange  vicissi- 
tude, Vonones  escaped  into  Armenia,  and  was 
made  king  of  tluit  country. 

The  action  of  the  Armenians,  in  accepting 
the  refugee  Arsacid  for  their  king,  could  but 
arouse  the  animosity  of  Artabauus,  and  he  at 
once  undertook  to  prevent  the  recognition  of 
Vonones  by  Rome.  In  this  he  was  successful 
to  the  extent  of  obliging  Vonones  to  fly  to  the 
Roman  governor  of  Syria  for  protection. 
It  became  necessary  for  Tiberius,  who  had  now 
succeeded  Augustus  in  the  Imperial  rank  at 
Rome,  to  send  the  brave  and  talented  Ger- 
manicus  to  the  East,  to  regulate  the  Armenian 
succession.  The  latter,  on  arriving  at  Ar- 
taxata,  the  capital  of  Armenia,  cut  the  com- 
plication by  raising  a  European  nobleman, 
named  Zeno,  to  the  throne,  with  the  title  of 
Artaxias,      On    the    whole,   this    action    was 


pleasing  to  the  Parthian  king,  who  in  the  next 
place  requested  Germanicus  to  banish  Vonones 
into  foreign  parts.  This  request  was  complied 
with ;  but  Vonones,  attemjiting  to  defeat  the 
arrangement  by  flight,  was  pursued,  overtaken, 
and  slaiu. 

In  A.  D.  19  Germanicus  died,  and  Lucius 
Vitellius  was  appointed  to  succeed  him  in  the 
government  of  Western  Asia.  It  was  believed 
by  Artabanus  that  Tiberius  was  in  his  dotage, 
and  that  Vitellius  was  not  the  equal  of  his 
predecessor.  The  Parthian,  therefore,  imagined 
that  he  might  once  more  with  safety  attempt 
the  restoration  of  his  influence  and  authority 
in  Armenia.  Tiberius,  when  informed  of  the 
purposes  of  the  king,  sought  by  an  intrigue 
to  stir  up  a  rebellion  among  the  Partliiaa 
nobles,  and  in  order  to  encourage  such  a 
movement,  sent  the  young  Phraates,  a  brother 
of  Vonones,  to  the  Mesopotamian  border 
The  prince  reached  Asia,  but  the  change  ia 
his  manner  of  life  brought  on  a  disease  of 
which  he  presently  died. 

Meanwhile,  Artabanus  had  destroyed  one 
or  two  of  the  leading  conspirators  against  him- 
self Being  relieved  of  present  apprehension 
by  the  death  of  Phraates,  he  sent  the  Roman 
Emperor  an  audacious  letter,  in  which  that 
personage  was  openly  charged  with  all  the 
crimes,  vices,  and  corruptions  in  the  catalogue 
of  human  sin.  In  retaliation  for  this  insult 
Tiberius  ordered  Vitellius  to  interfere  again  in 
the  aflairs  of  Parthia,  and  in  particular  to 
maintain  his  ascendency  in  Armenia.  In  that 
country  a  desultory  war  occurred  in  the  years 
A.  D.  35  and  36.  At  one  time  it  api>eared 
that  the  armies  of  Parthia  and  Rome  would 
be  brought  to  decisive  battle,  but  Vitellius 
succeeded  in  inciting  an  insurrection  before 
which  Artabanus  fled  into  Hyrcania. 

In  the  meantime,  Prince  Tiridates,  son  per- 
haps of  Rhodaspes,  at  Rome,  was  sent  into 
Asia  as  the  candidate  of  Tiberius  fn-  the  vacant 
throne.  The  prince  entered  Mesopotamia,  and 
was  well  received  by  the  Greek  cities.  He 
was  even  crowned  in  Seleucia,  and  entered 
upon  his  duties  as  King  of  Kings.  But  the 
movement  was  delusive  and  farcical.  The 
nobles,  native  and  to  the  manner  born,  could 
have  no  sympathy  with  a  sovereign  who  had 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


43S 


been  reared  in  Rome.  They  accordingly  went 
into  Hyrcania,  fouud  old  Artabanus  with  his 
bow  and  hunting  shirt,  and  induced  him  to 
head  the  counter-revolution  against  Tiridates. 
The  latter  was  obliged  to  fly.  His  following 
melted  away,  and  he  was  glad  to  find  himself 
once  more  in  safety  beyond  the  Euphrates 
among  the  Romans. 

In  the  fourth  decade  of  the  first  century 
the  condition  of  affairs  above  described  con- 
tinued to  prevail.  Petty  hostilities  on  the 
Aide  of  Armenia  recurred  constantly,  but  no 
general  war.  The  empire  became  involved  in 
hostilities  with  the  Jews  of  Babylon — one  of 
the  many  complications  in  which  that  people, 
now  dragging  on  to  the  close  of  their  national 
existence,  were  nivolved.  But  the  details, 
though  sufficiently  bloody  and  disgraceful,  are 
of  little  interest  to  the  reader  of  general  hi.s- 
tory.  Events  passed  in  the  usual  order  until 
the  year  A.  D.  40,  when  Artabanus  was  a 
second  time  expelled  from  the  throne,  and 
died  after  a  two  years'  banishment  and  a  reign 
of  twenty-six  years'  duration. 

The  reader  will  have  noted  the  utter  absence 
among  the  Parthians  of  royal  rank  of  those 
family  ties  and  affections  whereby  in  modern 
times  the  kindred  of  one  blood  are  held  in 
unity  and  trust.  On  the  contrary,  the  court 
of  this  ancient  people  was  constantly  stained 
with  blood  poured  forth  by  parricidal  or  frat- 
ricidal violence.  On  the  death  of  Artabanus 
III.  his  sons  contended  for  the  throne.  At 
first  the  eldest,  Gotarzes,  was  given  the  crown. 
But  it  would  seem  that  his  hereditary  right 
was  soon  forgotten  on  account  of  his  atrocious 
conduct.  Scarcely  had  he  risen  to  power  until 
he  seized  and  put  to  death  his  brother,  Arta- 
banus, together  with  his  wife  and  son.  It  was 
evident  that,  after  the  Oriental  maimer,  he 
purposed,  according  to  his  passion  and  jealousy, 
to  destroy  all  his  kindred.  It  can  not  have 
pa.^sfd  attention  that  for  the  last  half  century 
the  Megistanes  had  increased  their  power  and 
exercised  their  rights  more  freely  than  at  a 
remoter  age.  In  the  present  instance  they 
accepted  the  challenge  and  drove  the  king 
from  the  throne.  His  brother  Vardanes  was 
calhil  hnino  from  a  distant  province  and  given 
the    diadem.      Gotarzes   was  abandoned,  and 


obliged  to  fly  to  the  country  of  the  Dahae, 
where,  according  to  the  precedent  in  such 
cases,  he  put  himself  under  the  protection  of 
the  Scyths. 

Vardanes  came  to  power  without  battle  so 
far  as  his  brother  was  concerned,  but  was 
obliged  to  take  arms  against  the  city  of  Seleu- 
cia.  That  important  metropolis  had  never 
lost  its  Grecian  character — had  never  been  in 
political  or  social  sympathy  with  the  Parthian 
nation.  We  have  heretofore  remarked  upon 
the  quasi  independence  of  the  city  and  its 
government  by  a  local  Senate  of  three  hun- 
dred. Just  about  the  time  of  the  accession 
of  Vardanes  there  was  a  municipal  revolt,  and 
the  authority  of  the  king  was  wholly  dis- 
carded. In  the  year  A.  D.  42  he  brought  an 
army  against  Seleucia  and  laid  siege  to  the 
place,  but  it  was  nearly  seven  years  after  the 
revolt  before  he  succeeded  iu  its  suppression. 

In  the  meantime  Go- 
tarzes, fretting  iu  banish- 
ment, induced  the  Scyths 
to  support  him  iu  making 
war  on  the  king.  He 
accordingly  organized  an 
army,  advanced  into 
Hyrcania,  and  was 
joined  by  malcontents 
until  the  movement  became  formidable.  The 
two  brothers  approached  each  other  for  battle ; 
but  Gotarzes,  learning  that  the  National 
Council  was  about  to  depose  both  of  them, 
sent  word  to  Vardanes,  and  the  two  were 
reconciled.  The  king  remained  iu  authority, 
and  Gotarzes  was  made  governor  of  Hyr* 
cania. 

It  appears  that  the  Parthians  were  for- 
getful of  the  danger  with  which  they  were 
ever  menaced  from  the  side  of  Rome.  Not- 
withstanding his  treaty  stipulation,  the  king 
now  attempted  to  reassert  his  power  in  Ar- 
menia. That  country  had  accepted  its  place 
as  a  vassal  of  the  Roman  Empire.  Vardanes, 
believing  himself  able  to  revolutionize  the 
Armenian  Government,  sought  the  alliance  of 
the  governor  of  Adiabene,  but  that  personage 
opposed  his  projects,  and  remained  loyal  to 
Rome.  Hereupon  the  Parthian  monarch  went 
to  war  with   him,   but   before    a    result   wa» 


COIN    OP  VARDANES  I. 


434 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


reached,  Gotarzes  arose  agfv'n  in  rebellion, 
and  with  a  Hyrcanian  army,  attempted  to 
gain  the  throne.  The  king  marched  against 
him  and  defeated  him  in  several  liattles. 
But  the  nobles  presently  afterwards  enticed 
Vardanes  into  the  chase,  and  put  him  to 
death. 

This  murder  opened  the  way  for  Gotarzes, 
who,  ill  A.  D.  46,  was  recognized  as  king. 
The  character  of  that  prince,  however,  soon 
revealed  itself,  and  the  nobles  sent  an  embassy 
to  Rome,  requesting  that  the  prince  Meher- 
dates,  son  of  Vonones,  be  sent  to  them  for 
the  royal  honor.  The  Emperor  Claudius,  who 
now  occupied  the  throne,  yielded  to  the  re- 
quest, and  Meherdates  was  sent  to  Mesopota- 
mia. He  soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of 
a  rebellious  army,  and  advanced  as  far  as 
Media  Adiabene.  At  this  point,  however,  his 
forces  began  to  desert  him,  and  he  was 
obliged  to  recede  before  the  king.  Before  es- 
caping from  the  complication  into  which  he 
had  rushed,  he  was  betrayed  into  the  hands 
of  Gotarzes,  who  treated  him  with  contempt 
rather  than  cruelty. 

The  king,  however,  did  not  long  survive 
his  triumph.  In  A.  D.  51  he  died.  The 
crown  was  transferred  to  an  Arsacid  prince 
named  Vonones,  who  is  believed  to  have 
been  a  half  brother  of  Artabanus  III.  No 
events  of  any  importance  occurred  duriug  his 
reign,  or  at  least  the  record  of  none  such  has 
reached  posterity.  It  is  believed  that  his  oc- 
cupancy of  the  throne  did  not  exceed  a  year 
in  duration.  Nor  is  the  manner  of  his  death 
referred  to  by  the  ancient  historians.  All  that 
is  known  is  that  about  A.  D.  51  or  52  the 
crown  was  transferred  to  the  king's  son  Vola- 
GASES  I.  In  entering  on  his  reign,  the  latter 
appointed  his  brother  Pacorus  to  a  provincial 
governorship,  and  then  undertook  the  conquest 
of  Armenia,  in  order  to  procure  a  province 
for  his  other  brother  named  Tiridates. 

It  appears  that  at  this  juncture  the  Romans 
were  less  jealous  than  usual  concerning  Par- 
thian intervention  in  Armenian  affairs.  At 
any  rate,  Volagases  was  permitted  to  organize 
an  expedition,  and  to  advance  into  the  coveted 
territory.  He  gained  therein  a  footing,  and 
raised  Tiridates  to  the  governorship.     Having 


done  so  much,  the  king  sent  an  embassy  to 
Nero  to  acquaint  him  with  his  motives  and 
purposes.  The  Roman  Emperor  was  angered 
at  the  thing  done,  and  Corbulo,  a  noted 
general,  and  Umraidius,  at  that  time  Pro- 
consul of  Syria,  were  directed  to  recover  the 
lost  possessions  of  the  Empire.  The  com- 
manders gathered  an  army  on  the  Armenian 
frontier,  but  presently  opened  negotiation? 
with  Volagases,  and  the  difficulty  was  adjusted 
without  battle.  Strangely  enough,  the  Romans 
conceded  the  Armenian  kingdom  to  Tiridates; 
and  the  Parthian  monarch  was  permitted  to 
retire  from  the  country  without  punishment. 

These  events  occurred  in  the  year  A.  D. 
55.  It  was  fortunate  for  Volagases  that  he 
was  able  so  easily  to  extricate  himself  from 
the  difficulty  on  his  western  border.  All  of 
his  energies  and  resources  were  now  demanded 
in  an  efl'ort  to  suppress  a  rebellion  which  in 
his  absence  had  been  fomented  by  his  son 
Vardanes.  Civil  war  now  ensued  for  the 
space  of  three  years,  and  the  insurrection  was 
suppressed.  Finding  himself  no  longer  op- 
posed, the  king  turned  again  to  Armenia,  and 
demanded  that  the  Romans  should  make  still 
further  concessions  in  regard  to  the  govern- 
ment of  that  country.  But  the  latter  seized 
the  opportunity  to  recover  the  ground  already 
lost.  Corbulo  occupied  the  years  A.  D.  58-60 
with  a  war  against  the  Armenians,  or  rather 
against  the  Parthian  party,  headed  by  Tiri- 
dates, and  expelled  that  prince  finally  from 
the  country.  The  Roman  rule  was  restored 
in  full,  and  Volagases  was  obliged  to  content 
himself  with  an  Armenian  administration  es- 
tablished by  his  rival. 

By  this  time  the  Parthian  nobles  had  come 
to  doubt  the  infallibility  of  their  monarch. 
They  charged  him  with  inefficiency  in  permit- 
ting Armenia  to  slip  from  his  grasp.  The 
king,  resolving  to  regain  public  confidence, 
sought  to  do  so  by  organizing  a  third  expedi- 
tion for  the  purpose  of  restoring  Tiridates  to 
the  Armenian  throne.  But  the  expedition  was 
unsuccessful,  and  an  armistice  was  declared 
until  what  time  the  Parthian  embassy  des- 
patched to  Rome  might  return  with  the  de- 
cision of  Nero.  The  latter  sent  out  as  his 
representative  and  general  in  the  East  Lucius 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


496 


COIN   OF  VARDANES  11. 


was  now  intrusted. 


Psetus.  The  latter  came  into  S)'ria,*  and  joined 
nis  forces  with  those  of  Corbuh). 

Both  generals  soon  entered  the  Parthian 
country,  Pretus  making  the  inva-sion  of  Ai'- 
menia.  Winter  came  on,  and  the  lioii/an 
commander  established  himself  in  a  poorly 
fortified  camp.  Volagases  hurried  forward 
with  a  large  army,  and  the  position  of  Pictus 
became  perilous.  He  wa.s  surrounded  by  the 
Parthians,  and  obliged 
to  capitulate  on  condi- 
tion 'jf  retiring  from  the 
co'intry.  The  wrecks  of 
his  forces  were  joined 
with  those  of  the  prudent 
Corbulo,  to  whom  the 
maintenance  of  Roman 
interests  in  the  country 
It  was  in  vain  that  the 
Parthian  king  sought  to  induce  Corbulo  to 
come  to  an  accommodation.  The  Roman, 
with  the  opening  of  spring,  advanced  into 
Armenia,  and  reoccupicd  the  territory  held  in 
the  previous  year  by  Ptetus. 

Volagases  was  now  thoroughly  alarmed, 
and  reopened  negotiations.  Tiridates  was 
obliged,  on  the  site  of  the  old  camp  of  Partus,  to 
pull  off  his  royal  garments  and  lay  them  down 
before  a  statue  of  Nero.  It  was  agreed,  how- 
ever, that  the  deposed  prince  should  go  to 
Rome  and  receive  again  his  crown  at  the 
hands  of  tlie  Roman  Emperor.  This  was  ac- 
cordingly done.  While  Tiridates  was  permitted 
to  reign  in  Armenia,  it  was  with  the  consent 
and  virtually  under  the  authority  of  Rome. 

The  reign  of  Volagases  was  now  long  and 
peaceful.  It  is  believed  that  he  held  the  throne 
from  A.  D.  51  to  about  A.  D.  78,  a  period 
of  twenty-seven  years.  He  reached  a  good 
old  age,  and  died,  bequeathing  the  crown  to 
his  son  Pacorus. 

.  During  the  remainder  of  the  first  century 
of  our  era,  but  few  important  events  occurred 
in  the  history  of  the  Partliian  Empire.  After 
the  troubles  of  Volagases  wilii  the  Romans, 
no  further  complications  with  that  people  arose 
for  a  considerable  length  of  time.  It  seems, 
however,  that  the  Parthians,  like  other  bar- 
barian nations,  were  not  more  prosperous  in 
peace  than  in  war.     It  may  be  conceded  that 


war  is  the  natural  condition  of  a  nomadic 
State,  just  as  peace  is  the  normal  condition  of 
an  industrial  State.  So  long  as  the  soil  is  not 
extensively  cultivated,  so  long  as  commerce 
does  not  spring  and  flourish,  so  long  as  manu- 
facturing industries  are  not  created,  a  people 
must  procure  for  themselves  the  objects  of 
desire  by  the  spoliation  of  their  neighbors. 

Of  all  the  ancient  peoples  none  fulfilled  this 
condition  more  perfectly  than  did  the  Par- 
thians. As  a  result,  the  coming  of  peace  was 
the  coming  of  inaction,  sluggishness,  and  de- 
cay. There  were,  moreover,  during  the  reign 
of  Pacorus,  which  extended  to  about  A.  D. 
108,  many  internal  disturbances  which  tended 
to  the  disintegration  of  the  Empire.  It  ap- 
pears that  the  old  feudal  principle  not  only 
held  its  own  against  the  consolidating  forces, 
but  gradually  prevailed  over  them.  In  times 
of  peace  feudalism,  as  illustrated  in  the  local 
governments  of  the  provinces,  was  rampant  to 
the  extent  of  making  the  feudatories  virtually 
independent.  Rawlinson  has  pointed  out  the 
fact  that  the  history  of  this  period  is  confused 
by  the  presence  of  coins  bearing  the  images 
and  superscriptions  of  sovereigns  unknown  to 
the  Grecian  and  Roman  authors.  Thus  we 
find  a  Vardrnes  II.,  and  afterwards,  between 
the  years  62  and  78  A.  D. ,  an  Artabauus  IV. 
and  a  Volagases  II.,  as  though  such  sover- 
eigns had  reigned  between  Volagases  I.  and 
his  son  Pacorus.  Further  on  there  is  a  coin 
of  Mithridates  IV.,  for 
whom  there  is  no  place 
in  the  line  of  the  Arsa- 
cidte.  Doubtless  the  ex- 
planation is  to  be  found 
in  the  <*ct  that  many  of 
the  local  governors  car- 
ried their  independence 
to  the  pitch  of  coining 
money  and  putting  their  own  effigies  and  in- 
scriptions on  the  coins.  It  might  thus  happen 
that  three  or  four  provincial  mints  were  at 
work  in  different  parts  of  the  Empire  at  the 
same  time. 

On  the  death  of  Pacorus,  which  is  assigned 
to  the  year  108  A.  D.,  the  Megistancs  again 
asserted  their  authority  by  putting  aside  the 
two   sons   of  the   late   king  and  choosing  lii.« 


COIN  OF  MITHRIDATES  IV. 


436 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


brother  Chosroes  instead.  A  reason  for  this 
action  may  be  found  in  the  youth  of  the 
princes  and  in  the  military  experience  of  the 
king-elect.  It  might  be  supposed  that  by 
this  time  the  Parthians  had  learned  by  ex- 
perience the  unwisdom  of  intermeddling  with 
the  affairs  of  Armenia.  It  may  be  confessed, 
however,  that  the  last  compact  with  the  Ro-^ 
mans  was  of  a  kind  to  encourage  the  belief 
that  Arsacid  princes  should  henceforth  wear 
the  Armenian  crown.  Tiridates  had  been  ac- 
cepted in  that  relation,  and  reigned  to  the 
end  of  his  life,  at  the  close  of  the  first  cen- 
tury. Pacorus,  at  that  time  king  of  Parthia, 
had  raised  his  son  Exedares  to  the  vacancy, 
assuming  either  that  Rome  would  offer  no 
objection,  or  else  that  he  should  be  able  by 
arms  to  enforce  his  will  and  authority. 

For  the  time  it  appeared  that  the  former 
supposition  was  realized,  and  that  Exedares 
would  be  permitted  to  reigu  in  peace.  The 
Roman  Emperor  Trajan  was  at  this  time  hotly 
engaged  in  his  war  with  the  Dacians  on  the 
Danube.  This  work  occupied  his  attention 
until  the  year  114  A.  D.,  when  Dacia  was 
subdued.  Trajan  now  found  time  to  turn  his 
attention  to  the  affairs  of  the  East.  A  great 
expedition  was  accordingly  organized  and  sent 
into  Asia,  to  impress  upon  the  Parthians  the 
truth  of  their  forgotten  lesson.  As  the  army 
advanced,  Chosroes  sought  to  stay  the  coming 
storm  by  sending  out  an  embassy,  which  met 
the  Romans  at  Athens.  The  Parthian  pro- 
posed that  Exedares  should  abdicate  the  Ar- 
menian throne,  and  that  his  brother,  Partha- 
masiris,  should  be  chosen  for  the  place  under 
the  auspices  and  with  the  consent  of  Rome. 
The  proposition  might  well  have  satisfied  the 
Roman  Emperor,  but  the  latter  had  determined 
to  reestablish  his  authority  in  the  East  on  a 
new  basis,  disregarding  all  antecedents,  and 
aiming  only  at  a  permanent  and  undisturbed 
supremacy.  The  Parthian  ambassadors  were 
accordingly  sent  back  to  their  master,  and 
the  expedition  was  carried  into  Asia." 

Nevertheless  Parthamasiris  weut  to  the  Ro- 
man camp,  presented  himself  to  the  Emperor, 
and  laid  down  his  crown  before  him.  Trajan, 
however,  instead  of  replacing  it  on  his  head, 
retained   the    prince,  and  presently  informed 


him  that  Armenia  was  destined  henceforth  to 
be  a  Roman  province.  As  for  Parthamasiris, 
he  was  permitted  to  leave  the  camp,  but  was 
pursued  by  a  baud  of  Roman  horsemen,  who, 
doubtless  with  the  privity  and  instigation  of 
the  Emperor  himself,  recaptured  him  and  put 
him  to  death.  Chosroes  was  either  unable 
or  unwilling  to  hazard  interference  with  the 
purposes  of  the  murderer  of  his  nephew.  Ar- 
menia was  yielded  up,  and  a  Roman  governor 
was  appointed  to  exercise  authority  over  the 
country  in  place  of  the  Arsacid  prince. 

AVith  a  high  hand  and  outstretched  arm 
Trajan  proceeded  to  overawe  all  the  neigh- 
boring nations  and  to  instill  the  fear  of  his 
name.  At  least  two  of  the  Western  provinces 
of  Parthia  were  torn  away  and  added  to  the 
Roman  dominion.  Everything  was  settled  ac- 
cording to  the  Emperor's  will,  and  he  then  re- 
jiaired  to  Autioch,  where  he  established  his 
head-quarters  for  the  winter.  Scarcely,  how- 
ever, had  he  planted  himself  in  the  city  when 
it  was  shaken  into  ruins  by  one  of  the  most 
disastrous  earthquakes  recorded  in  Ancient 
History.  The  Emperor  himself  barely  escaped 
from  the  falling  building  in  which  he  had 
taken  his  residence.  All  the  Syrian  cities 
suffered  injury,  greater  or  less,  from  the  dis- 
turbance. The  Eastern  Mediterranean  and 
the  ^gean  sea  were  tossed  and  heaved  hy  the 
shock,  and  some  of  the  Greek  towns  »v'ere 
thrown  down. 

It  aj)pears  that  Trajan,  while  in  the  Kast, 
in  the  preceding  year,  namely,  in  A.  D.  115, 
had  made  up  his  mind  to  attack  Parthia  i.self. 
His  plaus  in  this  particular  were  matur«»^  in 
the  following  spring.  A  Roman  fleet  was  sent 
OH  wagom  across  the  desert  to  the  Tigris, 
where  the  vessels  were  reconstructed  and 
launched.  It  was  determined  to  make  Media 
Adiabene  the  point  of  attack.  Against  this 
country  the  expedition  was  now  dire«;ted, 
and  Chosroes  found  himself  unable  to  dc  fend 
his  province.  He  was  obliged,  by  the  internal 
condition  of  the  Empire,  to  hold  aloof  from 
the  contest  and  see  one  of  the  most  important 
countries  under  his  authority  overrun  by  the 
Romans. 

The  passion  of  Trajan  was  now  thoroughly 
aroused.     From  his  conquest  of  Adiabine  he 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


4S7 


inarched  against  Ctesipliou,  and  took  the  city. 
He  traversed  Mesopotamia,  aud  captured  Bab- 
ylon without  iiglitiug  a  battle.  Seleucia  re- 
volted, and,  following  her  immemorial  prefer- 
ence, fell  willingly  into  the  hands  of  the 
conqueror.  The  Parthian  king  retired  from 
his  capital  cities,  and  went  far  into  the  inte- 
rior, drawing  after  him  the  Roman  army-  It 
appears  that  not  even  the  discerning  mind  of 
Trajan  was  able  to  apprehend  the  danger  to 
which  he  exposed  himself  in  his  lengthening 
march  to  the  East.  When  he  had  advanced 
to  a  great  distance  in  that  direction  without 
being  able  to  bring  the  enemy  to  battle,  he 
was  suddenly  startled  with  t'^e  intelligence 
that  the  provinces  and  cities  behind  him  were 
rising  against  the  Romans.  City  gates  were 
ehut  on  every  hand.  The  soldiers  began  to 
suffer.  The  Parthians  rallied  and  returned  in 
the  wake  of  the  retreat.  Not  without  serious 
losses,  vexatious,  and  humiliations  did  the 
Roman  army  finally  succeed  in  reaching  a 
place  of  safety.  The  Parthians  recovered 
everything  e.xcept  Adiabene,  Upper  Mesopo- 
tamia, and  Armenia.  Trajan  himself  scarcely 
survived  his  repulse.  He  died  in  117  A.  D., 
and  was  succeeded  in  the  Imperial  authority 
bj'  Hailriau. 

Each  party  in  the  conflict,  thus  ever  re- 
newed on  the  eastern  frontier  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  had  now  learned  a  lesson  from  the 
other.  Hadrian  was  not  slow  to  perceive  that 
the  vaulting  ambition  of  Trajan  had  over- 
reached itself  and  fallen  on  the  other  side. 
He  immediately  changed  the  policy  of  the 
Empire  with  respect  to  Parthia,  choosing  the 
method  of  conciliation  aud  concession.  Upper 
Mesopotamia  aud  AdiabSne  were  restored  to 
Chosroiis.  The  daughter  of  that  monarch, 
whom  Trajan  had  captured  and  sent  to  Rome, 
was  returned  in  honor  to  her  father.  In  the 
year  A.  D.  122  the  two  emperors  met  on  the 
■disputed  border  and  personally  adjusted  the 
affairs  between  them.  The  Parthian  king 
lived  to  about  130  A.  D.,  when  the  throne 
passed  toVoLAGASES  11.  Bui  therelationsof  the 
latter  to  the  Arsacid  line  are  uncert^iin.  Most 
authors  have  made  the  descent  regular  from 
father  to  son,  but  in  this  instance  the  testi- 
mony of  the  coins  and  the  accepted  narratives 


of  the  Greek  and  Roman  historians  are  in 
conflict ;  for  which  reason  the  place  by  de- 
scent of  the  second  Volagases  in  the  diagram 
of  the  ArsacidsB  has  been  indicated  by  the  line 
of  doubt. 

The-  new  reign  was  one  of  peace.  The 
agreement  between  Hadrian  and  Chosroes  was 
on  the  whole  well  kept.  It  seems,  moreover, 
that  at  this  time  the  feudatories  were  less 
troublesome — less  disposed  to  advance  their 
own  claims  to  independence — than  they  had 
been  during  the  preceding  half  century.  In 
only  one  instance  was  the  peace  of  the  Empire 
under  Volagases  II.  seriously  broken.  At  this 
time  a  certain  Pharasmanes,  king  of  the  Ibe- 
rians, had  become  in  his  own  esteem  an  im- 
portant personage  in  Western  Asia.  Himself 
a  feudatory  of  Rome,  he  dared  to  treat  Ha- 
drian and  his  authority  with  contempt.  To- 
wards Volagases  he  held  a  similar  insolent 
attitude.  At  length  he  instigated  the  bar^ 
barous  nation  of  the  Alaui  to  pass  the  Cauca- 
sus and  plunder  Cappadocia  and  Atropatend. 
The  first  of  these  States  belonged  to  Rome; 
the  other,  to  Parthia.  Volagases  found  cause 
to  complain  to  Hadrian  of  the  conduct  of  hb 
vassal.  The  Roman  governor  Arrian  soon 
drove  the  Alani  out  of  Cappadocia,  but 
neglected  to  expel  them  from  Atropatene.  The 
Parthian  king  for  his  part — being  no  warrior- 
was  constrained  at  length  to  purchase  the  re- 
tirement of  the  barbarians  with  much  gold. 

Volagases  reigned  until  A.  D.  149.  Ha- 
drian had  died  eleven  years  previously.  The 
latter  was  succeeded  in  the  Imperial  dignity  by 
Titus  Aurelius,  first  of  the  Antonines.  Soon 
after  his  accession ,  a  passing  gust  of  ill  feeling 
was  created  between  the  two  Empires  by  the 
attempt  of  the  Parthian  king  to  recover  the 
golden  throne  of  his  ancestors  which  Trajan 
had  captured  in  Ctesiphon  and  scut  home  to 
Rome.  It  was  claimed  by  the  Parthians  that 
the  amicable  relations  now  existing  between 
the  East  and  the  West  warranted  and  de- 
manded the  surreuiier  of  the  trophy.  But 
neither  Hadrian  nor  his  successor  was  willing 
to  give  it  up. 

As  for  the  Parthian  succession,  that  fell  to 
Volagases  HI.,  son  of  the  late  king.  He  was 
destined  to  the  longest  reign  which  had  evec 


438 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


yet  occurred  in  the  annals  of  the  Arsacid 
kings.  At  the  beginning  of  his  reign  his  am- 
bitions incited  him  to  hostility  with  Rome. 
He  made  preparation  for  a  war,  but  a  remon- 
strance and  rebuke  from  Antoninus  Pius  pre- 
vented the  outbreak.  Nevertheless  the  Par- 
thian cherished  his  purpose,  and  in  A.  D.  161 
he  began  a  war  by  invading  Armenia.  The 
Parthians  had  never  been  satisiied  with  the 
protectorate  of  Rome  over  that  country. 
They  had  always  sought,  when  the  opportunity 
was  present,  to  restore  their  influence  by  es- 
tablishing on  the  Armenian  throne  a  prince  of 
the  Arsacidse,  to  the  end  that  the  two  countries 
should  be  and  remain  in  political  and  military 
sympathy. 

An  opportunity  to  reassert  the  ancient 
claim  was  afforded  by  the  death  of  the  first 
Antoninus  and  the  accession  of  his  son,  the 
justly  celebrated  Marcus  Aurelius.  The  Par- 
thian king  was  successful  in  his  Armenian 
campaigns,  and  a  certain  Tigranes,'his  kins- 
man, was  made  king.  Hereupon  Severianus, 
prefect  of  Cappadocia,  accepted  the  challenge, 
and  marched  against  the  Parthians.  Crossing 
the  Euphrates,  he  was  met,  near  Elegeia,  by 
the  army  of  the  king,  was  driven  into  the 
city,  besieged,  and  in  a  short  time  destroyed 
with  all  his  forces.  The  Parthians  now  as- 
sumed the  offensive,  anl  made  a  great  cam- 
paign into  Syria  and  Palestine.  Such  high- 
handed proceedi"gs  roused  great  animosity  at 
Rome,  and  an  army  under  command  of  Lucius 
Verus,  brother  of  the  Emperor,  was  sent  at 
once  to  the  East.  On  his  arrival  in  Asia, 
terms  of  accommodation  were  offered  to  the 
Parthians,  but  were  rejected  with  scorn.  The 
lieutenants  of  Verus  then  threw  forward  the 
army  from  Antioch,  and  in  A.  D.  163  Vola- 
gases  was  routed  in  the  battle  of  Europus. 

Meanwhile,  a  revulsion  took  place  in  Ar- 
menia. Statins  Prisons  and  other  generals  of 
the  Roman  army  marched  into  that  country, 
and  Tigranes  was  driven  from  the  throne.  It 
could  not  be  expected  that  after  thus  hurling 
back  the  Parthians  into  their  own  country  the 
Romans  would  forbear  to  follow  up  their  suc- 
cesses with  invasion.  Cassius  received  from 
the  Emperor  the  appointment  of  Captain- 
general,  with  instructions,  or  at  least  permis- 


sion, to  carry  the  war  into  Parthia.  The 
advance  was  begun  under  favorable  auspices, 
and  a  battle  was  fought  at  Sura,  in  Mesopo- 
tamia, in  which  the  Romans  were  victorious. 
Cassius  then  advanced  on  the  great  city  of 
Seleucia,  which  he  besieged,  took,  and  de- 
stroyed. Ctesiphon  met  the  same  fate.  The 
king,  his  government  and  his  army  were 
obliged  to  fall  back  into  the  interior.  Media 
was  overrun  by  the  conquerors,  and  for  the 
time  it  seemed  that  a  greater  than  Antonius 
or  Trajan  had  come. 

At  the  crisis  of  the  war,  however,  when  it 
seemed  that  the  Parthian  Empire  was  about 
to  be  overthrown,  a  strange  and  terrible  pesti- 
lence broke  out  in  the  Roman  army,  and  the 
soldiers  began  to  die  by  hundreds  and  thou- 
sands. Superstition  contrived  for  the  malady 
a  supernatural  origin.  It  was  said  that  a  cell 
in  one  of  the  temples  at  Seleucia  had  been 
broken  open  by  the  soldiers,  and  that  a  spirit 
of  death  had  issued  forth  to  punish  the  sacri- 
lege. Terror  and  disease  combined  to  ruin 
the  expedition.  The  array  receded  from  Asia 
into  Europe,  spreading  the  pestilence  in  its 
wake.  Only  a  few  of  the  soldiers  survived, 
and  Italy  was  so  greatly  infected  as  to  lose  a 
large  percentage  of  her  population. 

Thus  in  disaster  ended  the  most  successful 
campaign — so  far  as  its  military  progress  was 
concerned — which  the  Romans  had  ever  made 
iuto  Parthia.  It  would  appear  that  the  Par- 
thians were  not  foolish  enough  to  underrate 
the  injury  which  they  had  suffered.  They 
were  intelligent  enough  to  perceive  that  the 
pestilence  rather  than  their  own  valor  had 
saved  the  Empire  from  conquest  and  per- 
haps disruption.  Volagases,  therefore,  was 
satisfied  to  have  peace  by  the  cession  to  Rome 
of  the  province  of  Osrhoene,  which  remained 
henceforth  a  part  of  the  Roman  dominion. 
Parthia  was  obliged  to  accept  the  humiliation. 
Her  two  great  cities  had  been  leveled  to  the 
ground.  Her  army  was  no  longer  able  to 
contend  with  the  legions  of  Rome,  even  when 
the  latter  were  commanded  by  lieutenants. 
Civil  contention  had  tended  powerfully  to 
weaken  the  monarchy.  The  method  of  mutual 
assassination  among  the  Arsacid  princes  had 
prevailed  so  long  as  to  become  a  precedent  of 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


439 


political  action.  More  than  all,  the  vice  of 
race  had  prevented  the  emergence  of  the  people 
into  the  higher  forms  of  civilization.  Neither 
literature  nor  art  had  appeared  with  its  regen- 
erating influence  to  renew,  vivify,  and  en- 
lighten the  nation.  It  would  seem  that  the 
spirit  of  Volagases  himself 
was  humbled  or  broken. 
After  the  destruction  of 
his  capital,  he  reigned  for 
fully  a  quarter  of  a  century, 
but  gave  little  sign  of 
those  ambitions  which  had 
fired  the  energies  of  his 
youth.  Only  in  a  single 
instance  did  there  appear 
a  likelihood  of  the  renewal 
of  war  with  the  Roman  Em- 
pire. Cassius,  great  in  the 
recollection  of  his  Asiatic 
campaign,  became  an  in- 
surgent in  Syria,  where  he 
was  in  command,  and  in  the 
year  A.  D.  174  proclaimed 
himself  Emperor  in  that 
country.  Between  him  and 
Volagases  hostilities  were 
imminent,  when  the  Roman 
army  out  of  Europe  ar- 
rived in  Syria,  and  the  re- 
volt of  Cassius  was  put 
down  with  a  strong  hand. 
The  Roman  Emperor,  al- 
ways inclined  to  peace, 
readily  accepted  the  over- 
tures which  were  now  made 
by  the  Parthian  king,  and 
the  long  e.\isting  amicable 
relations  between  the  two 
Powers  were  fully  restored. 

With  the  death  of  Mar- 
cus Aurelius,  in  the  year 
A.  D.  180,  the  Roman 
throne  went  to  his  son  Commodus,  infamous 
in  the  annals  of  the  Empire.  Volagases  sur- 
vived his  coutetnporary  for  eleven  years,  dying 
in  the  year  191,  and  bequeathing  his  crown 
to  his  son  Voi^iOASES  IV. 

The  reader  of  history  will  readily  recall  the 
course  of  events  at  this  epoch  in    the  West. 


Commodus  was  murdered,  and  the  Imperial 
throne  was  presently  claimed  by  several  com- 
petitors. In  the  East,  Pcscennius  Niger  set 
up  his  banner  and  claimed  the  diadem.  In 
the  West,  Severus  was  acknowledged  at  Rome. 
Other  claimants  arose  in  the  persons  of  Albi- 


rARTHIAX  CAPTIVES  BEFORE  MAUcrs  ACKELIUS. 


nus  and  Julianus.  When  Niger  perceived 
that  he  must  take  by  the  sword  the  crown  to 
which  he  aspired,  he  sought  the  aid  of  the 
Parthian  king.  The  latter  was  wary  of  the 
proposed  alliance.  One  of  his  dependents, 
however,  the  satrap  of  Hatra,  joined  his  for- 
tunes with  the  Roman  pretender,  and  sent  to 


440 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


him  a  body  of  troops.  On  the  whole,  how- 
ever, the  Parthian  nations  were  disposed  to 
take  advantage  of  the  civil  war  in  the  West, 
and  to  expel  the  Romans  from  Mesopotamia. 
They  seized  the  places  which  had  been  occu- 
pied for  generations  by  Romau  garrisons,  and 
demanded  that  all  Europeans  should  retire 
from  the  country. 

Meanwhile,  Severus  triumphed  over  his 
«nemies,  and  at  once  undertook  to  restore  the 
Imperial  authority  beyond  the  Euphrates. 
This  work  was  accomplished  with  comparative 
«ase.  Not  ouly  was  Mesopotamia  overrun, 
but  AdiabSne  was  entered  and  occupied.  By 
the  time  this  work  was  accomplished,  however, 
namely,  in  the  summer  of  A.  D.  195,  a  new 
complication  had  arisen  in  Italy,  and  Severus 
was  obliged  to  hurry  to  the  West. 

It  was  hoped  by  Volagases  IV.  and  his 
eubjects  that  the  retirement  was  final,  and 
hostilities  were  immediately  renewed.  Not 
only  in  Adiabene,  but  in  Mesopotamia  also, 
the  Roman  garrisons  were  attacked  and  either 
destroyed  or  expelled  from  the  country. 
Syria  was  entered  and  terrorized ;  but  Sev- 
erus had  by  this  time  restored  order  in  the 
West,  and  hastily  returned  to  prosecute  the 
Eastern  war.  The  Parthians  were  hurled 
from  Syria.  In  A.  D.  197  a  Roman  army 
was  sent  into  Armenia,  and  the  protectorate 
of  the  Empire  over  that  province  was  rees- 
tablished. The  Parthian  king  had  a  personal 
conference  with  Severus,  and  gave  his  sons 
into  the  hands  of  the  Emperor  as  hostages. 

It  seems,  however,  that  the  Parthian  king 
was  no  longer  able  to  control  the  destinies 
of  his  Empire.  The  Mesopotamian  provinces 
and  cities  were  hostile  to  the  Romans,  and 
fieverus  had  to  send  detachments  of  his  army 
to  bring  them  into  subjection.  One  after  an- 
other the  hostile  parts  were  invaded  and  sub- 
<iued.  Ctesiphon,  which  had  in  the  mean  time 
been  rebuilt  and  reestablished  as  the  capital, 
was  the  next  object  of  attack.  The  Romans 
-carried  the  city  by  assault,  and  Volagases 
saved  himself  from  capture  by  fleeing  into  the 
interior.  The  city  was  plundered  by  the  in- 
vaders, and  a  great  part  of  the  inhabitants 
put  to  the  sword.  Again  it  appeared  that  the 
Parthian  Empire  was  at  the  verge  of  extinc- 


tion ;  but  the  supplies  of  the  Roman  army 
failed,  and  it  became  necessary  for  the  Emperor 
to  retire.  In  doing  so  he  sought  to  take,  en 
route,  the  city  of  Hatra.  But  in  this  project 
he  was  unsuccessful.  The  Parthians  rallied, 
and  Severus  found  it  expedient  to  retire  into 
Syria.  In  this  case,  however,  the  Parthians 
did  not  pursue.  The  damage  done  to  Vola- 
gases and  his  Empire  had  been  so  great  that 
he  did  not  dare  to  follow  his  retiring  antago- 
nist. Severus  remained  in  the  East  until  the 
year  A.  D.  201,  having  in  the  interval  re- 
stored order  in  all  the  countries  to  the  limits 
of  the  Roman  Empire. 

As  for  Volagases  IV.,  his  reign  extended  to 
the  year  209,  while  that  of  Severus  continued 
for  two  years  longer.  It  was  the  misfortune 
of  the  Parthian  sovereign  to  leave  a  disputed 
succession.  His  sons  Artabanus  and  Vola- 
gases contended  for  the  crown.  It  is  believed 
that  both  of  these  princes  reigned  as  contem- 
poraries in  different  parts  of  the  Empire.  But 
Volagases  V.  was  displaced  about  216  A.  D., 
and  the  sole  dominion  remained  to  Artabanus 
IV.  The  latter  was  recognized  as  king  by  the 
Romans. 

In  the  West,  Caracalla  succeeded  his  father 
Severus  in  the  year  211.  At  that  time  civil 
war  existed  in  Parthia  between  the  two  brothers 
who  were  contending  for  the  crown.  The  new 
Roman  Emperor  was  ambitious,  from  the  day 
of  his  accession,  of  winniug  fame  by  war,  and 
since  the  opportunity  did  not  offer  in  the 
West,  he  turned  his  attention  to  Asia.  Not 
satisfied  with  having  Osrhoene  reduced  to  a 
Roman  province,  he  sought  to  bring  the  an- 
cient and  oft-disputed  kingdom  of  Armenia 
into  like  relation  with  the  Empire.  He  man- 
aged by  treachery  to  seize  the  Armenian  king 
and  his  family,  whereupon  the  subjects  of  the 
captive  monarch  took  up  arms.  Fighting 
with  desperation,  they  succeeded  in  winning  a 
victory  over  the  Roman  lieutenant  who  was 
sent  to  subdue  them. 

Nevertheless,  Caracalla  continued  his  ex- 
actions and  oppressions,  and  sought  a  quarrel 
with  the  Parthian  king.  He  himself  went  to 
Autioch,  and  established  there  his  capital. 
Soon  afterwards  he  opened  with  the  Parthian 
monarch  negotiations  of  an  extraordinary  kind. 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


441 


The  student  of  Roman  history  is  well  aware 
of  the  desperate  character  of  Caracalla,  and  is 
prepared  to  expect  all  raauuer  of  treachery  at 
his  hands.  In  nothing,  however,  was  the 
deep-seated  perfidy  of  his  nature  more  fully 
revealed  than  iu  the  transaction  in  which  he 
now  engaged  with  Artabauus  IV.  lie  sent 
an  embassy  to  that  sovereign  bearing  a  letter 
in  which  the  Roman  traversed  at  length  the 
relations  existing  between  the  two  Empires, 
and  ended  by  asking  the  Parthian  to  give  him 
his  daughter  iu  marriage.  By  this  meaus  the 
two  great  Powers  of  Europe  and  Asia  would 
be  united  in  a  common  destiny.  The  sur- 
rounding barbarian  nations  could  be  easily 
reduced  by  war,  and  thus  the  two  great  Pow- 
ers of  Europe  and  Asia  be  brought  under  a 
single  scepter. 

The  Parthian  king  was 
staggered  by  this  astounding 
proposal,  but  seeing  that  war 
was  intended  iu  case  of  a 
refusal,  he  first  temporized 
and  then  yielded  to  the  de- 
mand. The  Roman  Em- 
peror hereupon  set  out  in 
great  state,  with  a  strong 
military  force,  to  visit  the 
Parthian  capital  and  re- 
ceive his  bride.  On  arriv- 
ing at  Ctesiphon  he  was 
received  with  corresponding 
pomp  in  the  plain  before  the 
city.  But  while  the  ceremonies  were  pre- 
paring, and  the  conference  of  the  sovereigns 
no  more  than  begun,  a  signal  was  given,  and 
the  Roman,  soldiers  rose  with  drawn  swords 
upon  the  Parthians.  The  latter  were  butch- 
ered by  thousands.  The  king  himself  barely 
escaped  the  common  fate.  Ctesiphon  was 
taken  and  plundered,  and  the  Romans,  laden 
with  spoils,  set  out  on  the  return  through 
Babylonia.  On  the  way  Caracalla  directed 
his  march  through  the  ancient  necropolis  of 
the  Parthian  nobility  at  Arbela.  Here  the 
Romans  paused  and  tore  open  and  ravaged 
the  tombs.  Thence  they  continued  the  march 
to  Edessa,  where  the  Emperor  established 
himself  for  the  winter  of  216-17.  In  the  fol- 
lowing spring  he  made  preparations  to  renew 


his  barbarous  and  wanton  war,  but  in  April 
of  this  year  he  was  assassinated  in  the  temple 
of  the  Moon-god,  at  Carrhfe. 

So  far  as  Caracalla  possessed  the  right  to 
the  Imperial  diadem  of  Rome,  the  same  was 
now  transferred  to  Macriuus,  who  to  the  vices 
of  his  predecessor  added  a  cowardice  of  his 
own.  He  would  fain  have  come  to  an  accom- 
modation with  the  Parthians,  but  the  latter 
were  now  angered  to  desperation.  In  the 
negotiations  that  followed  Artabanus  made 
such  demands  as  could  not  be  accepted  even 
by  a  poltroon.  Macrinus  was  accordingly 
obliged  to  put  forth  his  army  and  take  the 
hazard  of  battle.  The  hostile  forces  came 
together  near  the  city  of  Nisibis,  at  this  time 
the    metropolis    of   Mesopotamia.      Here    the 


SACK  OF  CTESIPHON   BY   THE  ROMANS. 


question  was  finally  decided  whether  the  power 
of  Rome  should  be  extended  over  the  Great 
Plateau  of  Iran,  or  whether  the  line  of  de- 
markation  which  Augustus  had  pointed  out 
should  remain  as  the  thus-far  of  Roman  domi- 
nation in  the  East. 

Both  armies  as  they  came  together  were  at 
their  best;  but  the  Parthians  were  the  more 
ably  commanded.  The  battle  began  with  a 
local  struggle  between  divisions  of  the  two 
forces  for  the  possession  of  a  stream  which 
was  to  furnish  water.  A  hard-fought  engage- 
ment terminated  indecisively,  and  the  armies 
rested  for  the  night.  On  the  following  morn- 
ing the  conflict  was  renewed,  and  all  day  long 
the  battle  raged  with  fury.  One  division  of 
the  Parthian  army  was  composed  of  a   body 


'442 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


of  soldiers  mounted  on  camels,  and  armed 
with  long  spears  against  which  it  was  difficult 
for  the  Romans  to  stand.  In  falling  back, 
however,  they  sowed  the  ground  with  tribuli, 
which,  piercing  the  camels'  feet,  ended  the 
charge.  Again  night  came  on  with  the  battle 
undecided. 

On  the  third  day,  however,  the  Parthians 
began  to  gain.  Their  cavaliy  wings  were  ex- 
tended right  and  left,  and  seemed  to  envelop 
the  legions.  These  were  obliged  to  thin  ranks 
in  order  to  confront  the  enemy.  Hereupon, 
by  rapid  evolution,  the  Parthians  concentrated 
their  forces,  charged  after  their  furious  manner, 
and  drove  the  Romans  from  the  field.  The 
latter  sought  safety  in  their  camp,  and  were 
in  peril  of  destruction.  But  the  Parthians,  as 
well  as  their  foe,  had  suffered  enormous  losses, 
and  when  Macrinus  opened  negotiations,  Arta- 
banus  was  willing  to  grant  more  liberal  terms 
than  might  have  been  expected  from  such  a 
victor  on  such  a  field.  He,  however,  de- 
manded and  received  a  sum  equal  to  about 
seven  and  a-half  million  dollars  as  an  indem- 
nity for  the  injuries  inflicted  on  his  people  and 
provinces. 

Such  was  the  end  of  a  conflict  which  had 
extended  through  nearly  three  centuries  of 
time.  The  Romans  and  the  Parthians  fought 
no  more  battles.  Of  all  the  outlying  countries 
of  Europe  or  Asia,  only  the  Parthian  Em- 
pire had  been  able  to  interpose  an  immovable 
bulwark  against  the  aggressive  ambitions  of  the 
race  of  Romulus.  It  might  well  appear  that 
now,  when  the  conflict  had  been  finally  decided 
against  the  Romans  by  the  sword — when  the 
Emperor  Macrinus  himself  had  been  obliged 
to  fly  from  the  field  of  Nisibis  in  order  to  save 
his  life — the  Parthians  would  revive  from  their 
depression  and  enter  upon  a  new  career  of  de- 
velopment. Destiny,  however,  had  written  it 
otherwise.  That  which  a  foreign  enemy  had 
been  unable  to  accomplish  was  now  to  be 
brought  about  by  internal  violence.  Through 
the  whole  history  of  the  Empire,  the  disrupt- 
ive forces  had  been  at  work.  The  provinces 
had  been  held  together  with  the  greatest  diffi- 
culty. Time  and  again  we  have  referred  to 
the  fact  that  no  stronger  political  tie  than  the 
Feudal  principle  had  been  discovered  where- 


with to  bind  the  nations  and  peoples,  brought 
under  a  single  dominion  by  Mithridates,  into 
one  great  community,  having  common  interests 
and  common  conditions  of  life.  This  circum- 
stance was  the  element  of  weakness  which  had 
ever  menaced  the  stability  of  the  Empire,  and 
out  of  this  was  now  to  spring  the  great  catas- 
trophe by  which  the  Parthian  dominion  waa 
to  be  subverted. 

It  remained  fur  Persia — that  is  Persia 
Proper — to  become  the  agent  of  disruption. 
The  reader  will  remember  that  it  was  under 
the  auspices  of  Persia  that  the  former  great 
Empire  had  been  created  on  the  Iranian 
Plateau.  With  the  conquest  of  Alexander, 
the  ancient  Power  was  destroyed,  and  Persia 
became  a  tributary  kingdom  in  the  new  do- 
minion established  by  the  Arsacidse.  It  ap- 
pears that  the  Persian  kings  had  had,  during 
the  Parthian  ascendency,  a  show  of  respect,  a 
degree  of  importance,  which  might  not  be 
paralleled  among  the  other  feudatories  of.  the 
Empire. 

There  were,  however,  serious  causes  of  dis- 
content among  the  Persians.  The  tradition 
of  their  old-time  glory,  the  memory  of  the 
deeds  of  Cyrus  and  Darius  Hystaspis  still  lin- 
gered among  the  people.  Outside  of  the 
Greek  cities  no  other  province  of  the  Empire 
was  comparable  with  Persia  in  culture  and  re- 
finement. The  ancient  religious  faith  tended 
to  pride  of  race  and  contempt  for  the  Pagan 
States.  The  Imperial  Government  had  for 
several  centuries  pursued  a  tolerant  policy  in 
matters  of  religion,  granting  no  exclusive  favors 
to  any  particular  faith.  This  policy  was  a 
matter  of  great  grief  to  the  Persian  Magi,  who 
had  all  the  haughtiness  and  bigotry  of  Asiatic 
Pharisees.  To  be  placed  on  a  level  with  the 
servants  of  the  other  gods  of  the  Parthian 
Empire  was  a  thing  intolerable  to  the  Persians 
of  the  ancient  sacerdotal  order.  The  secular 
offices  within  the  limits  of  Persia  were  gener- 
ally filled  by  Parthians  as  against  the  claims 
of  native  warriors  and  statesmen.  Notwith- 
standing their  great  lineage  and  glorious  his- 
tory, the  Persians  were  unable  to  see  that  they 
enjoyed  any  advantages — civil,  religious,  or 
social — over  the  rude  and  half-civilized  nations 
of  the  Northern  provinces.     The  reasons  for 


PARTHIA.— CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  ANNALS. 


443 


rebellion  were  thus  deep-seated  in  the  constitu- 
tion and  history  of  the  State,  and  nothing 
hut  opportunity  was  wanting  for  a  great  in- 
surrection. 

At  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Nisibis  the 
under-king  of  Persia  bore  the  famous  name 
of  Artaxerxes.  He  appears  to  have  been  a 
man  of  extraordinary  ambitions  and  great 
force  of  character.  It  is  believed  that  he  was 
himself  a  Magus,  profoundly  instructed  in  the 
mysteries  of  the  ancient  faith,  and  deeply  de- 
voted to  the  religion  of  his  countrymen.  It 
were  impossible  to  tell,  in  the  absence  of  con- 
temporary evidences,  the  precise  motives  by 
which  the  Persian  king  was  influenced  in  rais- 
ing the  standard  of  revolution.  Certain  it  is 
that  one  of  the  leading  impulses  of  the  re- 
bellion was  the  hoped-for  restoration  of  the 
ancient  Zoroastrian  faith,  which  had  for  so 
long  a  period  been  reduced  to  the  level  of  a 
pagan  cult.  But  we  may  well  believe  that 
the  Persian  under-king  was  influenced  iu  haz- 
arding his  fortunes  on  the  issue  of  civil  war 
by  political  and  warlike  ambitions,  as  well  as 
bv  his  religious  zeal.  He  perceived  in  the 
Parthian  situation  a  great  opportunity.  A 
pretender  to  the  Imperial  crown,  named  Vola- 
gases  v.,  had  appeared  in  the  field.  He 
claimed  to  be  a  representative  of  the  Arsacid 
dynasty,  and  was  not  without  a  considerable 
support  in  difl^erent  provinces.  It  is  believed, 
moreover,  that  Hyrcania  had  already  follen 
away  from  its  allegiance  to  the  Empire.  Many 
other  circumstances,  the  nature  of  which  it  is 
difficult,  after  so  great  a  lapse  of  time,  to  ap- 
prehend, were  doubtless  potential  in  exciting 
and  directing  the  revolutionary  movement 
which  now  broke  out  in  Persia,  under  the 
leadership  of  Artaxerxes.  To  him  it  now  re- 
mained, in  the  same  year  of  the  final  repulse 
of  the  Romans,  to  raise  the  standard  of  suc- 
cessful revolt  against  Artabanus. 

It  would  seem  that  Artabanus  had  sufl^ered 
80  greatly  from  bis  recent  Roman  wars  with 
Commodus,  Caracalla,  and  Macrinus,  as  to 
be  unable  to  bring  into  the  field  against  the 
revolted  country  an  army  of  sufiicient  strength 
and  resources  for  the  work.  At  any  rate, 
when  the  two  forces — the  insurrectionary  on 
the  one  side,  and  the  Imperial  on  the  other — 


came  together  on  the  plain  of  Hormuz,  the 
king's  army  was  beaten  in  battle,  routed,  and 
driven  to  the  four  winds.  Artabanus  himself 
was  slain,  and  the  victory  of  the  Persians  was 
so  complete  that  there  was  little  hope  of  re- 
viving the  national  cause.  Some  of  the  Ar- 
sacid princes  sought  to  restore  the  fortunes 
of  their  House,  and  desultory  fighting  con- 
tinued through  another  year;  but  the  army  of 
Artaxerxes  triumphed  more  and  more,  and  he 
was  soon  enabled  to  compel  the  last  represent- 
ative of  the  ancient  dynasty  to  submit  to  his 
will.  Thus  by  conquest  and  a  complete  re- 
version of  political  relations  was  the  Em- 
pire founded  by  Arsaces,  and  developed  and 
defended  by  the  great  kings  of  the  second 
century  B.  C,  crowded  to  the  precipice,  and 
hurled  down  into  darkness  and  oblivion. 

The  causes  of  the  subversion  of  the  Par- 
thian Power  are  easily  discoverable,  even  from 
the  rapid  survey  here  presented  of  the  history 
of  the  Empire.  In  the  first  place,  the  exist- 
ence of  feudalism  in  its  Asiatic  form  had  pre- 
vented the  complete  union  of  the  many  prov- 
inces and  dependencies  constituting  the  Imperial 
dominions.  Time  and  again  we  have  pointed 
out  the  disastrous  results  of  the  loose  con- 
federative  system  on  which  the  Empire  was 
founded.  The  different  peoples  thus  vaguely 
combined  under  a  single  government  retained 
too  great  a  measure  of  independence  and  sov- 
ereignty for  the  welfare  and  stability  of  the 
central  administration.  The  feudatories  never 
coalesced  to  the  extent  of  forming  a  consoli- 
dated union.  The  Empire  was  merely  a  league 
of  States  ranging  in  character  from  half-bar- 
baric to  civilized  and  refined.  Over  these  dif- 
ficulties of  government  a  common  language, 
common  institutions,  and  a  common  spirit 
could  not  well  prevail. 

In  the  next  place,  the  family  of  the  Arsacidse 
branched  out  into  subordinate  sovereign  ties,  any 
one  of  which  might  aspire  to  the  hegemony 
of  the  Empire.  The  Arsacid  princes,  in  the 
second  century  B.  C,  felt  no  longer  the  strong 
tie  of  kindred.  They  were  not  sufficiently 
advanced  in  statesmanship  to  understand  that 
the  interests  of  each  were  subordinate  to  the 
interests  of  tlie  dynasty  as  a  whole.  The  di- 
verse motherhood  of  the  princes  often  aggra- 


444 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


vated  the  existing  condition;  for  when  have 
the  two  mothers  of  the  sons  of  a  common 
father  forborne  to  quarrel  and  hate  and  mur- 
der in  the  supposed  interest  of  their  own 
ofispring? 

Doubtless,  moreover,  there  was,  to  a  certain 
extent,  a  dynastic  decay  in  the  Arsacid  family ; 
but  this  was  little  noticeable  in  the  general 
condition  at  the  beginning  of  the  third  cen- 
tury. Artabanus  fought  valiantly,  and  was 
victorious  over  the  Romans.  Even  after  him 
Prince  Artavasdes,  who  sought  to  shore  up  the 
falling  monarchy,  struggled  hard  to  sustain  the 
fortunes  of  his  House.  But  the  effort  was  in 
vain,  and  the  Empire  went  down  headlong  to 
ruin,  under  the  impact  of  the  Persian  Rebellion. 

In  the  course  of  the  present  Book  the 
reader's  attention  has  been  carried  forward  from 
the  time    of  the   destruction  of  the  Persian 


Empire  by  Alexander  the  Great  to  the  over- 
throw of  the  last  of  the  Arsacid  kings,  and 
the  revival  of  the  Persian  Power  under  Ar- 
taxerxes  Ardishir,  founder  of  the  Sassanian 
Dynasty.  He  is  now  asked  to  retrace  his 
course  to  the  point  of  view  which  he  occupied 
at  the  beginning;  to  stand  again  on  the  field 
of  Arbela ;  to  note  from  that  point  of  obser- 
vation the  conquerors  rather  than  the  con- 
quered ;  to  cast  his  eye  to  the  far  West  in  the 
direction  from  which  those  conquerors  came — 
to  Macedonia,  to  the  jEgeau  archipelago,  to 
the  main-land  of  ancient  Hellas— and  to  take 
up,  as  his  next  great  lesson  in  the  progress  of 
human  history,  the  story  of  those  Hellenic 
peoples,  to  whom,  without  reserve,  the  heroic 
praise  may  be  accorded  of  the  most  intellectual, 
the  most  witty,  the  most  fascinating,  the  most 
artistic,  and  the  most  poetic  race  of  men. 


rRIEZE  OVER  DOOEWAT  OF  TEMPLE,  HATRA.     (After  RoSS.) 


SPORTS  OF  GREEK  GIRLS 


aMMMM^MMJdiMMMMMMMMMM^Ml 


MlllMM^l^i^lM^M^^^MMMM 


Jack  M\\. 


GRBECK. 


Chapter  XXXVI.— the  country. 


REECE,  the  eastermost 
of  the  three  peninsulas 
which  from  the  south  of 
Europe  droji  into  the 
Mediterranean,  was  in 
her  palmy  days  the  scene 
of  the  most  extraordinary 
activities  ever  displayed  by  the  human  race. 
The  name  Greece  was  not  given  to  the  country 
by  the  Greeks  themselves,  by  whom  the  land 
was  immemorially  called  Hellas,  and  them- 
selves Hellenes.  The  words  Greece  and 
Greeks  were  brought  into  use  by  the  writers 
of  Rome,  who  for  some  reason  adopted  the 
name  of  the  petty  tribe  called  the  Graci  as 
an  aj)[)ellative  of  the  whole  race. 

A  sketch  of  a  land  so  noted  as  Hellas  can 
hardly  fail  of  interest.  The  country  lies  be- 
tween parallels  thirty-six  and  forty  of  north 
latitude,  and  the  meridians  twenty-one  and 
twenty-six  of  longitude  east  from  Greenwich. 
The  length  of  the  peninsula  from  Jlount 
Olympus  to  the  southernmost  cape  is  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles,  and  the  breadth  from 
Attica  to  Acarnania  one  hundred  and  eighty 
miles.  The  area — though  difftcult  of  exact 
determination — -may    be    fairly    estimated    at 


thirty-four  thousand  square  miles — a  district 
but  little  larger  than  the  State  of  Indiana; 
but  this  estimate  does  not  include  the  many 
Greek  islands,  proximate  or  more  remote  from 
the  main-land,  which,  inhabited  by  the  same 
race  and  running  the  same  course  in  history, 
might  well  be  included  in  the  aggregate 
measurement. 

The  peninsula  is  sharply  defined  on  the 
north  by  the  Olympian  and  Cajibunian  moun- 
tains. These  have  a  general  course  from  east 
to  west,  and  extend  from  the  Therraaic  gulf 
to  the  promontory  of  Acrocerauuia,  on  the 
Adriatic.  But  the  country  lying  south  of 
this  range  includes  not  only  Greece  Proper 
but  also  Epirus  on  the  west.  The  transverse 
range,  which  constitutes  the  fundamental  fact 
in  the  geological  structure  of  the  peninsula, 
is  called  the  PiXDUS,  which,  starting  from  the 
southern  slope  of  Olympus,  stretches  south- 
ward, and  dividing  and  branching  and  sink- 
ing in  elevation,  straggles  through  the 
Isthmus  and  finally  terminates  in  the  cape  or 
headland  of  Trenarus.  Epirus  and  Thessaly 
in  tiie  north  are  thus  divided  by  a  lofty  chain. 

On  the  east  side  of  Pindus,  below  Thessaly, 
the   spur-range   of  Otiirvs  strikes  off  to  the 

(447) 


448 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


coast,  thus  inclosing  between  itself  and  Olym- 
pus the  Thessaliau  Plain.  Further  to  the 
soutli  the  range  called  Q3ta  departs  to  the 
east  and  reaches  the  sea  at  the  Euboean  strait. 
At  the  eastern  extreme  of  this  elevation  is 
the  pass  of  Thermop3'l£e.  From  the  branch- 
ing off  of  CEta  the  Pindus  chain  begins  to 
divide.  One  range  stretches  to  the  south-west 
across  ^tolia,  and  descends  to  the  level  at 
the  Gulf  of  Corinth.  The  other  branch  ruus 
to  the  south-east,  and  numbers  among  its 
heights  the  famous  peaks  of  Paruassus,  Heli- 
con, Cith.-eron,  ^galeus,  and  Hymettus.  In 
Peloponnesus  the  descending  heads  of  Pindus 
are  known  by  the  names  of  Oleuus,  Pana- 
chaicus,  Pholoe,  Erj'mauthus,  Lycteus,  Par- 
rhasius,  and  Taygetus.  It  only  remains  to 
note  that  the  eastern  prolongation  of  Olympus 
is  known  as  Ossa  and  Pelion.  The  range 
here  drops  away  to  the  south-east  of  Thessaly, 
and  after  disappearing  under  the  sea  rises  in 
the  ridge  of  Eubcea,  and  then  breaks  into  the 
Cyclades,  of  which  Andros,  Tenos,  Mycouos, 
Naxos,  and  many  others  are  but  the  uj)lifted 
heads  of  submerged  mountains.  Taken  all  in 
all,  Greece  is,  in  respect  of  geological  forma- 
tion, one  of  the  most  mountainous  countries 
in  the  world.  The  so-called  "chains"  which 
traverse  the  region  south  of  Olympus  are 
scarcely  chains  at  all,  but  rather  a  mass  of 
elevations  branching  off  laterally  and  turning 
from  their  course  until  the  whole  laud  seems 
but  a  multitude  of  heights,  promiscuously  ar- 
ranged, not  very  aspiring,  sinking  in  green 
slopes  to  the  level  of  the  surrounding  seas. 

In  such  a  country  lakes  and  small  rivers 
are  likely  to  abound.  Of  the  latter  the 
Grecian  streams  most  noted  are,  first,  the 
Peneitjs,  which  drains  the  plain  of  Thessaly, 
and,  carrying  a  considerable  volume  of  water, 
makes  its  ivay  between  Ossa  and  Olympus 
into  the  J2gean  sea.  Next  may  be  mentioned 
the  ACHELOOS,  which,  taking  its  rise  on  the 
slopes  of  Pindus,  divides  ^tolia  from  Acar- 
nania  and  falls  into  the  sea  of  Ionia.  The 
third  is  the  Euenuus,  also  a  stream  from  the 
side  of  Pindus,  making  its  way  into  the  same 
sea  at  a  more  easterly  point  of  the  coast.  In 
Boeotia  the  two  rivers  are  the  Cephisus  and 
the    Asopus,    neither    of    much    importance, 


scarcely  maintaining  a  flow  of  water  durhig 
the  summer.  Through  the  state  of  Elis  flows 
the  Alphetos,  which  also  drains  Arcadia,  being 
of  a  more  respectable  volume.  In  Messenia 
the  jirincipal  stream  is  the  Pamisus,  which, 
though  small,  is  perennial.  Near  Argos  flows 
the  Inachus,  and  Attica  is  watered  by  the 
Cephisus  and  the  Ilissus,  both  scant  in  waters 
and  by  no  means  justifying  the  descriptions 
and  poetical  enthusiasm  of  the  ancients. 

Of  these  rivers  the  only  one  that  carries 
down  to  its  mouth  a  noticeable  quantity  of  fer- 
tilizing material  is  the  Acheloiis,  which  in  high 
water  lays  a  fair  deposit  on  the  valley-lands 
near  the  Ionian  sea.  A  great  majority  of  the 
streams  which  the  Attic  patriots  honored  with 
the  name  of  "rivers"  are  little  more  than 
brooks,  dry  to  the  bottom  during  the  hot 
months  of  summer. 

Lakes,  also,  are  a  necessity  of  the  con- 
formation of  the  country.  In  many  localities 
are  natural  basins  compassed  with  hills,  and 
in  such  situations,  unless  nature  has  provided 
a  subterranean  outlet,  the  waters  gather, 
forming  a  marsh  or  lake.  Of  these  there  are 
two  in  Thessaly,  the  Nessonis  and  the  Boebei's, 
both  of  considerable  size.  In  the  region 
between  the  rivers  Acheloiis  and  Euenus 
lies  Lake  Trichonis,  which  appears  to  have 
been  a  more  extensive  body  of  water  in  an- 
cient than  in  modern  times.  In  Boeotia  the 
river  Cephiisus  forms,  in  one  part  of  its  course', 
an  extensive  marsh  called  Copais,  and  lakes 
Hylike  and  Harma  are  also  found  in  the 
same  state.  The  Copais  is  drained  by  a 
famous  natural  subterraneous  channel  known 
as  the  Katabothra,  through  which  the  over- 
plus of  waters  found  a  way  to  the  other  side 
of  the  hills.  Many  other  examples  are  found 
in  difl^erent  parts  of  Greece,  especially  in  Pel- 
oponnesus, of  a  like  contrivance  of  nature 
for  the  escape  of  confined  bodies  of  water. 
The  calcareous  limestone  of  which  the  hills 
are  mostly  composed  was  specially  favorable 
to  the  formation  of  such  passages. 

For  the  coast-line  of  Greece  the  geography 
of  the  world  can  scarcely  present  a  parallel. 
Around  the  whole  extent  of  the  peninsula 
there  seems  to  have  been  a  war  between  sea 
and  land  as  to  which  should  more  impenetrate 


GREECE.— THE  COUNTRY. 


451 


the  other.  All  the  way  around,  from  the 
Thermaic  Gulf  to  the  borders  of  Epirus,  is 
an  almost  continued  succession  of  peninsulas 
and  bays.  Sometimes,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
great  island  Euboea,  the  sea  is  completely  vic- 
torious, and  a  portion  of  the  shore  is  cut  off 
by  straits  and  channels.  Again,  as  on  the 
west  of  Peloponnesus,  the  land  for  a  distance 
presents  a  tolerably  regular  outline  of  coa-st. 
Notably,  however,  near  the  middle — in  the 
waist,  as  it  were,  of  her  body — is  Greece 
almost  divided.  Here,  on  the  east  the  Sa- 
ronic  Gulf  running  up  under  Attica,  and  on 
the  west  the  Gulf  of  Corinth,  press  inland  to- 
wards each  other  until  only  a  narrow  barrier 
of  rocky  isthmus  remains  between.  So  nearly 
does  Peloponnesus  come  to  being  an  island. 
Thus  by  a  long  and  infinitely  varied  coast- 
line was  laid  in  nature  the  antecedent  of  the 
maritime  supremacy  of  the  Greeks. 

The  general  division  into  a  Northern,  a 
Central,  and  a  Southern  Greece  is  most 
obviously  marked  in  the  geographical  features 
of  the  peninsula.  The  part  of  the  country 
which  lies  between  the  Corinthian  Gulf  and 
the  Olympian  mountains  is  subdivided  into 
two  parts  by  the  approximation  of  the  Am- 
bracian  and  Maliac  gulfs.  A  line  drawn 
from  the  one  to  the  other  constitutes  the 
lower,  as  the  fortieth  parallel  constitutes  the 
upper,  boundary  of  Northern  Greece.  From 
the  line  of  the  two  gulfs  to  the  Isthmus  of 
Corinth  is  Central  Greece;  while  Southern 
Greece  is  obviously  conterminous  with  the 
Peloponnesus. 

It  will  be  seen  at  a  glance  that  the  north- 
ern division  of  the  country,  as  here  defined, 
includes  Thessaly  and  Epirus,  but  excludes 
Macedonia.  The  latter  is  a  country  of  high- 
lands, entirely  different  in  characteristics  from 
the  regions  lying  to  the  south.  It  consists  in 
large  part  of  circular  valleys  hemmed  in  by 
ranges  of  hills,  with  few  slopes  towards  the 
sea;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  Greece  Proper, 
though  mountainous  to  the  extent  of  secluding 
'n  a  great  measure  the  district.s  from  each 
other,  tends  in  nearly  all  parts  to  the  shore. 

It  will  readily  be  inferred,  from  the  geo- 
graphical conditions  here  presented,  that  the 

climate    of    Greece    is    exceedingly    varied. 
N.— Vol.  1—28 


Such  is  true  to  an  astonishing  degree.  Be- 
ginning at  the  north,  next  the  range  of 
Olympus,  and  proceeding  to  the  south,  first 
into  the  valleys  of  Central  Greece  and  thence 
into  Peloponnesus,  there  is  presented  to  the 
traveler  almost  every  variety  of  atmospherio 
condition.  The  general  aspect  of  nature 
changes  like  the  scenes  of  a  panorama,  until 
almost  every  disposition  and  hue  of  her 
wealth,  and  even  of  her  caprice,  has  been 
displayed. 

Passing  from  Northern  to  Central  Greece, 
a  new  order  of  structure  is  observed.  The 
landscape  becomes  more  complex.  The  moun- 
tains in  many  parts  fall  into  hilly  ranges. 
The  country  is  described  by  Curtius  as  "so 
manifoldly  broken  up  that  it  becomes  a  suc- 
cession of  peninsulas  connected  with  one  an- 
other by  isthmuses."  In  the  western  part, 
Mount  Tyraphrestus  rises  to  a  height  of  more 
than  seven  thousand  feet,  and  the  range  of 
Parnassus  reaches  a  still  greater  elevation  in 
the  eastern  portion  of  the  peninsula. 

In  Peloponnesus  still  greater  changes  are 
observed.  Here,  around  a  kind  of  center  in 
the  state  of  Arcadia,  arise  high  bulwarks  with 
spurs  projecting  from  every  slope  into  the 
surrounding  districts — Messenia,  Laconia,  Ar- 
golis.  Some  of  the  scenery  is  Alpipe  in  its 
wUdness.  The  eye  is  surprised  in  every  part 
by  striking  landscapes,  secluded  spots  of 
beauty,  marvelous  contrasts  of  hill  and  wood 
and  valley.  It  is,  however,  in  considering 
the  political  divisions  of  Greece,  that  the 
marked  local  peculiarities  of  the  land  may  be 
best  presented. 

Ancient  Greece  was  divided  into  a  multi- 
tude of  states,  the  foundations  of  which  were 
laid  in  nature.  In  other  countries  Ifnes  have 
been  drawn,  for  mere  convenience  of  govern- 
ment, between  province  and  province.  In 
Greece  the  lines  were  laid  when  the  pe- 
ninsula was  thrown  inter  form.  Beginning 
next  the  Olympian  range  we  have  in  North- 
ern Greece  the  two  extensive  states  of  Thes- 
saly and  Epiki'S.  They  are,  as  already  said, 
divided  from  each  other  by  the  range  of  Pin- 
dus.  The  former  is  the  largest  political  divi- 
sion of  all  Greece.  It  lies  from  north  to 
south  between  the  Cambunian  mountains  and 


462 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Thermopylae,  and  strotches  east  and  west  from 
the  Pindus  slope  to  the  ^gean.  The  greater 
part  of  the  country  is  a  plain,  which,  at  its 
north-easternmost  extremity,  is  broken  by  the 
Vale  of  Tempe,  celebrated  from  remote  an- 
tiquity as  one  of  the  most  lovely  spots  of 
earth,  a  sylvan  solitude,  a  chosen  hauut  of 
Apollo.  The  Thessalian  plain  was  the  largest 
productive  district  in  Greece,  and  was  greatly 
prized  for  its  agricultural  resources.  It  was 
thought  by  the  inhabitants  to  have  been  in 
former  times  the  bed  of  a  lake,  having  its 
outflow  through  the  Peneus,  whose  sinking 
channel  gradually  drained  it  into  the  sea. 
Thessaly  was  subdivided  into  four  provinces, 
known  by  the  names  of  Thessalaotis,  H^stise- 
otis,  Pelasgiotis,  and  Phthiotis  —  a  division 
retained  until  a  late  date  in  Grecian  history. 

Epirus  was  in  geographical  position  most 
remote,  in  extent  second,  and  in  character 
most  barbarous  of  all  the  states  of  Greece. 
It  was  bounded  on  the  east  by  Pindus,  on  the 
north  by  Illyria,  on  the  west  by  the  Ionian 
sea,  and  on  the  south  by  ^tolia,  Arcarnania, 
and  the  Ambracian  Gulf.  Its  two  rivers  were 
the  Acheron  and  the  Cocytus.  The  country 
was  rugged  and  less  attractive  than  most  of 
the  other  states,  and  was  by  the  Greeks  them- 
selves regarded  as  a  kind  of  foreign  region 
inhabited  by  people  of  another  race.  The 
things  for  which  Epirus  was  most  noted  was 
Dodona  with  her  oaks  and  the  ancient  oracle 
of  Jupiter;  Canope  and  Buthrotum,  with 
their  harbors ;  Ambracia,  the  capital  of  King 
Pyrrhus ;  and  Nicopolis,  built  by  Augustus 
Caesar,  in  commemoration  of  his  victory  at 
Actium.  The  Epirotes  had  some  share  in  the 
stirring  history  of  Greece,  but  are  generally 
disparaged  by  the  Greek  historians. 

Passing  into  Central  Greece,  we  find  in 
the  eastern  half  the  states  of  Doris,  Phocis, 
Locris,  Malis,  Boeotia,  Attica,  and  Megaris; 
and  in  the  western  half  Acarnania,  ^tolia, 
and  Ozolian  Locris.  Doris  was  in  the  heart 
of  the  country,  and  was  the  smallest  state  of 
all  Greece.  It  was  bounded  on  the  east  by 
Phocis,  on  the  south  by  Ozolian  Locris,  on 
the  west  by  ^tolia,  and  on  the  north  by  Ma- 
lis. To  the  westward  rose  IMount  (Eta.  The 
whole  district  was  mountainous,  and   it   was 


not  in  nature  that  it  should  contain  a  great 
civilization.  Nevertheless,  the  part  which  the 
Dorians  played  in  Grecian  history  was  suffi- 
ciently conspicuous  to  make  their  country  an 
object  of  interest. 

The  state  of  Phocis  was  bounded  on  the 
north  by  Locris,  on  the  east  by  Boeotia,  on 
the  south  by  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  and  on  the 
west  by  Ozolian  Locris.  At  one  point  it 
reached  the  brine,  in  the  channel  of  Euboea, 
and  possessed  the  harbor  of  Daphnus.  The 
surface  of  the  country  is  exceedingly  mount- 
ainous, being  traversed  by  the  range  of  Par- 
nassus. South  of  this  chain  are  several  fertile 
districts,  the  most  extensive  being  the  plain 
of  CrissEea.  The  principal  river  is  the  Ce- 
phissus,  which  in  a  considerable  part  of  its 
course  forms  an  exuberant  valley.  The  most 
striking  of  the  local  interests  which,  during 
the  Grecian  ascendency,  and  indeed  ever  since, 
have  attracted  the  attention  of  mankind,  were 
the  city  and  oracle  of  Delphi,  the  latter  being 
the  most  famous  seat  of  alleged  inspiration  in 
the  world. 

Locris,  in  the  most  ancient  times,  extended 
across  the  entire  peninsula  from  the  Corin- 
thian gulf  to  the  strait  of  Euboea.  By  the  en- 
croachments of  the  Phocians  and  the  Dorians, 
however,  the  state  was  cut  in  two,  the  central 
part  being  appropriated  by  the  conquerors. 
The  Locriaus  were  thus  confined  to  two  nar- 
row districts,  both  maritime ;  the  eastern  or 
Locris  Proper,  lying  upon  the  strait,  and  the 
western  or  Ozolian  Locris,  being  on  the  gulf 
of  Corinth.  The  former  extended  along  the 
coast  from  the  Pass  of  Thermopylae  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Cephissus,  and  had  the  same  gen* 
eral  character  as  Phocis,  which  bounded  it  on 
the  south.  The  Ozolian  Locris,  bordering  the 
gulf,  was  a  rugged  and  somewhat  barren  coun- 
try, one  of  the  poorest  in  Central  Greece. 
The  name  Ozolse,  or  Stinhards,  was  given  to 
the  people  from  the  fetid  odors  of  the  sul- 
phur springs  which  abounded  in  several  parts. 
The  principal  towns  were  Naupactus  and 
Eupalium. 

The  small  state  of  JIalis  is  sometimei 
omitted  from  the  political  geography  of 
Greece,  but  should  be  included.  It  lay  im- 
mediately north  of  Doris,  and  at  the  western 


GREECE.— THE  COUNTRY. 


463 


extreme  of  the  Malian  gulf.  The  little  dis- 
trict so  named  produced  no  important  effect 
upon  the  course  of  Grecian  history,  nor  were 
there  either  Malian  cities  or  citizens  of  such 
note  as  to  attract  the  applause  of  their  bois- 
terous countrymou. 

Not  so,  however,  of  the  state  of  Bceotia. 
Bounded  on  one  side  by  the  channel  of  Eu- 
bcea  and  on  the  other  by  the  Corinthian  gulf, 
Ijring  between  Attica  at  the  extreme  of  the 
peninsula  and  Phocis  on  the  north-west,  this 
country  held  a  position  in  every  way  favor- 
able for  a  large  influence  in  the  affairs  of 
Greece.  Geographically,  Boeotia  is  a  sort  of 
basin,  surrounded  by  the  ranges  of  Cithaeron 
and  Parnes  on  the  south,  Helicon  on  the 
west,  Parnassus  on  the  north-west,  and  the 
Opuutian  chain  on  the  east.  Witiun  this 
basin  lies  Lake  Copais,  forty-seven  miles  in 
circumference,  formed,  as  hitherto  said,  by 
the  overflowing  of  the  river  Cephissus ;  also 
the  plain  of  Thebes,  and  the  valley  of  Asopus. 

Of  all  the  Grecian  commonwealths  the 
most  important  was  Attica.  The  name  means 
the  Shore  or  Coast.  The  land  so  called  was 
the  extremity  or  foot  of  the  long  peninsula 
which  constitutes  the  eastern  part  of  Central 
Greece.  In  shape  it  is  a  triangle,  bounded 
on  the  north-west  by  Boeotia,  on  the  east  by 
the  Jilgean,  on  the  south-west  by  the  Sarouic 
gulf  and  Megaris.  The  area  of  the  country 
ia  eigiit  hundred  and  forty  square  miles,  and 
yet  in  this  small  district  were  exhibited  the 
most  marvelous  energies  ever  displayed  by  the 
human  mind.  In  Attica  several  mountain 
ranges  sink  down  to  the  coast.  Several 
plains,  as  the  Eleusinian,  the  Athenian,  the 
Mesogsean,  and  the  Paraliau,  intervene  be- 
tween the  hill-ranges  or  along  the  shore.  The 
first  named  contained  the  sacred  city  of 
Eleusis.  The  second  was  watered  by  the  two 
principal  rivers  of  Attica,  the  Cephissus  and 
the  Ilissus,  both  insignificant  streams,  sinking 
into  dry  beds  in  summer.  Attica  was  the 
native  seat  of  the  Ionic  race,  and  at  a  very 
early  date  attained  a  precedence  among  the 
Hellenic  commonwealths,  which  she  held  alike 
by  prowess  in  battle  and  the  acuteness  of  her 
people. 

From  the  instep  of  the  Attican  peninsula 


and  extending  across  through  a  narrowing 
isthmus  into  Peloponnesus,  was  the  little  state 
of  Megaris.  The  boundaries  on  the  north 
were  Attica  and  Boeotia ;  on  the  south,  the 
sea ;  on  the  west,  the  Corinthian  gulf.  The 
whole  area  is  but  one  hundred  and  forty-three 
square  miles.  The  surface  is  rugged  and 
hilly.  The  principal  mountain  is  Cithseron, 
which  rises  on  the  border  of  Boeotia.  Across 
the  southern  part  of  Megaris  from  sea  to  sea 
extends  the  Geranean  chain,  through  which 
three  passes  aflbrd  land  routes  from  Central 
Greece  into  Peloponnesus.  The  first  is  the 
Scironian  pass  close  to  the  Saronic  gulf,  which 
is  the  direct  road  from  Corinth  to  Athens. 
The  second  is  near  the  Corinthian  gulf,  and 
leads  from  Peloponnesus  into  Boeotia.  The 
third  was  about  the  center  of  the  range,  and 
as  a  thoroughfare  had  a  less  importance  than 
the  other  two,  which  at  their  northern  ter- 
mini reached  into  the  open  country.  Megaris 
contained  but  one  small  plain,  and  in  that 
was  situated  the  metropolis  of  the  state.  In 
the  earliest  times  this  district  was  considered 
a  part  of  Attica,  being  then  inhabited  by, 
^olians  and  lonians. 

Passing  into  the  western  half  of  Central 
Greece,  we  come  to  JEtolia,  situated  on  the 
north  shore  of  the  gulf  of  Corinth.  It  was 
bounded  on  the  east  by  Doris  and  Locris,  and 
on  the  west  by  Acarnania.  At  its  southern 
extremity  it  is  divided  by  a  narrow  strait 
from  Peloponnesus.  On  the  north  lay  the 
district  inhabited  by  the  Dolopes.  The  prin- 
cipal river  was  a  small  stream  called  the 
Evenus,  now  the  Fidhari.  JEtolia  was  a 
rough  region,  larger  than  most  of  the  states 
of  Greece,  but  so  little  civilized  as  compared 
with  those  on  the  eastern  shore  as  to  perform 
but  a  minor  part  in  Grecian  history.  Not 
until  the  times  of  Alexander  did  the  jEtolians 
begin  to  di.splay  the  energy  of  character  for 
which  their  countrymen  were  so  greatly  dist 
tinguished  afterwards. 

The  remaining  Greek  state  north  of  the 
Corinthian  gulf  was  Acarnania.  On  the  east 
lay  jEtolia,  on  the  north  the  Ambracian  gulf, 
on  the  west  and  south  the  Ionian  sea.  Like 
most  of  the  other  districts,  the  surface  is 
mountainous,  but  presents  considerable  variety 


464 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


of  lake  and  valley  and  pasture.  In  character 
both  the  country  and  its  inhabitants  resem- 
bled Epirus  with  her  half-savage  tribes  of 
semi-Grecians.  The  Acarnanians  were  for  the 
most  part  a  race  of  shepherds,  who  at  times 
abandoned  their  pastures  for  the  chase  and 
war.  At  no  time  in  their  history — their 
peninsular  position  with  the  presence  of  good 
harbors  seemed  to  suggest  maritime  enter- 
prise— did  they  engage  to  any  considerable 
extent  in  commercial  pursuits.  Like  the 
Epirotes,  they  were  somewhat  contemptuously 
regarded  by  the  more  civilized  states  of  the 
eastern  coast,  and  were  not  much  consulted  in 
the  great  transactions  of  Grecian  history. 

Peloponnesus — meaning  ' '  the  Island  of 
King  Pelops,"  by  whom,  according  to  tradi- 
tion, the  country  was  colonized — has  an  area 
of  a  little  mor<=!  than  eight  thousand  square 
miles.  It  has  the  general  shape  of  a  maple 
leaf,  the  stem  resting  at  .3ilgium,  on  the  Gulf 
of  Corinth.  The  country  was  divided  politi- 
cally into  eleven  states:  Corinth,  Sicyonia, 
Achaia,  Elis,  Arcadia,  Messenia,  Laconia, 
Argolis,  Epidauria,  Troezenia,  and  Hermionis. 

The  first  two,  Corinth  and  Sicyonia,  were 
small  districts  on  the  east  and  west  sides  of 
the  isthmus.  They  were  so  named  from  their 
principal  cities,  and  embraced  merely  the 
surrounding  plains  and  hills  to  the  extent  of 
a  few  hundred  square  miles  of  territory.  In 
later  times  they  were  both  regarded  as  in- 
cluded in  the  large  state  of  Argolis.  Epi- 
dauria, likewise,  lying  on  the  Saronic  Gulf, 
was  but  the  small  district  surrounding  the 
city  of  Epidaurus,  near  the  coast.  This,  too, 
was  embraced  in  the  territory  of  the  Argives. 
The  lower  extreme  of  the  same  peninsula  re- 
ceived the  local  name  of  Hermionis  from  the 
town  of  Hermione,  which  gave  it  its  only  im- 
portance. 

The  state  of  Achaia  extended  along  the 
greater  part  of  the  northeri;^  coast  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus, resting  for  sixty-five  miles  on  the 
Corinthian  Gulf.  It  was  that  part  of  the 
maple  leaf  which  supported  the  stem.  It  had 
ihe  general  character  of  the  other  districts 
already  described,  being  hilly  and  rugged, 
with  occasional  pastures  intervening.  The 
most  important  town  was  Patras,  which,  under 


the  name  of  Patras,  is  still  known  in  Grecian 
geography.  The  country  was  first  settled  by 
the  lonians,  but  these  were  dispossessed  by 
the  Achseans,  on  the  occasion  of  the  Dorian 
conquest  of  Peloponnesus. 

Elis  lay  on  the  Ionian  Sea,  from  the 
promontory  of  Araxus  to  the  river  Neda. 
Its  greatest  breadth  was  thirty-five  miles,  and 
its  area  about  one  thousand  square  miles. 
The  mountains  in  this  western  part  of  South- 
ern Greece  fall  away  in  slopes  to  the  sea,  and 
Elis  presents,  for  a  country  so  limited  in  ex- 
tent, a  considerable  amount  of  level  land. 
The  city  of  Elis  occujsied  the  largest  plain, 
between  the  Alpheus  and  the  Peneus  rivers. 
The  north-eastern  portion,  however,  was  aa 
mountainous  as  any  other  district  in  the 
country. 

Arcadia  was  the  only  state  of  Southern 
Greece  which  had  no  sea-coast.  Next  to 
Laconia,  it  was  the  largest  division  of  Pel- 
oponnesus, having  an  area  of  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  square  miles.  Of  all  Greece 
tills  was  the  most  picturesque  region,  nor 
would  it  be  easy  to  find  its  parallel  ia  the 
world.  It  was  a  country  of  mountains  and 
forests  and  meadow-lands,  fountains  and 
water-brooks,  glens  and  grottoes.  Here  rise 
Mounts  Cyllene,  Lycp"us,  and  Erymauthua 
Here  the  river  Alpheus  gathers  its  waters, 
and  here  Lake  Stymphalis  spreads  its  crystal 
sheet.  Everywhere  the  eye  is  delighted  with 
that  endless  vicissitude  of  beauty  which  never 
tires  and  never  cloys.  Without  seaports,  the 
country  had  no  commercial  enterprise. 

The  ancient  inhabitants  were  Pelasgians,  a 
race  of  rough  shepherds  and  hunters,  who 
were  with  difficulty  transformed  into  more 
civilized  conditions.  They  were,  nevertheless, 
a  peaceable,  quiet  tribe,  given  to  music  and 
dancing.  It  thus  happened  that  in  all  polite 
languages  of  modern  times  the  term  "Ar- 
cadian" has  come  to  signify  either  beauty  of 
natural  scenery  or  rusticity  of  manners.  In 
the  epoch  of  Greek  heroism  the  inhabitanta 
of  this  state  became  a  brave  and  martial 
people,  but  none  of  their  captains  achieved  in 
the  field  a  great  military  fame.  The  four 
principal  cities  of  Arcadia  were  Mantinea, 
Tegea,    Archomenus,    and    Megalopolis,    the 


GREECE.— THE  COUNTRY. 


465 


ktter  being  built  as  a  defense  against  the 
Spartans.  The  first  three  never  rose  to  great 
importance,  cliicfly  because  of  intestine  dis- 
putes and  quarrels,  which,  frequently  amount- 
ing to  violence,  destroyed  their  prosperity. 

To  the  south-west  of  Arcadia,  washed  on 
two  sides  by  the  sea,  lay  Messenia.  Here, 
too,  is  a  region  of  mountains.  Only  two 
plains  of  any  importance  are  embraced  within 
the  territory.  Of  these  the  southern  was 
called  Macaria,  meaning  the  Blessed,  so  named 
from  its  exuberance  and  beauty.  Some  of 
the  vallej's  further  inland  are  also  exceed- 
ingly fertile,  and  the  climate,  being  one  of  the 
wildest  in  the  world,  would  have  made  life  in 
this  region  present  a  benign  aspect,  but  for 
the  native  boorishness  of  the  original  popula- 
tion   and    the    oppressions   of   the    Spartans. 

Among  the  Messcniau  cities  the  principal 
were  the  seaport  town  of  Pylos,  Cyparissia, 
Corone,  Methone,  Abia,  Derse,  Stenyclarus, 
and  Jlessene,  the  capital.  Besides  these 
towns  there  were  two  important  mountain 
fortresses,  Ithome  and  Ira,  the  former  being 
regarded  as  the  stronghold  of  the  nation.  In 
the  revolutions  of  the  country  the  population 
of  Messenia  was  twice  transformed,  first  from 
Argives  to  uEolians,  and  then  from  iEolians 
to  Dorians,  who  came  in  with  the  ascendency 
of  their  race  in  Peloponnesus.  IVIessenia  was 
in  the  course  of  her  history  the  scene  of 
some  most  heroic  struggles,  in  which  her  own 
people  and  the  Spartans  were  the  jirincipal 
actors. 

Laconia  was  the  south-easternmost  division 
of  the  ancient  Peloponnesus.  It  was  the 
largest  state  of  Southern  Greece,  and,  histor- 
ically considered,  by  tar  the  most  important. 
It  wa.s  bounded  on  the  nortii  l)y  Arcadia  and 
Argolis,  on  tiie  oast  and  .south  by  the  sea,  on 
the  west  by  the  gulf  and  state  of  Messenia. 
At  the  lower  extrcniity  the  country  divides 
into  two  branchini;  peninsulas,  including  be- 
tween tliiin  liic  <iull'  cil'  LacoTiia,  and  termi- 
nating in  the  two  capes  of  T;cnarum  and 
Malea,  tiie  most  southern  points  of  land  in 
Europe.  Within  the  limits  of  Arcadia  the 
most  important  region  is  a  long  valley  in- 
closed on  three  sides  by  mountain  ranges 
And  ooen  on  the  south   to  tiie  sea.     There  is 


thus  prepared  and  fortified  by  nature  that 
wonderful  district  in  which  Sparta  had  her 
native  lair.  Across  the  north  of  this  valley 
stretch  the  Arcadian  mountains,  from  which 
two  ranges  branching  southward  defend  the 
two  sides  of  the  Spartan  glen  from  almost 
every  possibility  of  assault.  These  two  lateral 
chains  are  known  as  Taygetus  and  Parnon, 
the  former  rising  to  the  height  of  seven  thou* 
sand  nine  hundred  feet,  and  the  latter  to  an 
elevation  of  six  thousand  three  hundred  and 
fifty  feet.  On  the  slopes  of  these  mountains 
arc  forests  of  pine,  evergreen,  abounding  in 
game,  haunts  of  the  huntress  Diana.  The 
valley  is  drained  by  the  river  Eurotas,  famous 
in  song  and  story.  Into  thio  sLream  smaller 
brooks,  flowing  down  from  the  slopes  of  Tay- 
getus and  Parnon,  pour  their  waters,  forming 
an  ever-increasing  volume  to  the  sea.  On  the 
banks  of  this  river  stood  the  invincible  capi- 
tal, known  by  its  two  names  of  Laced.emon 
and  Sparta — a  town  which  has  given  to  the 
valor  of  the  world  an  imperishable  epithet. 
A  few  others  of  smaller  note  were  Amyclre  in 
the  plain  south  of  Sjiarta,  the  old  residence 
of  the  Achaean  kings ;  Helos,  from  which  rose 
the  Helots,  situated  on  the  gulf  of  Laconia; 
and  Gythium,  a  naval  station  on  the  same 
coast.  In  the  valley  of  the  Eurotas  there  were 
considerable  tracts  of  land  susceptible  of  cul- 
tivation, but  the  soil  was  not  sufiiciently 
fertile  to  encourage  husbandry. 

The  remaining  state  of  Southern  Greece 
was  Argolis,  lying  between  the  Argolic  and 
Saronic  gulfs.  On  the  west  it  was  bounded 
by  Achaia  and  Arcadia ;  on  the  south  the 
land-limit  was  Laconia.  Witii  the  exception 
of  the  fertile  plain  of  Argos  the  whole  coun- 
try is  mountainous,  some  of  the  summits  ris- 
ing to  the  height  of  more  than  five  thousand 
feet.  Two  small  rivers,  the  Plauitza  and  the 
Erasinus,  are  the  only  perennial  streams. 
The  coast  is  indented  with  many  bays,  ren- 
dering Argolis  especially  favorable  to  naviga- 
tion and  commerce.  The  state  is  one  of  the 
most  ancient  in  the  whole  peninsula.  In  the 
earliest  epochs  of  history  the  term  Argive 
was  often  used  synouymoiisly  with  Greek,  such 
usage  extending  even  into  the  poems  of  Ver- 
gil.    Argolis  was  divided  into  six  petty  king- 


466 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


doms,  Argos,  Mycenje,  Tiryus,  Troezenia,  Her- 
miouis,  and  Epidaurus.  By  aud  by  Argos 
became  the  leader,  and  absorbed  all  the  rest. 
The  names  of  these  petty  principalities,  or 
rather  of  the  cities  which  constituted  their 
nuclei,  will  readily  be  recognized  as  those  of 
the  famous  sites  from  which  in  our  own  day  the 
antiquarian  Schliemaun  has  exhumed  such 
priceless  treasures  illustrative  of  the  history 
of  the  ancient  Greeks.  Argolis  contains  the 
larger  portion  of  those  marvelous  ruins  to 
which  archaeologists  have  given  the  name  Cy- 
clopean— a  mass  of  huge  walls  of  unhewn 
stone,  laid  without  cement,  said  in  legend  to 
have  been  the  work  of  the  gigantic  Cyclops, 
sons  of  Heaven  and  Earth. 

Such,  then,  is  a  general  sketch  of  the 
geography,  physical  and  political,  of  ancient 
Greece.  It  will  readily  be  seen  that  the 
country  was  formed  for  a  multitude  of  segre- 
gated communities.  In  no  other  region  of 
the  world  are  the  natural  indications  so 
deeply  laid  for  petty  states.  The  hills  and 
mountains  are  just  of  such  height  and  charac- 
ter as  to  break  up  all  attempts  at  political 
centralization.  Such  a  thing  as  unity  was 
impossible  in  a  race  so  situated.  In  many 
parts  the  people  on  opposite  sides  of  a  range 
were  strangers  for  generations  together.  Lo- 
cal patriotism  kindled  a  torch  in  every  valley, 
and  around  its  flame  of  light  and  heat  were 
gathered  the  affections  of  a  clan.  Beyond 
the  hill-tops  there  was  nothing  but  distrust, 
aversion,  hatred.  It  thus  came  to  pass  that 
the  Greek  communities  were  individualized 
to  an  extent  unknown,  perhaps  impossible, 
among  the  great  nations  of  the  plain.  In 
such  a  situation  faction  would  prevail,  poli- 
tics become  a  profession,  freedom  the  rule. 
The  presence  of  a  centralized  despotism  in 
ancient  Greece  would  have  been  as  much  of 


an  anomaly  as  a  modern  monarchy  established 
among  the  solitude  and  snow-capped  summits 
of  the  Swiss  Alps. 

It  is  not  the  place  in  this  connection  to  do 
more  than  merely  note  the  fact  that  in  the 
broken  and  multiplex  aspect  and  physical 
conditions  of  Greece  were  also  laid  the  foun- 
dations of  the  wonderfully  inflected  mythology 
and  matchless  art  of  the  race.  The  human 
mind  here  found  itself  under  circumstances 
of  such  infinite  variety  that  the  interpreta- 
tion and  representation  of  nature  flashed  into 
forms  as  variable  as  the  caprices  of  the  kaleid- 
oscope. Further  on,  considering  the  philos- 
ophy, mythology,  and  art  of  the  Greeks, 
there  will  be  necessarily  a  more  amplified 
statement  of  these  views.  For  the  present  it 
may  suffice  to  add  that  in  ancient  Greece  the 
conditions  of  beauty,  whether  in  sky,  or  earth, 
or  sea,  were  more  abundant  and  intense  than 
in  any  other  countrj'.  The  faculties  and  per- 
ceptions of  the  people  were  thus  stimulated 
into  a  class  of  activities — the  history,  the 
poem,  the  oration,  the  subtle  analysis  of 
thought — in  excess  of  what  has  been  else- 
where accomplished  even  to  the  present  time. 

The  traveler,  the  poet  of  to-day  catches  at 
once  the  indefinable  charm  which  the  bounty 
of  nature  has  never  withdrawn  from  the  re- 
gion between  Olympus  and  the  sea.  Even 
the  morose  Childe  Harold  feels  the  warmth 
of  a  new  inspiration  under  the  cloudless 
heaven  of  Greece : 

Yet  are  thy  skies  as  blue,  thy  crags  as  wild ; 

Sweet  are  thy  groves  and  verdant  are  thy  fields, 
Thine  olive  ripe  as  when  Minerva  smiled, 

And  still  his  honeyed  wealth  Hymettus  yields; 

There  the  blithe  bee  his  fragrant  fortress  builds, 
The  freeborn  wanderer  of  thy  mountain  air  ; 

Apollo  still  thy  long,  long  summer  gilds, 
Still  in  his  beam  Mendeli's  marbles  glare  ; 
Art,  glory,  freedom  fail,  but  Nature  still  is  fair. 


GREECE.  — THE  PEOPLE. 


40r 


CHAI^XER    XXXVII.— THE    PEOPLE. 


8  already  said  iu  the  pre- 
ceding chapter,  the  peo- 
ple kuowu  as  Greeks 
were  by  themselves  called 
Hellenes —  the  descend- 
ants of  Hellen,  their 
ancestor.  Though  a  prim- 
ilivi'  pii.pir,  lilt  y  were  by  no  means  as  remote 
iu  their  origin  and  development  as  were  many 
nations  of  the  East.  Indeed,  it  is  safe  to  say 
that  the  Hellenes  were  among  the  younger 
races  who  contributed  to  form  the  population 
of  Old  Europe,  and  that,  as  compared  iu  age 
with  the  peoples  of  the  Nile  and  Euphrates 
valleys,  they  were  as  of  yesterday  in  their 
origin  and  development. 

When  the  Phreuicians,  themselves  of  Se- 
mitic descent,  had  peopled  the  eastern  shore 
of  the  Mediterranean  and  begun  their  mari- 
time discoveries,  they  came  first  of  all  upon 
Cyprus,  and  then  by  easy  stages  among  the 
Cyclades.  From  one  of  these  islands  to  the 
ne.xt  was  but  a  step  until  the  south-eastern 
promontories  of  the  main-land  of  Hellas  were 
reached.  In  all  the  little  isles  anchored  iu 
these  beautiful  waters  a  people  were  found, 
numerous,  active,  well-formed,  light-complex- 
ioned,  quick  to  appreciate  the  advantages  of 
commerce.  Thus  was  opened  up  an  acquaint- 
ance between  the  great  maritime  nation  of 
the  eastern  Mediterranean  and  the  Greek 
populations  of  the  j^gean  i.slands  and  the 
main  peninsula  of  Hellas.  In  the  further  ex- 
tension of  their  commerce  it  was  found  by 
the  Phcbuicians  that  a  people  of  the  siime 
race  occupied  the  shores  of  Asia  Minor. 
These  were  the  Iosian.s,  who,  like  the  Phoeni- 
cians, were  expert  sailors,  devoted  to  com- 
merce and  adventure. 

These  Ionian  or  Asiatic  Hellenes  were  the 
oldest  of  the  Greek  populations.  By  them  it 
was  that  bands  of  their  countrymen,  carried 
to  the  west,  came  upon  the  islands  of  the  Cy- 
clades and  finally  into  Hella.^,  finding  there 
others  of  their  race  already  established.    Thus 


it  was  that  the  lonians  became  competitors  of 
the  Phoenicians  iu  a  half-friendly  contest  for  a 
predominant  influence  iu  the  islands  of  the 
-iEgean  and  even  iu  Greece  Proper. 

If  we  consult  the  Greeks  themselves  with 
regard  to  their  origin,  we  receive  ambiguous 
answers.  In  the  first  place  they  held  stren- 
uously to  the  tradition  that  they  were  au- 
tochthones, that  is,  born  of  the  earth.  There 
was  no  myth  of  a  settlement  by  immigrant 
tribes  from  abroad.  Their  ancestors  had 
always  abode  iu  Hellas  from  the  time  when 
Earth  gave  them  birth.  On  the  other  hand, 
there  were  traditions  in  almost  every  state  of 
Greece  that  the  beginnings  of  arts  and  insti- 
tutions had  been  brought  in  by  illustrious 
foreigners,  whose  supernatural  wisdom  fur- 
nished a  basis  of  social  life.  All  of  these  wise 
strangers  came  from  over  sea,  bringing  from 
distant  shores  the  dawn  of  civilization.  Such 
legends  are  substantiated,  moreover,  by  the 
Greek  theology  ;  for  all  of  the  gods  of  Hellas 
were  the  deities  of  foreign  lands -disguised  in 
the  fine  drapery  of  Greek  thought.'  Nor  is 
it  conceivable  that  a  foreign  pantheon  should 
thus  have  been  established  but  by  migrating 
tribes  who  brought  with  them  their  gods  from 
distant  homes. 

The  science  of  language  has  within  the 
present  century  clearly  determined  the  race- 
position  of  the  Greeks.  They  belonged  to  the 
Aryan  or  Indo-European  family  of  men,  being 
thus  allied  with  the  Hindus,  Medes,  and  Per- 
sians of  Asia,  and  the  Latin,  Celtic,  and  Teu- 
tonic races  in  Europe.  As  alreaily  said,  the 
tribal  home  of  this  wide-branching  tree  of 
human  life  appears  to  have  been  in  the  coun- 
try of  Bactria ;  but  at  what  particular  point 
in   the   tribal   migrations   the   Hellenic  stock 


'  The  historian  Curtius  makes  an  exception  of 
Zeus,  whom  he  regards  as  native  to  the  Greek 
imagination  ;  but  recent  invcstigatidns  in  philology 
have  established  beyond  doubt  the  identity  of 
Zens  Pater  with  the  Dyaus  Pilar  of  the  Vedie 
pantheon. 


458 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


took  its  rise,  it  is  perhaps  impossible  to  deter- 
mine. Be  that  as  it  may,  the  first  formal  de- 
velopmeuts  of  the  Greek  race  into  organized 
communities  took  place  on  the  coasts  of  Asia 
^*inor,  looking  out  towards  the  ^gean.  The 
people  thus  established  flowed  from  the  same 
source  as  did  others  who  occupied  the  Spo- 
rades,  and  the  Cyclades,  and  finally  the  whole 
of  peninsular  Hellas.  All  that  may  be  cer- 
tainly affirmed  is  that,  regarding  as  Greek  the 
whole  community  around  the  Jilgean  Sea,  the 
eastern  portions  were  settled  first,  the  wave  of 
population  swelling  westward  into  Hellas 
Proper  and  onward  to  the  shores  of  the 
Ionian  Sea. 

Leaving,  then,  the  matter  of  the  prehis- 
toric migrations  as  undetermined,  and  taking 
up  the  traditions  of  the  Greeks  regarding 
their  ancestry,  we  have  the  well-known  legend 
of  their  father  Hellen.  He  was  the  reputed 
son  of  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha.  From  him 
came  all  the  Hellenes.  He  had  three  sons, 
DoRUS,  XuTHUs,  and  iEoLus,  of  whom  the 
first  and  the  last  gave  their  names  to  their  de- 
scendants, the  Dorians  and  iEulians.  Xuthus, 
like  Joseph  among  the  Israelites,  founded  no 
tribe  himself,  but  his  two  sons.  Ion  and 
AcH.EUs,  became  the  head  of  the  lonians  and 
the  Achseans.  Thus  by  tradition  we  have  an 
account  rendered  of  the  four  leading  divisions 
of  the  Greek  race.  Nor  was  there  ever  any 
doubt  among  the  Hellenes  themselves  of  the 
accuracy  of  this  matter-of-fact  genealogy, 
which  they  received  from  their  fathers.  But 
the  device  of  primitive  nations  in  coining 
personal  names  as  the  explanation  of  the  be- 
girniugs  of  their  nationality  is  now  well  un- 
derstood, and  the  easy-going  story  of  Hellen 
and  his  sons  signifies  no  more  than  that  the 
Hellenes  first  awoke  to  tribal  consciousness  at 
the  foot  of  Mount  Othrys,  where  Hellen  was 
said  to  have  had  his  home ;  and  the  migration 
of  his  sous  from  the  borders  of  Thessaly  sim- 
ply implies  an  attempt  of  some  vigorous 
imagination  to  account  for  the  presence  in 
different  parts  of  Greece  of  the  Dorians, 
jEolians,  lonians,  and  Achjeans. 

The  tradition  goes  on  to  elaborate,  -ffiolus 
succeeded  his  father  in  Thessaly.  But  his 
multiplied   descendants  spread   southward   as 


far  as  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth.  Afterwards 
they  peopled  the  islands  of  Lesbos  and  Tene- 
dos,  and  founded  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor 
a  group  of  cities  known  as  the  ^olian  Con- 
federacy. Of  their  dialect  Greek  literature 
has  preserved  but  a  few  fragments,  and  these 
indicate  an  affinity  with  Doric  rather  than 
Attic  Greek. 

The  race  of  Dorus  appeared  fii-st  in 
Macedonia,  then  made  migrations,  spread  as 
far  as  the  island  of  Crete,  where  they  founded 
Tetrapolis,  and  then  into  Peloponnesus,  where 
they  became  predominant  in  the  three  states 
of  Argolis,  Laconia,  and  Messenia.  In  man- 
ners and  life  the  Dorians  were  sedate,  digni- 
fied, and  grave  as  compared  with  the  other 
peoples  of  Greece,  often  displaying  both  in 
their  deeds  and  institutions  a  severity  in 
marked  contrast  with  the  milder  habits  of  the 
lonians.  They  spoke  a  less  refined  dialect, 
characterized  by  broad  vowels  and  rough  com- 
binations of  consonant  .sounds,  and  were  a 
peojjle  of  rude  address,  little  given  to  speech. 

The  lonians  were  the  maritime  branch  of 
the  Hellenic  race.  They  had  their  original 
seats  on  the  coast  of  Asia  iSIinor,  and  from 
thence  spread  into  the  western  islands.  They 
were  predominant  throughout  the  .lEgean, 
and  were,  as  indicated  alike  by  tradition  and 
language,  the  oldest  of  the  Greek  tribes. 
The  name  of  their  reputed  ancestor,  Ion, 
seems  to  be  associated  with  the  Hebrew  Javan, 
the  Persian  Yauna,  the  Egyptian  Uinim,  and 
the  Indian  Yonas — all  names  of  mythical  an- 
cestors. It  was  these  Ionian  Greeks  who  at 
a  very  early  date  became  first  the  rivals  and 
then  the  superiors  of  the  Phreuiciaus  in  the 
commerce  of  the  iEgean  and  eastern  ]Medi- 
terranean.  It  was  they  who  spread  all  around 
the  shores  of  those  waters,  establishing  colo- 
nies and  trading  posts  at  suitable  stations,  or 
sometimes  in  the  heart  of  great  cities,  as  in 
Alexandria  and  Memphis.  It  was  they  who 
constituted  the  body  of  that  Greek  population 
in  the  towns  of  Asia  Minor,  to  whom  refer- 
ence has  many  times  been  made  in  the  His- 
tory of  the  Persian  Empire. 

The  AcH^ANS  had  their  native  seat  in 
Thessaly.  Of  all  the  Greek  stocks  they  were 
the  rudest.     They  were  among  the  oldest  of 


GREECE.— THE  PEOPLE. 


459 


the  tribes  and  took  so  prominent  a  part  in  the 
Trojan  war  as  to  give  their  name,  even  in 
Homer,  to  the  whole  body  of  the  Hellenes. 
It  is  evident  that  during  the  Heroic  Period 
they  were  the  dominant  race  in  Greece,  and 
contributed  greatly  to  the  warlike  fame  which 
for  hundreds  of  years  made  Greek  and  victor 
synonymous. 

Although  the  Greeks  regarded  themselves 
as  autochthones,  or  indigenous  to  Hellas,  yet 
they  conceded  to  another  people  priority  of 
occupation,  at  least  in  certain  parts  of  the 
country.  These  were  the  Pelasgians,  of 
whv'se  original  seats  history  is  still"  in  doubt. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  in  Attica,  Argolis, 
Arcadia,  Epirus,  and  several  other  parts  of 
Greece,  this  people  was  established  and  civilized 
before  the  Hellenes  took  possession.  It  is  said 
that  the  primitive  name  of  the  whole  country 
was  Pelasgia,  and  it  is  known  that  this  race  were 
distributed  as  far  west  as  It^ly,  forming,  in  a 
sense,  the  bottom  poi)ulation  of  that  country 
as  well  as  of  Greece.  Nor  do  the  Pelasgians 
appear  to  have  been  a  people  very  dissimilar 
to  the  Greeks  who  displaced  them.  Their 
religion  was  similar  to  that  of  the  Hellenes. 
Their  chief  god  was  Jove,  to  whom  in  Dodona 
the  famous  shrine  was  erected,  which  retained 
its  reputation  during  the  whole  period  of  the 
Grecian  ascendency.  To  what  extent  this 
people  was  driven  out  or  extinguished,  and  to 
what  extent  incorporated  with  the  conquering 
Hellenes,  it  is  impossible  to  tell;  but  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  a  large  per  cent  of  the  prinntive 
inhai)itants  were  allowed  to  remain  in  a  sub- 
ject condition,  and  were  gradually  absorbed 
by  the  dominant  Greeks. 

Much  space  might  be  devoted  to  the  per- 
sonal character  of  the  Hellenes.  Their  quali- 
ties of  body  and  mind  were  such  as  to  fix 
upon  them  the  attention  of  their  own  and 
after  times.  In  stature  they  were  rather  be- 
low than  above  the  average  of  ancient  peoples. 
They  had  not  the  height  of  the  barbarians  or 
tl:e  muscular  (leveloi)ment  of  the  Assyrians 
auvl  Romans.  It  was  rather  in  symmetrical 
activity  than  in  massivencss  or  gigantic  pro- 
portions that  they  surpassed  the  other  races 
of  their  times.  In  beauty  of  body  they  were 
peerless.     In  agility  -ftud  nervous  vigor   they 


were  the  finest  specimens  of  men  that  the 
world  has  produced.  Not  that  hardiness  and 
endurance  were  wanting.  Not  that  the  bodily 
life  of  the  Greek  was  tender  and  unable  to 
endure.  Not  that  he  was  more  susceptible 
to  hardships  and  exposure,  less  able  to  en- 
dure fatigue  and  combat  exhaustion :  for  his 
body  was  capable  of  a  discipline  and  conse- 
quent endurance  rarely  equaled,  never  sur- 
passed, in  the  ancient  world.  But  he  was 
more  alive  in  his  physical  being,  more  highly 
developed,  more  complete  in  his  nervous 
structure,  than  any  other  man  of  antiquity. 

It  was,  moreover,  in  this  high-wrought,  per- 
fectly finished  physical  manhood  of  the  Greek 
that  were  laid  the  foundations  of  his  wonderful 
mind,  of  his  energy  of  thought,  his  reason, 
his  imagination,  his  courage.  Not  only  ia 
the  order  of  the  world  is  the  physical  man 
planted  in  nature,  not  only  is  he,  so  to  speak, 
an  indigenous  shoot  of  his  native  soil,  draw- 
ing his  saps  and  juices  from  that  fecundity 
which  is  prepared  by  sun  and  air  and  rain, 
but  the  roots  of  the  mental  man  are  in  lik^ 
manner  planted  in  his  physical  nature,  draw- 
ing therefrom  the  sustenance  of  thought,  the 
elements  of  combination,  the  juices  of  reason 
and  imagination,  the  sap  of  hope  or  despair. 
In  his  perfect  body  the  Greek  had  the  founda- 
tion of  his  strength.  Nature  here,  under  the 
free  law  of  natural  selection,  wrought  out  a 
finer  organism  than  in  other  regions  where 
her  resources  were  fewer,  her  energies  tram- 
meled with  restrictions.  In  Greece  she  ac- 
complished the  finest  Motherhood  of  Man  ever 
presented.  In  the  Greek,  with  his  fair  com- 
jjlexion,  blue  eyes,  beautiful  body,  and  radi- 
ant face,  she  held  aloft  the  best  gift  of  her 
abundant  love. 

No  other  people,  indeed,  were  ever  gifted 
with  so  great  personal  beauty  as  the  Hellenes, 
and  no  others  ever  so  much  adored  the  gift. 
At  festivals  and  in  public  processions  the 
fairest  was  the  first.  Prizes  were  given  to  the 
handsomest  man,  the  most  beautiful  woman. 
In  the  Greek  town  of  Segesta,  in  Sicily,  a 
temple  was  built  and  sacrifices  ofl^ered  to  her 
who  was  adjudged  most  beautiful.  The  hom- 
age thus  paid  to  personal  comeliness  was 
sincere  and  universal. 


460 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


The  climate  of  Greece,  free  from  extremes 
of  heat  and  cold,  cooperated  with  the  habits 
of  the  people  to  produce  perfect  symmetry  of 
form  and  feature.  Solou,  speaking  with  pride 
of  the  youth  of  his  country,  says:  "They 
have  a  manly  look,  are  fuU  of  spirit,  fire,  and 
vigor;  neither  dry  and  withered,  nor  heavy 
and  unwieldy,  but  of  a  form  at  once  graceful 
and  strong.  They  have  worked  and  sweated 
off  all  superfluous  flesh,  and  only  retained 
what  is  pure,  firm,  and  healthy.  This  perfec- 
tion they  could  not  attain  without  those 
physical  exercises  and  the  regimen  that  ac- 
companies them." 

The  men  of  Greece,  though  not  above  the 
medium  height,  were  graceful  and  vigorous. 
Their  chests  were  arched,  their  limbs  straight, 
their  carriage  erect  and  indicative  of  great 
agility.  The  complexion  was  fair,  but  not 
white  ;  for  the  Eastern  origin  of  the  race,  com- 
bining in  influence  with  the  constant  outdoor 
exercise  and  the  free  exposure  of  their  bodies 
to  the  air  and  suu  gave  a  tinge  of  bronze  to 
the  person  which  was  admired  rather  than 
avoided.  The  neck  was  round  and  beauti- 
fully molded,  and  on  this  was  set  a  head 
which  for  symmetry  and  proportion  has  never 
been  equaled.  The  nose  descended  in  a 
straight  line  with  the  forehead,  and  the  lips 
were  full  of  expression.  The  chin  was  strong 
and  round,  but  not  unduly  prominent.  The 
whole  form  and  features  glowed  with  an  in- 
tellectual and  spiritual  life — an  ideal  expres- 
siveness which  shone  upon  the  beholder  like 
the  sunlight. 

The  female  face  and  figure  were  still  more 
elevated  and  refined.  Here  nature  surpassed 
all  art  and  gave  to  the  world  an  imperishable 
ideal.  The  hands  and  feet  of  Greek  women 
were  modeled  to  the  finest  proportions  of 
which  conception  or  fancy  are  capable.  The 
.  face  was  full  of  grace  and  modesty.  The 
original  type  was  a  dark-blonde,  the  hair 
auburn,  the  eyes  blue ;  and  this  type  was 
maintained  until  intercourse  with  surrounding 
nations  and  the  intermixture  of  foreigners 
from  every  city  of  the  civilized  world  modi- 
fied the  features  and  complexion  and  brought 
into  favor  other  styles  of  beauty.  It  was  the 
Greek  maiden  and   mother,  with  their  native 


charms  and  graces,  that  gave  to  the  art  of 
ancient  Europe  those  classic  models  which 
have  been,  and  are  likely  ever  to  remain,  the 
inspiration  and  the  despair  of  the  chisels  and 
brushes  of  the  modern  world.  Not  only  the 
men  and  women  of  Athens  thus  surpassed  in 
strength  and  loveliness  of  person,  but  the 
people  of  the  other  Greek  states  as  well  en- 
tered into  the  rivalry  of  beauty.  The  girls 
of  Boeotia  were  as  much  praised  for  their 
comely  grace  -as  were  those  of  Attica ;  and 
for  the  women  of  Thebes  artists  and  poets 
alike  were  wont  to  claim  a  superiority  of  love- 
liness over  all  the  daughters  of  Hellen.  Nor 
should  failure  be  made  to  mention  the  maidens 
of  Ionia,  who,  alike  in  the  royal  courts  of  the 
East  and  in  the  free  vales  of  the  West,  were 
regarded  as  bearing  from  an  easy  contest  the 
palm  of  matchless  beauty. 

In  mental  qualities  the  Hellenes  were  still 
more  Strongly  discriminated  from  the  other 
peoples  of  antiquity.  They  had  courage  of 
the  highest  order.  Nothing  could  daunt  or 
dispirit  the  Greek.  When  aroused  he  went 
to  war.  Perhaps  the  cause  was  not  worthy 
of  the  combat,  but  being  offended,  he  fought 
Arming  himself  with  the  best  implements  of 
war  which  an  unscientific  age  could  afford,  he 
sought  his  enemy  to  slay  or  be  slain.  When 
a  Greek  fled  the  law  of  nature  was  suddenly 
reversed,  and  the  clouds  smiled  at  a  caprice 
so  exceptional  as  to  be  ridiculous !  As  a  gen- 
eral rule  his  courage  in  battle  was  a  thing  so 
business-like  and  matter-of-course  as  to  appear 
natural  and  inevitable.  Before  the  career  of 
his  race  was  half  run  the  enemy  who  stood 
before  him  in  fight  expected  to  be  kUled  out 
of  the  nature  of  the  thing.  In  the  midst  of 
the  struggle  his  valor  was  first  sublime  and  then 
savage  ;  rarely,  cruel.  To  be  brave  was  to  be 
Grecian,  and  not  to  fight  when  insulted  or 
wronged,  even  in  trifles,  was  so  little  Greek  as 
to  be  regarded  a  stigma  in  any  son  of  Hellen 
who  thus  shamed  his  race. 

In  intellectual  qualities,  properly  so-called, 
the  Greek  had  an  easy  precedence  of  any  and 
all  competitors  in  the  ancient  world.  If  the 
word  man  be  really  derived  from  the  Sanskrit 
root  to  think,  then  indeed  was  the  Greek  the 
highest  order  of  man.     He  could  think,  com- 


GREECE.— THE  PEOPLE. 


461 


bine,  reason.  He  could  formulate  and  express 
his  thoughts  with  a  clearness  and  cogency 
never  surpassed.  He  could  excogitate,  imag- 
ine. In  an  age  when  the  coarser  senses  and 
more  brutal  instincts  of  human  nature  were 
rampant  and  lay  like  an  incubus  on  the  spir- 
itual faculties  of  man,  the  Greek  mind  rose 
like  a  lily  above  the  pond.  It  opened  its 
waxen  cup.  It  gathered  the  dews.  It  drank 
the  sunlight  by  day  and  the  starlight  by  night. 
R  gave  its  fragrance  first  to  its  own  place  and 
then  to  all  the  world,  and  then  bequeathed  its 
imperishable  beauties  and  perfume  to  the  im- 
mortiility  of  art. 

Out  of  the  mind  of  the  Greek  were  pro- 
duced the  loftiest  concepts  of  philosophy.  In 
a  time  of  universal  darkness  there  was  light 
in  Hellas.  It  is  not  intended  in  this  connec- 
tion to  sketch  an  outline  of  the  work  done 
by  the  great  thinkers  of  Athens.  That  will 
appear  in  another  part.  From  the  streets  of 
that  city,  from  her  walks,  her  groves,  her 
Academy,  a  luminous  effulgence  has  been 
shed  into  all  the  world.  In  the  highest  seats 
of  modern  learning  the  reasoning  of  Plato  and 
the  formuliB  of  Aristotle  still  in  some  measure 
hold  dominion  over  the  acutest  intellects  of 
the  world.  Nor  is  it  likely  that  the  truth 
which  they  evolved  from  their  capacious  un- 
derstanding will  ever  be  restated  in  a  form 
more  acceptable  and  attractive  to  the  human 
mind  than  that  to  which  themselves  gave 
utterance.     They  are  to-day  in  all  the  world, 

"  The  dead  but  sceptered  sovereigns  who  still  rule 
Our  spirits  from  their  urns." 

Besides  the  general  intellectual  superiority 
of  the  Greeks  they  possessed  certain  peculiar- 
ities of  mind  for  which  they  were  .specially 
noted.  They  were  witty.  However  wit  may 
be  defined,  the  Hellenes  had  it.  They  were 
able  to  discover  far-fetched  analogies.  They 
could  juxtaposit  the  heterogeneous  and  pro- 
duce an  electrical  shock  by  the  touch  of  con- 
tradictories. They  liked  that  flash  of  light 
which  scorches  its  victim.  The  ]iaradox  was 
always  a  generous  nut  to  the  Greek  who  found 
it.  To  him  the  bitterly  ridiculous  was  better 
than  a  jewel  of  fine  gold.  An  impos.sible  ver- 
ity was  his  delight.  A  pungent  untruth  made 
true  or  a  luminous  and  startling   lie   was  to 


him  a  joy  forever.  A  joke,  even  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  gods,  was  better  than  the  richest 
banquet  flowing  with  wine. 

Then  came  subtlety,  leading  to  craft  in 
action.  All  the  fine  lines  of  possibility  in  a 
fact  and  its  relations  were  discovered  by  the 
Greek  intellect  as  if  by  intuition.  To  per- 
ceive with  delicacy  the  exact  conditions  of 
the  thing  considered — an  impossible  task  to 
the  sluggish  perceptions  of  most  of  the  peoples 
of  antiquity — was  to  the  Greek  but  a  process 
of  healthful  exercise.  He  knew  more  than 
his  9nemy.  He  beat  him  and  laughed  at  him. 
He  was  the  most  capable  animal  of  all  an- 
tiquity. He  was  Reynard  in  the  ancient 
Kingdom  of  the  Beasts.  He  planned  and 
contrived  while  others  slept.  His  were  the 
trick  and  the  stratagem.  He  held  up  a  false 
appearance,  and  smiled  at  his  foe  for  being 
fool  enough  to  believe  it  real.  He  found 
more  pleasure  in  setting  a  trap  than  in  taking 
a  city.  He  set  a  snare  and  stuck  a  spear- 
head through  the  loop.  He  made  cunning  a 
virtue,  and  recounted  a  successful  wile  with 
the  same  pride  as  if  reciting  the  brave  ex- 
ploits of  heroes.  To  succeed  by  craft  was 
nothing  if  it  succeeded,  and  success  without 
superior  skUl  was  more  shameful  than  defeat. 
The  Greek  met  the  enemy  with  ambiguous 
speech.  He  attacked  him  with  a  riddle.  He 
swept  the  field  with  a  device,  and  slew  the 
flying  foe  because  he  did  not  understand! 
He  entered  the  treaty-room  with  a  dilemma, 
arranged  the  terms  with  a  subterfuge,  and 
went  out  with  a  mental  reservation. 

In  the  midst  of  his  keen  wit,  his  happy 
perception  of  the  ridiculous  and  his  profound 
subtlety,  the  Greek  retained  in  the  highest 
degree  a  sense  of  the  beautiful.  He  loved 
and  appreciated  the  delicate  outlines  of  form 
and  color  to  the  extent  of  adoration.  In  a 
beautiful  land  he  awoke  to  consciousness.  He 
saw  around  him  a  living  landscape,  and  above 
him  a  cerulean  sky.  He  held  communion 
with  all  the  nude  simplicities  of  nature,  and 
under  her  delightful  inspiration  felt  the  flutter 
of  wings  within  him.  He  would  imitate  her 
loveliness.  He  saw  in  his  musings  and  even 
in  his  slumbers  the  outlines  of  radiant  forms. 
He  caught  at  the  vision.    His  thought  became 


162 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Apollo,  and  his  dream  was  transformed  into 
Psyche. 

From  the  concurrence  of  such  faculties  as 
those  possessed  by  the  Greeks,  certain  kinds 
of  activity  were  inevitable.  Native  energy 
would  lead  to  vigorous  achievement.  From 
the  first  the  Hellenes  were  adventurous.  They 
tempted  both  land  and  sea.  The  voyage  from 
one  Cyclade  to  another  fed  a  hunger  and  nur- 
tured an  ambition.  The  ocean  was  something 
to  be  overcome.  Others,  as  well  as  they,  de- 
sired possession.  Hence  war,  struggle,  vic- 
tory, peace,  commerce,  the  city,  the  state. 
Here  the  Greek  found  food.  He  planted 
himself  in  his  peninsula  and  islands.  He  made 
enterprise.  He  took  advantage  of  the  adven- 
ture of  others.  He  made  nature  his  confed- 
erate. He  filled  his  sails  with  her  winds.  He 
went  abroad  and  colonized.  He  sought  the 
world's  extreme.  He  established  his  dominion 
in  another  peninsula  in  the  Western  seas,  and 
called  it  Great  Gi-eece,  as  distinguished  from 
his  own.  He  undertook  the  carrying-trade 
for  the  nations,  and  spoke  his  musical  aeceuts 
in  the  marts  of  Babylon  and  ]Memphis  and 
Carthage.  He  hired  himself  for  gain  to 
oriental  despots  whom  he  despised,  and  tran.s- 
ported  their  armies  in  his  fleet.  He  became 
a  cosmopolite,  and  learned  among  the  swarm- 
ing millions  of  foreign  lands  the  lesson  of 
fearlessness.  He  believed — and  not  without 
good  reason — that  a  Greek  spear  and  a  Greek 
stratagem  were  more  than  Egyptian  cohorts, 
more  than  the  hosts  of  Persia.  He  became 
self-confident  in  his  activities,  arrogant  in  suc- 
cess, reckless  even  when  his  capital  was  in 
ashes  and  his  femily  in  exile.  He  was  daunt- 
less, imperturbable,  courageous  even  to  the 
doors  of  desperation  and  death. 

As  to  moral  qualities,  the  Greeks  were  not 
80  greatly  preeminent  above  the  other  peoples 
of  antiquit}'.  Tliey  had,  like  the  Assyrians 
and  the  Romans,  many  of  the  robust  virtues, 
but  it  can  not  be  said  that  the  moral  percep- 
tions of  the  race  were,  in  delicacy  of  discern- 
ment between  right  and  wrong,  equal  to  the 
keenness  of  their  intellectual  faculties.  The 
morality  of  Greek  social  life  was  as  high,  per- 
haps higher  than  the  age.  Woman  was  still  a 
slave,  but  her  condition  in  Greece  was  srreatly 


preferable  to  that  exhibited  in  any  Eastern 
civilization.  The  conditions  of  her  life  were 
much  improved  by  the  influence  of  Greek  in- 
stitutions, and  Greek  motherhood  and  sister- 
hood were  esteemed  at  something  like  their 
true  valuation.  Nor  was  it  possible  in  a 
country  where  freedom  was  the  rule  that  love 
should  be  absent  or  its  fruit  despised.  The 
Hellenic  family  was  maintained  more  by  the 
action  of  natural  laws  than  by  the  influence 
of  the  commonwealth,  and  the  altar  of  domes- 
tic afiectiou  received  its  gifts  from  the  hand 
of  preference  rather  than  from  the  enforce- 
ment of  duty.  Still,  this  natural  freedom  was 
by  no  means  destructive  of  sacred  ties,  and 
although  it  was  productive  of  much  social  im- 
morality and  abandonment,  yet  it  gave  birth 
to  such  an  array  of  genius  within  given  limits 
of  popuhitiou  as  can  not  be  paralleled  else- 
where in  history. 

Turniug  to  the  domain  of  ethics  proper, 
and  considering  what  mav  in  general  terms 
be  called  the  fountain  of  right,  namely,  adhe- 
rence to  truth  and  principle,  the  Greeks  were 
by  no  means  above  reproach.  They  had  in 
this  regard  fewer  of  the  heroic  virtues  than 
did  the  Romans  of  the  Republic.  With  the 
average  Greek  the  rule  was  that  the  end  jus- 
tified the  means,  and  the  majority  adopted 
this  rule  without  compunction.  The  natural 
disjjosition  to  adopt  intrigue  and  deception 
as  legitimate  instruments  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  certain  results  encroached  in  practice 
upon  the  better  principles  of  action,  to  the 
extent  of  making  treachery  in  private  life  and 
perfidy  in  public  affairs  much  too  common  for 
the  honor  and  reputation  of  the  race.  While, 
however,  such  was  in  general  the  ethical  code 
of  the  Greeks  there  were  among  them  not  a 
few  philosophers  and  teachers  who  alike  in 
their  instructions  and  examples  were  without 
doubt  the  best  exponents  of  morality  and  per- 
sonal worth  that  the  world  has  ever  produced. 
The  greatness  of  Socrates  stands  unchallenged. 
The  beauty  and  sublimity  of  his  teachings 
have  never  been  assailed  except  by  bigots. 
The  luster  of  his  life  and  the  heroism  of  hia 
death  have  cast  a  mellow  light  through  the 
centuries,  and  his  steady  belief  in  immortality 
has  remained  as  the   greatest   protest   of  tbo 


GREECE.— THE  PEOPLE. 


463 


pagan  world  against  the  notion  of  the  extinc- 
tion of  the  human  soul.  While  it  is  true 
that  the  Athenians  on  an  important  state  oc- 
casion gave  as  a  formal  reason  for  the  break- 
ing of  a  treaty  the  statement  that  it  was  no 
longer  to  their  axlvantage  to  keep  it,  and  while  in 
multiplied  instances  the  pages  of  Grecian  his- 
tory are  stained  with  the  record  of  deeds  per- 
fidious, it  is  also  true  that  the  disks  of  Soc- 
rates and  Plato  shine  above  the  fogs  of  this 
depravity  with  an  immortal  brightness. 

Nor  should  there  be  failure  to  mention  the 
redemptive  virtue  of  Greek  patriotism.  It 
may  be  true,  as  has  been  urged  by  some  phi- 
lanthropists, that  those  local  attachments  of 
man  to  his  own  hill,  his  own  province,  his 
own  country,  which  in  the  aggregate  pass  by 
the  name  of  patriotism,  are  in  the  nature  of 
a  vice  which  will  be  extinguished  in  the  higher 
developments  of  civilization.  But  such  a 
proposition  can  not  be  established  out  of  the 
history  of  the  past,  nor  is  it  likely  to  be  es- 
tablished in  the  immediate  future.  In  gen- 
eral, the  progress  of  mankind,  as  well  as  the 
average  happiness  of  the  world,  has  been 
fostered  and  sustained  by  the  devotion  of 
patriotism ;  and  even  in  tike  present  condition 
of  the  world,  patriotism  remains  a  fact  and 
internatioiiality  a  dream. 

The  Greeks  were  patriotic.  Their  land 
was  of  such  a  character  as  to  nurture  and 
stimulate  local  attachment.  There  seems  to 
be  more  principle  involved  in  fighting  for  a 
hill  than  for  a  brickyard.  The  human  race 
fits  to  inequality  of  surface.  It  is  difficult  to 
be  moved  from  such  a  situation.  Beauty, 
sublimity,  variety,  every  element  which  draws 
forth  from  man  an  affectionate  regard  for 
nature  fired  the  Greek  with  enthusiasm  for 
hb  country,  his  altars,  his  hearthstones,  his 
gods.  The  masterfid  struggles  at  Marathon, 
Plataja,  and  Salamis  are  but  the  attestation 
of  the  vigor  and  invincible  force  of  the  pa- 
triotism of  the  Greeks. 

They  loved  liberty.  Freedom  had  her 
birth  among  the  hills  of  Greece.  Here  it  was 
that  political  rights  were  first  debated,  and 
the  duties  of  government  limited  by  statute. 
There  was  something  in  the  Greek  mind 
which  could  not  tolerate  the  exactions  of  ar- 


bitrary authority.  What  they  could  not  con- 
sent to  they  resisted.  They  quafled  freedom 
as  from  a  cup.  Their  patriotic  impulses  led 
to  the  acceptance  of  the  doctrine  that  the  man 
existed  for  the  state ;  but  the  spirit  of  liberty 
made  it  dangerous  to  be  the  state.  Hellas 
was  an  arena.  Contention,  party  strife,  the 
conflict  of  ojjinion,  the  counter  currents  of 
interest,  the  inebriety  of  the  demagogue,  the 
factious  outcry,  the  excited  assembly,  the  up- 
roar, the  ostracism — all  these  were  but  the 
concomitants  of  that  wonderful  agitation  in 
the  painful  throes  of  which  were  born  the 
liberties  of  the  people.  With  the  growth  of 
the  Grecian  commonwealths  popular  consent 
became  more  and  more  the  necessary  ante- 
cedent of  action.  The 
voice  of  the  new-born 
fact  called  political 
freedom  cried  in  the 
streets.  There  was  a 
clamor,  not  wise  but 
loud.  It  was  as  a 
sound  in  the  tree- 
tops  —  the  voice  of 
democracy  —  a  voice 
never  to  be  stilled 
unto  the  shores  of 
time  and  the  ends  of 
the  earth. 

In  thought  and 
action  the  Greeks 
were  the  best  in- 
dividualized of  all  the  peoples  of  antiq- 
uity. The  nations  of  the  East  were  masses. 
Egypt  was  a  mass.  Babylon  was  a  mass. 
Assyria,  Media,  Persia,  Lydia  —  what  were 
they  but  vast  aggregates  of  humanity  undis- 
tinguishable  in  member  or  part?  But  the 
Greek  was  differentiated.  He  passed  out  of 
the  nebulous  condition  and  became  stellar. 
He  counted  one.  Every  other  Greek  counted 
one.  The  units  stood  apart.  The  nebula;  of 
antiquity  broke  into  stars  in  the  sky  of  Greece. 
A  new  force  was  felt  henceforth  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth.  The  lessons  of  individ- 
uality and  freedom  reflected  from  almost  every 
page  of  Grecian  literature  were  caught  here 
and  there  by  the  brighter  intellects  of  antiq- 
uity.    The  far-reaching  gleam  shot  its  arrow 


SOCRATES,    NAPLES. 


464 


UNIVERSAL  ETSTOBY.— THE  ANCIENT  WOULD. 


of  light  even  into  the  darkness  of  the  Middle 
Age,  and  the  patriots  of  every  civilized  coun- 
try of  the  world  have  found  their  precedents 
among   the  liberties   of  the   Greeks.  —  How 


these  qualities  of  body  and  mind  and  mora' 
nature  in  the  Hellenic  race  will  work  in  the 
elaboration  of  a  national  career  will  be  exhil> 
ited  in  the  chapters  to  follow. 


Chaptter  XXXVIII.— lanquage,   literature. 

AND    ART. 


Y  far  the  richest  speech 
of  Ancient  Europe  was 
the  Greek;  and  among 
the  languages  of  Asia  it 
had  no  rival  except  the 
Sanskrit.  The  genealogy 
of  this  famous  tongue  has 
already  been  referred  to  in  the  notice  of  the 
origin  of  the  Hellenic  race.  Indeed,  the 
tribe-origin  of  the  Greeks  could  never  have 
been  known  but  for  the  science  of  language, 
which  has  become  the  torch-bearer  of  eth- 
nology in  every  quarter  of  the  earth.  The 
race-history  of  every  people  is  recorded  in  its 
language,  and  if  only  that  language  has 
been  crystallized  into  a  national  literature, 
there  is  little  trouble  in  tracing  out  the 
prehistoric  career  of  the  people  by  whom  it 
is  spoken. 

Greek,  then,  is  one  of  that  great  group  of 
languages  known  as  Aryan  or  Indo-European. 
It  has  for  its  cognate  tongues,  Sanskrit  and 
Persic  in  Asia,  and  Latin,  Celtic,  and  Teu- 
tonic in  Europe.  It  is  now  understood  by 
scholars  that  in  the  migration  of  nations  to 
the  West  the  Celts,  the  Germans,  and  the 
Slaves  preceded  the  other  members  of  the 
European  group.  In  a  later  movement  came 
the  two  remaining  branches  of  the  family, the 
Greeks  and  the  Romans.  These  were  closely 
allied  in  ethnic  and  linguistic  affinities.  Any 
one  at  all  familiar  with  the  Latin  and  Greek 
tongues  will  recall  their  fundamental  identity 
in  both  vocabulary  and  grammatical  struc- 
ture. The  two  peoples  by  whom  these  lan- 
guages were  spoken  held  together  for  a  long 
time  after  their  separation  from  a  common 
parent  stock,  and  only  at  a  comparatively  late 
period  began  to  differentiate  into  peculiarities 
of  race  and  speech.     The  one  people  settled 


around  the  shores  of  the  .^gean,  and  the 
other  in  the  Italian  peninsula. 

In  the  former  situation,  Greek  was  a 
spoken  tongue  as  early  as  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury before  our  era.  At  a  later  date  the  lan- 
guage spread  with  the  adventures  and  colo- 
nizations of  the  Hellenes,  until  their  accents 
were  heard  from  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor  to 
Sicily,  and  from  Thrace  to  Cyrenaica.  At  a 
still  later  time  it  became  the  prevailing 
tongue  in  the  Macedonian,  Syrian,  Egyptian, 
and  Byzantine  empires.  In  modern  times 
fragments  of  the  lamguage  are  spoken  in 
parts  of  Southern  Italy,  and  even  in  one  of 
the  cantons  of  Switzerland.  In  Greece,  at 
the  present  time,  an  abridged  and  simplified 
form  of  Greek  is  the  language  of  the  people, 
and  this  Romaic  tongue  differs  less  from  the 
language  of  Demosthenes  than  does  the  Eng- 
lish of  today  from  the  tongue  of  Chaucer. 

The  history  of  the  Greek  language  has 
been  divided  by  scholars  into  three  periods, 
the  first  of  which  embraces  its  literary  devel- 
opment from  the  time  of  the  composition  of 
the  Epic  poems  to  the  establishment  of  the 
common  speech  by  the  historians  and  philoso- 
phers of  Athens.  The  second  includes  the 
period  of  diffusion,  during  which,  from  its 
inherent  excellence  as  a  medium  of  communi- 
cation, Greek  became  first  the  language  of 
scholars  in  all  civilized  countries,  and  was 
then  contracted,  by  the  gradual  decline  of 
the  Roman  power,  to  its  original  seats.  The 
third  division  embraces  the  degeneration  of 
classical  Greek,  and  the  rise  out  of  the  same 
of  the  vulgar  or  common  tongue  spoken  by 
the  descendants  of  the  Hellenes. 

The  tribal  divisions  of  the  Greek  race  on 
its  settlement  in  Hellas  soon  gave  rise  to 
dialectical  differences  in  speech.     It  was  not 


GREECE.— LANGUAGE,  LITERATURE,  AND  ART. 


466 


long  before  the  Dorians  employed  one  kind 
of  vocalization  and  accent  and  the  lonians 
another.  Thus  arose  the  three  primitive  forms 
of  Greek,  the  Doric,  the  Ionic,  and  the 
iEolic.  At  first  the  Doric  was  most  widely- 
spoken,  being  the  form  of  speech  prevalent  iu 
Northern  Greece,  in  Peloponnesus,  in  Crete, 
and  in  the  colonies  of  the  Doruins  in  South- 
ern Italy  and  Sicily.  The  chief  authors  who 
have  preserved  this  ancient  dialect  iu  their 
works  are  Pindar  and  Theocritus. 

The  Ionic  variety  of  Greek  prevailed  on 
the  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  in  most  of  the 
jEgean  islands,  in  the  peninsula  of  Attica, 
and  in  the  foreign  colonies  established  by  the 
lonians.  It  was  developed  at  an  early  day  as 
the  language  of  poetry,  and  in  this  tongue 
were  aciiieved  the  literary  triumphs  of  the 
race.  Ionic  had  itself  a  threefold  develop- 
ment— the  Old  Ionic,  the  New  Ionic,  and  the 
Attic.  The  first  is  the  language  of  the  epic 
poetry,  and  is  rendered  immortal  in  Homer 
and  Hesiod.  The  New  Ionic  is  the  speech  of 
Herodotus ;  while  the  Attic,  being  the  lan- 
guage of  Athens,  contained  the  great  body 
of  Greek  classical  literature.  It  was  the 
tongue  of  the  scholars  and  j)hilosophers — the 
chariot  of  fire  in  which  the  lightnings  of 
Demosthenes  were  driven  through  smoke  and 
tempest  upon  the  enemies  of  his  country. 

Again  the  Attic  dialect  was  itself  divided, 
according  to  its  three  eras  of  development — 
the  Old,  the  Middle,  and  the  New.  The  Old 
Attic  differed  but  little  from  the  Ionic.  It 
was  the  language  of  Thucydides.  After  his 
time  tiiere  were  large  additions  of  Doric  and 
.(Eolic  words  to  the  vocabulary,  and  thus  was 
formed  the  Middle,  and  finally  the  New, 
speech  of  Attica.  In  this  spoke  the  great 
orators  and  wrote  the  philosophers  of  Athens 
in  the  epoch  of  her  glorv. 

The  vEolic  variety  of  Greek  was  scarcely 
limited  to  any  definite  territory.  It  was  inter- 
fused with  the  other  dialects,  and  was  rather 
a  modifying  element  than  a  distinct  tyj)e  of 
speech.  It  was  the  oldest  form  of  Greek, 
and  was  not  much  inflected  from  that  primi- 
tive tongue  which  was  the  mother,  not  only 
of  all  the  Hellenic  dialects,  but  also  of  the 
Italic    languages.       It    thus    happened    that 


^olic,  being  in  a  measure  a  prehistoric  type 
of  language,  was  not  fully  represented  in 
literary  productions.  Before  the  dawn  of 
Greek  literature,  the  Doric  and  Ionic  dialects 
had  become  the  prevalent  forms  of  speech, 
and  the  poets  adopted  these,  instead  of  .iEolic, 
as  the  vehicle  of  their  expression,  for  the 
same  reason  that  Chaucer  wrote  English  in 
preference  to  Anglo-Saxon. 

The  Greek  of  Athens  became,  par  excdr 
knee,  the  language  of  the  Hellenic  civiliza- 
tion. To  speak  it  and  write  it  became  the 
ambition  of  the  educated  iu  every  quarter  of 
the  world.  Its  forms  and  structure  became 
fixed  by  law  and  usage.  Perhaps  no  people 
ever  had  so  refined  a  language,  or  spoke  it 
with  such  purity  and  grace,  as  did  the  Athe- 
nians. For  several  centuries  it  retained  its- 
structure  unimpaired.  Not  until  the  age  of 
Alexander,  when  it  had,  by  agency  of  hi* 
conquests,  become  the  spoken  lauguage  of 
Macedonians,  Egyptians,  Ethiopians,  Syrians, 
and  of  many  other  nations,  did  a  difference 
begin  to  appear  between  the  classical  Greek 
and  the  vulgar  tongue  of  the  people. 

It  is  of  interest,  iu  this  connection,  to  note- 
the  antecedents  of  that  style  of  Greek  which, 
prevailing  in  Alexandria,  became  the  vehicle 
of  interpretation  between  the  Jewish  oracles^ 
and  the  western  nations.  It  appears  that 
primitive  Macedonian  was  a  form  of  speech 
difl^erent  from  Hellenic.  The  affinity  seems' 
to  have  been  with  Illyrian  rather  than  with 
Greek.  The  early  Grecians  and  Macedonians' 
could  not  understand  each  other  without  an 
interpreter.  Nevertheless,  in  the  court  of 
Philip  and  Alexander,  Greek  was  the  medium 
of  communication.  It  seems,  therefore,  that 
the  vernacular  Macedonian  had  beeu  dis- 
carded by  the  upper  classes  of  the  people,  and 
the  language  of  Hellas  adopted  in  its  stead. 
Albeit,  Alexander  and  his  court  spoke  Greek 
like  foreigners,  and  incorporated  therewith 
many  Macedonian  words  and  idioms.  This, 
then,  was  the  speech  which  the  Conqueror  car- 
ried with  him  into  Egypt.  The  term  "Hel- 
lenistic," therefore,  as  applied  to  the  type  of 
Greek  employed  by  the  Seventy  in  the  trans- 
lation of  the  Scriptures,  is  a  misnomer,  and 
should  be  replaced  by  "Macedonian." 


466 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


In  all  tbe  countries  brought  under  the 
8way  of  Alexander,  the  language  of  the 
Greeks  became  the  language  of  the  governing 
class  and  of  the  philosophers.  In  every  such 
country  was  a  gradual  and  perhaps  inevitable 
corruption  of  the  speech  thus  imposed  upon 
native  tongues.  From  the  third  century  of 
our  era,  the  departure  from  the  old  standard 
of  purity  and  elegance  became  so  great  that 
the  Greek  authors  were  no  longer  understood 
by  many  of  the  peoples  pretending  to  speak 
their  language.  Meanwhile,  the  transfer  of 
the  capital  of  the  Roman  world  to  Con- 
stantinople introduced  a  large  element  of 
Latin  into  the  heart  of  Hellenism,  and  then 
the  pilgrims  and  crusaders  from  the  West 
brought  in  their  importation  of  Gallicisms, 
until  the  degeneration  of  Greek  was  well-nigh 
complete.  Still,  in  the  hands  of  purists  and 
scholars,  it  continued  to  be  the  vehicle  of 
literature  until,  surviving  the  barbarism  of 
the  Middle  Age,  it  became  a  potent  factor  in 
the  revival  of  learning. 

Turning  to  the  structural  forms  of  the 
language  of  the  Hellenes,  as  distinguished 
from  its  historical  development,  we  find  much 
of  interest.  The  original  Greek  alphabet 
consisted  of  sixteen  characters,  which  were 
reputed  to  have  been  brought  into  Hellas  by 
the  Phoenician  Cadmus.  He  was  a  mythical 
king  of  Thebes  and  brother  of  the  monarch 
of  Phoenicia.  The  whole  matter  is  legendary, 
but  perhaps  contains  some  grains  of  truth. 
It  is  probably  true  that  the  Greek  letters  had 
a  Phoenician  origin,  but  it  is  more  likely  that 
they  came  in  a  regular  way  from  the  contact 
of  the  lonians  with  the  scholars  of  Sidon  than 
that  they  were  the  beneficent  contribution  of 
a  traveling  philosopher.  A.s  to  the  date  of 
the  introduction,  modern  antiquarians  are  di- 
vided in  opinion,  some  holding  it  to  have 
been  as  early  as  the  fourteenth,  others  as  late 
as  the  eighth,  century  before  our  era.  The 
addition  of  several  letters  to  the  sixteen  given 
by  Cadmus  is  ascribed  to  Palamedes;  but 
others  think  that  twenty-two  of  the  characters 
were  derived  directly  from  Phoenicia,  and  that 
only  the  letter  hypsilon  was  of  a  truly  Hellenic 
origin.  At  any  rate,  the  number  of  char- 
acters in  the  Greek  alphabet  proper  is  twenty- 


four.  It  happened,  however,  in  making  up 
the  list,  that  two  of  the  letters,  the  vav  and 
the  koppa,  were  discarded,  but  their  places 
were  filled  with  two  others,  the  phi  and  the 
dii.  The  other  modifications  were  the  addi- 
tion of  psi  and  omega  by  the  loniaus,  and 
finally  the  introduction  of  the  aspirated  e, 
called  eta,  to  serve  the  purpose  of  e  long.  The 
alphabet  thus  completed  was  oflicially  adopted 
in  Athens,  B.  C.  403. 

Of  the  seven  vowels  employed  in  Greek, 
two  (yj,  w)  were  long,  two  (j,  o)  short,  and 
three  (a,  t,  u)  common.  Every  initial  vowel 
was  written  with  a  breathing  (')  (')  above  it 
to  indicate  whether  it  was  to  be  pronounced 
with  a  smooth  utterance,  as  in  the  case  of  an 
initial  vowel  in  English,  or  be  given  with  an 
aspiration,  that  is,  with  the  sound  of  h  pre- 
ceding. Marks  were  also  employed  to  show 
the  accentuation  of  words.  The  circumflex 
accent  (')  might  be  placed  on  either  of  the 
last  two  syllables  of  a  word;  the  acute  ('), 
on  either  of  the  last  three,  without  respect  to 
the  length  of  the  vowel  in  the  syllable  so  ac- 
cented;  the  grave  (^),  on  every  syllable  not 
otherwise  marked,  but  was  not  written  except 
on  the  last. 

In  the  earlier  ages  of  Greek  literature  the 
characters  employed  in  writing  were  what  is 
called  uncial,  that  is,  a  kind  of  square,  capital- 
like letters,  much  larger  than  the  body  of 
ordinary  type.  There  was  no  cursive  or 
modified  style  of  writing  differing  from  the 
established  forms  of  the  letters.  Such  a  de- 
vice as  a  running-hand  of  Greek  was  un- 
known until  the  second  century  before  out 
era,  when  the  scholars  of  Alexandria  intro- 
duced the  cursive  system.  The  ordinary  small 
letters,  such  as  make  up  the  body  of  a  Greek 
page,  were  not  adopted  until  about  the 
middle  of  the  eighth  century,  A.  D.;  at  any 
rate,  no  manuscripts  or  inscriptions  containing 
that  style  of  letter  are  known  to  antedate  the 
year  750  of  our  era. 

In  its  grammatical  structure  the  Greek 
language  is  one  of  the  most  complete,  and,  at 
the  same  time,  one  of  the  most  flexible  in  the 
world.  The  noun  preserves  five  cases  out  of 
the  original  eight  belonging  to  the  primitive 
Aryan.     It  also  has  three  numbers  ;   singular. 


GREECE.-LASGUAGE,  LITERATURE,  ASD  ART. 


467 


<lual,  iiiid  plural.  B}-  this  means  the  discrim- 
iiiatiou  of  objects  as  it  respects  unity,  binity, 
and  multiplicity  is  easily  carried  out  in  s])eech. 
The  langnai^e  i)reseuts  three  genders';  uuiscu- 
line,  feminine,  and  neuter.  The  article  (ho, 
he,  t6)  accompanies  the  noun  and  follows  its 
inflections.  It  also  has  an  independent  use, 
being  capable  of  representing  the  altsent  noun 
as  by  a  delicate  innuendo.  In  its  power  of 
nominal  combination  no  other  language  has 
equaled  the  Greek.  There  was  practically  no 
limit  to  the  ability  of  a  Greek  author  to  form 
Cfunpound  nouns,  expressing  the  most  com- 
plex ideas.  The  striking  off  of  case-endings 
and  the  juxtaposition  of  radicalswas  a  process 
so  easy  and  natural  as  to  suggest  itself  in  the 
ordinary  How  of  speech,  and  the  laws  of  the 
language  were  so  tolerant  of  growth  as  to  put 
no  restriction  on  either  the  poetic  imagination 
or  the  necessity  of  philosophy.  A  whole  hex- 
ameter might  How  in  a  word,  if  fancy  sug- 
gested the  combination. 

The  adjective  was  specially  full  and  rich  in 
its  expressiveness.  Each  word  of  this  class 
was  capable  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-five 
endings !  Of  course,  many  of  these  were 
duplicates  of  others,  but  the  full  scheme 
showed  the  number  here  indicated.*  In  gen- 
eral the  adjective  conformed  to  the  mutations 
of  the  noun.-  There  was  thus  established  be- 
tween fact  and  epithet  the  closest  bonds  of 
sympathy.  The  adjective  did  obeisance  in 
its  forms  to  the  noun  with  which  it  was 
joined.  It  swayed  to  and  fro  with  its  master, 
followed  his  fortunes  and  vicissitudes,  shared 
his  wealth  and  his  poverty. 

But  it  was  the  Greek  verb  which  most  of 
all  exhibited  the  fecundity  of  the  language. 
Here  was  revealed  the  great  force  and  per- 
spicuity of  the  speecK  of  the  Hellenes.  A 
double  series  of  attixes,  added  or  pretixed  to 
the  verb-roots,clearly  distinguished  the  tenses 
as  to  the  time  and  completeness  of  the  action 
expressed  by  them.  For  past  time  the  aug- 
ment, and  for  completed  action  the  reduplica- 
tion, furnished  delicate  discriminations  for 
which  we  should  look  in  vain  in  Latin  or  in 

'That  is,  five  cases  multiplied  by  three  numbers,  by 
three  genders,  by  three  degrees  of  comparison  =  135 
adjectival  forms. 

N.-Vol.  1— 29. 


any  other  tongue  ever  spoken  in  Europe. 
The  root  of  a  Greek  verb  was  thus  subject  to 
a  kind  of  development  by  means  of  endings 
and  prefixes  until  the  exact  notion  of  the 
time,  its  point  and  duration,  and  the  com- 
pleteness of  the  action,  was  expressed  with  a 
specific  delicacy  of  which  no  other  language 
has  ever  shown  itself  susceptible. 

There  was  thus  established  among  all  the 
parts  of  the  formal  structure  of  the  Greek 
tongue  a  kind  of  sympathetic  union  which 
moved  the  whole  as  one.  A  Greek  sentence 
was  agitated  through  all  its  length  and  depth 
by  the  stress  of  expression.  The  paragraph 
trembled  from  end  to  end  when  the  thrill  of 
life  awoke  in  any  part.  The  language,  with 
its  multitudinous  endings,  all  in  harmonious 
accord,  lay  like  a  rich  meadow  of  stately 
timothy  swaying  and  waving  in  the  breezes 
of  thought.  Each  stalk  nodded  to  his  fellow. 
The  ripple  of  mirth  danced  over  the  surface 
like  a  scarcely  perceptible  breath  of  air.  The 
shadow  chased  the  sunshine,  and  the  sunshine 
the  shadow.  A  sigh  came  out  of  the  forest 
and  a  deeper  wave  moved  gently  away  to  the 
distance.  The  thrill  of  joy,  the  message  of 
defiance,  the  moan  of  the  disconsolate  spirit, 
the  pa»an  of  battle,  the  shout  of  victory, 
every  mood  and  every  emotion  which  the 
mind  of  man  in  his  most  vigorous  estate  is 
capable  of  experiencing,  swept  in  rolling 
billows  across  the  pulsating  bosom  of  this 
beautiful  speech. 

The  tongue  of  the  Greeks  was,  in  its  kind, 
as  preeminent  as  their  literature.  The  one 
was  the  counterpart  of  the  other.  So  won- 
derful in  its  completeness  is  the  grammatical 
structure  of  the  language  that  it  has  been 
made,  not  without  good  reason,  the  founda- 
tion of  linguistic  study  in  nearly  all  the  uni- 
versities of  the  world.  The  historian.  Cur- 
tius,  in  summing  up  the  structural  elegance 
of  Greek,  thus  assigns  to  its  true  place  the 
s])eech  of  the  Hellenic  race:  "If  the  grammar 
of  their  language  were  the  only  thing  remain- 
ing to  us  of  the  Hellenes,  it  would  serve  as  a 
full  and  valid  testimony  to  the  extraordinary 
natural  gifts  of  this  people,  which,  after  with 
creative  power  appropriating  the  material  of 
their  language,  penetrated  every  part  of  it 


^W5 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


with  the  spirit,  and  nowhere  left  a  dead,  inert 
mass  behind  it — of  a  people  which,  in  spite 
of  its  decisive  abhorrence  of  every  thing  bom- 
bastic, circumstantial,  or  obscure,  understood 
how  to  accomplish  an  infinity  of  results  by 
the  simplest  means.  The  whole  language  re- 
sembles the  body  of  an  artistically  trained 
athlete,  in  which  every  muscle,  every  sinew, 
is  developed  into  full  play,  where  there  is  no 
trace  of  tumidity  or  of  inert  matter,  and  all 
is  power  and  life." 

It  is  not  possible  within  the  contemplated 
limits  of  the  present  work  to  discuss  the  liter- 
ature of  the  Greeks  under  an  exhaustive  anal- 
ysis.    All  that  can  be  done  is  to  note,  with 

some  degree  of 
care,  the  leading 
branches  in  the 
literary  art  of  the 
Greeks  —  the  poe- 
try and  history  of 
the  Hellenic  auth- 
ors. On  the  very 
confines  of  the 
cloudy  horizon  of 
Greek  history 
stands  the  sublime 
figure  of  Homer. 
Myth  or  man  — 
who  knows?  At 
any  rate,  he  was  a 
Being — one  whose 
radiance  has  fallen 
on  all  the  subse- 
quent ages  of  man's  endeavor.  Even  before 
him  we  have  reason  to  believe  that  there 
were  precursive  bards  of  feebler  wing  who 
put  into  the  lips  of  the  primitive  Greeks 
the  chant,  the  psean,  the  choral  song,  the 
merry  roundelay  of  the  singing  girls  and 
vintagers.  But  it  remained  for  the  deeds  of 
the  heroes  of  the  nation  to  furnish  the  mate- 
rial of  a  loftier  strain,  and  Scio's  rocky  isle 
to  furnish  the  singer. 

Here,  then,  was  the  beginning  of  Epic 
Poetry — the  song  heroic  which  recounts  the 
warlike  deeds  of  the  vaUant  and  strong.  The 
Blind  Being  chose  for  one  of  his  themes  the 
siege  and  sack  of  Troy — its  causes,  the  out- 
rage done  to  hospitality  and  trust,  the  coun- 


n>EAL  BUST  OF  HOMER, 

Sans  Souci,  Potsdam. 


sel  of  the  belligerent  gods,  the  array  of  na- 
tions, the  stratagem,  the  catastrophe;  and  for 
the  other  the  wanderings  of  the  brave  and  sa- 
gacious Ulysses,  involving  the  social  aspects 
of  his  own  and  foreign  lands.  Thus  were 
wrought   the   Iliad  and    the    Odyssey. 

The  work  was  greater  than  the  theme.  The 
language  was  still  plastic.  Under  the  magical 
touch  of  genius  the  two  great  epics  rose  lik« 
exhalations  from  the  new-made  earth.  They 
were  chanted  in  the  ears  of  all  Greece.  It 
was  the  beginning  of  the  literary  culture  of 
the  Aryan  race.  The  influence  of  Homer's 
heroic  songs  was  transfused,  like  a  strong 
current  of  ancestral  blood,  into  the  whole 
body  of  Greek  letters  that  rose  out  of  this 
radiant  dawn.  The  Hiad  and  the  Odyssey 
have  remained  the  best  in  their  kind  among 
the  works  of  the  humau  genius ;  nor  is  it 
likely  that  the  deliberate  judgment  of  three 
thousand  years  will  ever  be  reversed  in  the 
tides  of  time. 

The  Homeric  poems  have  not  reached  us 
in  their  original  form.  At  the  time  of  their 
production  the  Greeks  already  possessed  the 
art  of  writing,  but  that  art  was  employed 
rather  for  the  brief  and  business  affairs  of 
life  than  for  literary  composition.  The  ear  of 
the  early  Greek  was  attuned  to  harmony'.  He 
would  hear  the  music  of  verse  recited  by  a 
living  master.  He  would  feel  the  thrill  of 
enthusiasm  which  could  be  kindled  by  no  life- 
less tablet.  The  swaying  form  of  the  rhap- 
sodist,  his  rapt  visage,  his  flashing  eye,  his 
sonorous  voice  rising  and  falling  like  the  sea — 
these  were  the  elements  of  inspiration,  these 
the  coals  that  kindled  emulation.  Thus  it 
happened  that  memory  became  the  repository 
and  the  tongue  the  deliverer  of  the  verse  of 
Hellas. 

It  is  likely  that  for  several  centuries  to- 
gether the  poems  of  Homer,  vast  in  extent 
as  they  are,  were  written  only  in  the  memo- 
ries of  men.  Doubtless  in  this  period  many 
changes  were  introduced  by  the  caprices  of 
not  too  faithful  rhapsodists — many  transposi- 
tions of  parts,  and  perhaps  some  total  loss  of 
sections  or  whole  episodes  of  the  epic.  Fi- 
nally, however,  in  a  day  of  happy  fortune 
for. all  the  world,  the  poems  were  reduced  to 


GREECE.— LANGUAGE,  LITERATURE,  AND  ART. 


4(19 


writing.  While  Pisistratus  was  tyrant  of 
Athens  the  work  was  undertaken  at  his  in- 
stance and  under  his  patronage.  The  Athe- 
nian grammarian  Onomacritus  was  appointed 
to  revise  and  arrange  both  of  the  poems,  re- 
jecting what  appeared  to  him  to  be  the  inter- 
polations of  weaker  bards  and  the  manifest 
corruptions  of  the  ignorant.  Thus  were  the 
two  greatest  epics  of  the  world,  flung  from 
the  vigorous  imagination  of  the  Blind  Being 
of  Ionia,  preserved  and  transmitted  to  after 
ages  in  nearly  the  forms  which  now  they  bear. 
Of  the  time  at  which  Homer  flourished  only 
so  much  is  known  as  that  he  lived  in  the  mys- 
terious epoch  where  history  and  fable  blended, 
and  when  Greece  was  just  beginning  to  awake 
to  a  consciousness  of  her  power. 

Around  Homer  grew  up  a  race  of  bards 
called  the  "Cyclic  poets" — like  unto  himself, 
but  of  less  repute.  They  were  like  the  group 
of  English  writers  known  as  the  Shakespearean 
dramatists,  clustering  about  a  greater  light,  in 
whose  effulgence  they  were  lost.  Not  only 
have  the  works  of  the  Cyclic  bards  perished, 
but  most  of  themselves  have  not  even  left 
behind  the  legacy  of  a  name. 

After  the  old  Ionian  bard  came  Hesiod. 
He  was  a  Dorian,  who  flourished  about  a  cen- 
tury after  Homer,  and  dwelt  at  the  foot  of 
Mount  Helicon,  near  Delphi.  His  fond  coun- 
trymen set  up  their  poet  in  rivalry  with  his 
great  predecessor,  and  even  invented  a  fiction 
that  the  two  had  once  contested  for  the  palm 
in  song  and  that  the  award  had  been  made  to 
Hesiod.  But  the  story  was  an  impossibility, 
both  in  time  and  fact.  The  subjects  selected 
by  the  Dorian  bard  were  the  fables  of  the 
gods.  Instead  of  the  stirring  strifes  of  heroes 
he  recited  the  history  of  the  national  religion. 
He  also  collected  and  reduced  to  verse  the 
practical  and  proverbial  wisdom  of  the  peo- 
ple, in  a  rather  tedious  didactic  poem  called 
Works  and  Days.  Between  these  productions 
and  the  living  pictures  of  Homer  there  is,  in 
both  subject  and  treatment,  the  greatest  pos- 
sible contrast.  Neither  in  Hesiod,  their  mas- 
ter bard,  nor  in  his  successors,  did  the  Boeotian 
school  in  Grecian  literature  ever  approximate 
the  excellence  and  breadth  of  the  Ionic  and 
Attic  authors. 


After  the  epic — which  ceased  to  be  culti- 
vated from  the  epoch  of  Homer  and  Hesiod — 
the  next  kind  of  Greek  poetry  which  appeared 
was  the  lyric.  In  the  form  of  elegy  it  became 
as  the  heroic  songs  of  the  masters.  The  elegy, 
like  the  epic,  took  its  rise  among  the  Ionian 
Greeks  of  Asia  Minor.  To  them  it  seems  to 
have  been  suggested  by  the  elegos  of  the 
Phrygians.  It  was  primarily  a  song  of  wail- 
ing, to  be  chanted  with  the  accompaniment 
of  a  flute.  Among  the  Greeks,  however,  the 
elegy  took  a  wider  range,  and  included  in  its 
subjects  the  stirring  themes  of  patriotism  and 
war.  Even  love  and  conviviality  were  made 
elegiac  by  the  Hellenic  bards,  who,  in  alter- 
nate hexameters  and  pentameters,  chanted  the 
fiery  charms  of  passion  and  the  joys  of  the 
festival. 

It  was  in  the  seventh  century  B.  C.  that 
the  elegy  of  the  Greeks  achieved  its  greatest 
triumphs.  Not  infrequently  the  gravest  af- 
fairs of  state,  the  policy  of  cities,  the  conduct 
of  war,  were  determined  by  a  song.  Thus 
the  old  decrepit  Tyet^us,  who  was,  in  answer 
to  an  oracular  call,  sent  in  derision  by  the 
Athenians  to  be  a  leader  of  the  Spartans, 
fired  them  to  a  pitch  of  unprecedented  en- 
thusiasm by  a  battle-lyric  composed  for  the 
occasion.  Callinus  of  Ephesus  in  like  manner 
inspired  his  countrymen  in  their  war  with  the 
Magnesians.  Solon  himself  disdained  not  the 
composition  of  a  poem  by  which  he  induced 
the  men  of  Athens  to  reconquer  Salamis. 
The  lyrics  of  Theognis  of  Megara  were  col- 
lected and  taught  as  a  manual  of  wisdom  and 
virtue.  The  praises  of  those  who  fell  at 
Marathon  were  sung  in  immortal  strains  by 
Sfmonides  of  Chios,  while  the  poems  of 
MiMNERMOS  exalt  the  fleeting  joys  of  life 
as  the  fairest  and  best  to  which  mortality  may 
aspire. 

The  next  development  of  Greek  verse — 
also  lyric — was  the  iambic  or  personal  poetry. 
For  the  old  Hellenic  bard  did  not  forbear  to 
assail  his  enemy  with  caustic  words  as  well  as 
spears  and  javelins.  This  type  of  poetry 
seems  to  have  been  invented  by  Archilocus, 
who,  taking  advantage  of  the  license  conceded 
to  all  at  the  festival  of  Demeter  to  indulge  in 
personal  mockery  and  jests,  introduced  a  new 


170 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


style  of  verse,  composed  in  alternate  iambi 
and  trocliees,  dipped  in  the  bitterest  wit  and 
sarcasm,  to  the  extent  of  driving  to  suicide 
(such  is  the  tradition)  those  against  whom  the 
poisoned  arrows  were  sent  flying.  Even 
greater  and  fiercer  in  invective  was  the  poet 
HiPPONAX,  who  flourished  about  the  middle 
of  the  sixth  century,  and  is  said  to  have  satir- 
ized to  death  two  sculptors  who  had  carica- 
tured his  ugliness. 

After  the  iambic  came  the  urELOS,  or  song. 
This  style  of  poetry  was  mostly  cultivated  by 
the  ^oliau  and  Dorian  bards,  who  were  cele- 
brated for  the  tenderness  of  their  emotion  and 
feeling.  In  this  species  of  verse  the  singer 
expressed  his  own  joys^  and  sorrows,  his  long- 
ing and  hope.  It  was  from  Mitylene,  the 
capital  of  the  island  of  Lesbos,  that  the  song 
proper  took  its  rise.  In  Greece  of  the  main- 
land it  was  admired  rather  than  imitated. 
But  there  was  a  Lesbian  school  where  this 
style  of  composition  was  encouraged  and 
taught.  Here  flourished  the  aristocrat  Al- 
gous, who,  in  his  songs  of  love  and  hate, 
poured  out  the  passion  of  his  times.  Here 
the  great  Sappho,  the  angel  of  unrequited 
love,  achieved  in  her  passionate  and  beautiful 
hymns  the  highest  place  among  all  the  poetesses 
of  Greece.  The  story  of  her  suicide  by  leap- 
ing from  the  Lucadian  rock  because  of 
Phaon's  neglect  seems  to  have  no  foundation 
in  fact.  She  was  a  mother  who  loved  her 
child  and  taught  a  school  of  maidens,  in- 
structing them  in  choral  measures  and  the 
beauty  of  the  dance.  Her  poems  flow  with  a 
tender  and  glowing  love,  the  truest  and  deep- 
est passion,  the  most  graceful  and  tuneful 
sentiments.  After  her  came  Anacreon  of 
Teos,  almost  equally  celebrated,  but  flourish- 
ing in  a  different  atmosphere.  He  was  an 
Ionian  bard,  and  had  the  luxurious  grace  and 
abandonment  of  his  people.  Living  at  the 
courts  of  tyrants,  and  knowing  little  of  the 
deep,  pure  charms  of  nature,  he  gilded  arti- 
ficial life  and  celebrated  artificial  love.  Even 
in  his  old  age,  when  the  fires  of  youth  were 
extinguished,  he  continued  to  sing  in  words 
the  songs  from  which  the  spirit  had  long  since 
vanished. 

But  by  far  the  greatest  of  the  Greek  lyric 


poets  was  the  Boeotian  Pindak.  He  was  born 
in  B.  C.  522,  and  was  thus  a  contemporary 
of  ^schylus.  His  education  was  Attic,  but 
the  inspiration  of  his  muse  seems  to  have 
been  caught  from  a  predecessor,  the  Sicilian 
Stesichorus,  of  Himera,  who  flourished  near 
the  close  of  the  seventh  century.  Pindar's 
harp  had  many  tones.  He  sang  in  manly 
cadences  of  public  and  private  life ;  the 
struggles  and  vicissitudes  of  the  one,  the 
hopes  and  fears  of  the  other.  In  his  odes  he 
rises  to  the  highest  flight.  The  victors  in  war 
and  in  the  great  games  enacted  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  assembled  nation  are  made  famous 
in  his  heroic  song.  The  style  is  involved  and 
difficult,  but  the  spirit  is  the  spirit  of  fire. 
He  was  the  evening  star  of  the  lyric  poetry 
of  Greece.  A  change  was  passing  over  the 
national  imagination,  and  the  dawn  of  the 
drama  was  in  the  eastern  sky. 

The  Greeks  now  demanded  the  poetry  of 
action.  The  transformation  from  lyric  to 
dramatic  was  easy  and  natural — necessary. 
From  the  ecstatic  song  representing  the  joys 
and  sufferings  of  others  to  impersonation  was 
but  a  step.  The  Greek  chorus  belonged  alike 
to  lyric  recitation  and  dramatic  action.  The 
transformation  was  gradual.  Thespis  of  Attica 
was  the  first  tragic  poet.  His  claim  to  be 
so  regarded  is  based  upon  the  introduction  by 
him  of  an  actor  who  came  upon  the  stage  and 
held  discourse  with  the  chorus  and  its  leader. 
Then  came  ^schylus,  who  added  a  second 
actor  to  the  dramatis  persons ;  and  finally 
Sophocles,  who  gave  a  third,  thus  making  the 
list  of  characters  sufficiently  extensive  for 
complete  and  complex  actions.  The  chorus, 
however,  remained ;  for  it  was  deemed  neces- 
sary to  fill  the  space  between  the  acts  of  the 
drama  with  something  which  should  sustain 
the  interest  of  the  spectators.  But  Dionysus 
and  his  Bacchic  crew  of  singers  and  satyrs 
were  banished  from  the  stage.  Instead  of  the 
revel  and  the  feast  tlie  grave  events  of  the 
national  traditions  and  history  were  brought 
forward  as  the  subject  of  the  play. 

Then  followed  the  improvement  of  the 
theater.  From  the  time  of  the  Persian  wars 
regular  structures  of  stone  took  the  place  of 
the  wooden  buildings  hitherto  used  for  spec- 


GREECE.— LANGUAGE,  LITERATURE,  AND  ART. 


471 


tacles.  The  form  of  the  amphitheater  was 
adopted.  The  auditorium  at  Athens  was  cap- 
able of  seating  twenty  thousand  people.  The 
estimate  was  maile  for  the  whole  male  popu- 
lation of  the  city.  Here  was  the  stage  upon 
which  were  presented  the  dramas  of  Jilschylus, 
Sophocles,  and  Euripides.  The  building  was 
open  to  the  sky.  The  semi-circular  rows  of 
seats  were  divided  transversely  with  gangways 
afl'ording  easy  exit  and  entrance.  On  the 
front  row  of  benches  sat  the  dignitaries  of  the 
state.  Judges  were  appointed  to  determine 
the  merits  of  the  production.  The  orchestra 
was  set  in  front  of  the  players.  On  the  walls 
surrounding   the    stage   were    painted    scenes 


and  pathetic.  He  stoops  not  at  all.  With 
him  it  is  the  work  of  the  gods  and  of  fate. 
The  dark  destiny  of  men  is  the  underplay. 
Another  drama  is  enacted  on  high,  over  which 
is  bent  the  eye  of  the  awful  Zeus,  calm, 
severe,  omniscient. 

Under  the  canon  of  criticism  a  tragedy  in 
the  time  of  .^schylus  must  consist  of  three 
pieces,  based  upon  the  same  fundamental 
theme.  There  was  thus  produced  what  was 
called  a  "trilogy,"  the  three  parts  being  in 
some  sense  independent,  but  in  another  sense 
subordinate  productions.  Of  these  trilogies 
.SIschylus  produced  two,  the  subject  of  the 
first,  called  the  Persw,  being  the  great  wars  of 


T  I    r  \^i_\-^YK^^^- 


THEATER  OF  SEGESTA,  RESTORED. 


represeniijg  the  country  or  place  wherein  the 
play  was  supposed  to  have  been  real.  Trian- 
gular prisms  were  set  up  in  the  wings,  by  the 
revolution  of  which  on  their  axes  an  easy 
change  of  scene  could  be  effected.  Neverthe- 
less we  should  look  in  vain  in  the  theaters  of 
ancient  Greece  for  that  elaborate  realism 
which  is  the  boast  of  the  modern  stage. 

Greek  tragedy  begins  properly  with  the 
great  name  of  J-^schylus.  He  it  was  who  by 
the  force  of  his  genius  gave  form  and  life  and 
nationality  to  the  new  type  of  literature.  He 
wa.s  horn  in  B.  C  525.  In  his  youth  he 
fought  in  the  battle  of  Marathon.  In  his  sen- 
timents he  sympathized  with  the  old  Athens 
of  the  aristocracy — the  ancient  regime — rather 
than  with  the  growing  democratic  principles 
of  the  commonwealth.     His  subjects  are  lofty 


the  Greeks  and  Persians,  the  struggle  of 
Europe  and  Asia.  Out  of  this  triad,  the  cen- 
tral piece,  representing  the  lamentations  in 
the  palace  of  Xer.xes,  at  Susa,  has  been  pre- 
served. The  subject  of  the  other  trilogy, 
known  as  the  Oresteia,  was  the  murder  of  Aga- 
memnon, with  the  fatal  consequences  which 
followed  hard  after,  until  the  Eumenides  were 
finally  appeased.  This  work  has  been  pre- 
served entire,  and  furnishes  the  basis  of  the 
high  estimate  which  all  subsequent  ages  have 
put  upon  the  tragic  genius  of  the  author. 

The  Greek  drama  was  still  further  ampli- 
fied by  Sophocles.  Born  in  B.  C.  495,  he 
followed  close  to  .^^schylus,  of  whom  he  is  re- 
garded as  the  successful  rival.  Now  it  was 
that  the  chorus  was  abridged  and  a  third  actor 
sent  upon   the  stage.     The  dialogue   became 


472 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


more  varied  and  natural.  Individuality  of 
character  was  achieved.  The  always  lofty  and 
pathetic  solemnity  of  the  language  of  ^schy- 
lus  was  in  some  measure  substituted  with  the 
language  of  common  life.  The  men  of  Sophocles 


axe  more  human  thau  those  of  his  predecessor. 
In  his  themes,  however,  the  sorrowful  myster- 
ies of  being  are  still  preferred.  The  dark  riddle 
of  fate,  the  unsolved  enigma  of  life,  the  hard 
destiny  of  struggling  man,  beaten  by  adverse 
winds  of  duty  and  inclination,  of  necessity 
and  preference — such  are  the  mournful  topics 
of  his  dramas.  In  the  Antigone  best  of  all 
are  these  qualities  of  the  genius  of  Sophocles 
depicted. 

The  next  evolution  is  presented  in  Eueip- 
XDES.  He  is  less  ideal  than  his  predecessor, 
but  truer  to  nature.  His  drama  is  more  of 
a  reality.  He  takes  his  stand  in  the  midst  of 
human  life  as  it  is.  His  language  is  the  lan- 
guage of  the  people.  The  heroes  of  his  plays 
are  more  possible  than  those  of  Sophocles. 
Thev  are  redeemed  with  weaknesses,  touched 
with  foUy,  stained  with  tears.     He  has  more 


variety  in  his  action,  greater  freedom,  more 
surprises  and  vicissitudes.     Nor  were  the  es- 
sentially tragic    qualities   of  his    genius    less 
tragic  for  this  descent  towards  the  actual  plane 
of  human  life.      As  occasion  required,  all  tht 
sublime  force  of  tragedy  is  revealed  by   hia 
muse.     In  the  Aledea  the  terrible  passion  of 
Phredra  in  revenging  her  slighted  love  has  a 
terror  hardly  equaled  in  Sophocles  and  jEschy- 
lus.     But  with  those  who  succeeded  Euripides 
a  decline  in   tragic  qualities  becomes  immedi- 
ately apparent.    The  Greek  play  is  henceforth 
rather  the  roar  of  the  court-house  than  a  sub- 
lime conflict  in  the  arena  of  gods  and  heroes. 
Then  came  Greek  comedy.    Hellas  laughed. 
She  amused  herself.     She  took  Bacchus  into 
goodfellowship.     The  wine-god  was  mirthfuL 
In  the  autumn,  when  the  lesser  Dionysia  were 
celebrated,  the  season  was  made  hilarious  with 
mummeries    and    jokes.      Any    one    present 
might   be  the  victim.     The   choral  song  was 
transferred  into   comic  representation.     Folly 
mixed  a  cup  and  poured  it  on  the  heads  of 
revelers.     For   a  great  while   the    scene  was 
enacted  in  the  village,  where  rustics  gathered 
for  amusement.     In    the   serious   city,  where 
the    weighty    affairs    of    state    engrossed    the 
attention  of  all,  there  was  no  time  for  reck- 
less enjoyment.     Not   until  the  beginning  of 
the   fifth  century  B.   C.  did  comedy  make  a 
public  appearance  in  Athens,   and  not   until 
near  the  close  of  that  century  was   the  new 
species  of  drama  received  with  general  favor. 

Perhaps  the 
early  structure 
of  Athenian  so- 
ciety did  not 
favor  the  devel- 
opment of  such 
a  literature. 
Freedom  —  the 
freedom  of  a  de- 
mocracy —  was 
necessary  to  in- 
sure immunity, 
without  which 
comedy  can  not 

flourish.  When  it  did  come  it  came  with  license. 
Nothing  was  too  serious  or  sacred  for  the 
shaft  of  the  reckless  satirist.     Man,  woman. 


ECTBiPiDES. — Visconti. 


GHEECE.— LANGUAGE,  LITERATURE,  AND  ART. 


47S 


all  human  affairs,  the  war,  the  state,  the 
heroes,  the  immortal  gods  themselves  writhed 
under  the  audacious  irony  and  merciless  sar- 
casm of  the  Greek  comedian.  Mockery,  ridi- 
cule, derisive  scorn,  bitter  invective,  every 
weapon  which  the  forge  of  conscienceless  in- 
genuity could  invent  or  imagine,  was  put  into 
the  quiver  and  swung  liehlnd  the  swaggering 
actor's  shoulder.  He  shot  riglit  and  left.  He 
shouted  when  his  victim  fell.  He  made  grim- 
aces at  the  corpse.  With  him  Olympus  was 
no  better  tban  a  stable  for  goats. 

It  may  be  observed,  however,  that  notwith- 
standing this  extremity  of  license  the  Greek 
comedy  has  always  at  bottom  a  foundation  of 
morality.  It  is  the  cant  of  human  nature, 
its  sham  pretense  and  folly,  which  received  no 
mercy  at  the  bauds  of  the  executioner. 

Of  all  the  Greek  comedians  of  the  old 
school  only  one  was  so  fortunate  as  to  have 
his  works  preserved  to  posterity — Aristoph- 
anes, greatest  of  his  kind.  He  was  born  in 
Athens,  B.  C.  452,  and  produced  his  comedies 
between  the  years  427  and  388.  In  richness 
of  humor  and  quaintness  of  invention  he 
stands  without  a  peer.  His  imagination  is  as 
vivid  as  his  wit  is  keen.  His  language  is  as 
free  as  his  thought  is  audacious.  He  attacks 
the  abuses  of  his  times  with  a  wild  delight, 
and  his  personal  satire  is  fierce  in  its  vehe- 
mence. As  the  champion  of  the  old  regime 
he  attacks  the  demagogues  and  sophists  with 
an  excessive  bitterness, 
ill  his  literary  sympathies 
lie  is  with  yEschylus.  He 
dc'sjjises  Euripides  and 
his  following.  The  dema- 
gogue Cleon,  his'contem- 
])orary,  he  brings  upon 
tiie  stage  and  covers  him 
witii  opprobrium.  In  his 
Clouds  he  attacks  the 
sophists  with  unparalleled 
severity.  He  pours  upon 
them  all  the  bottles  of 
his  scorn,  and  spares  not 
Socrates.  The  folly  of  the  Sicilian  expedition  is 
made  immortal  in  the  Birch,  in  wiiich  tlie  war 
policy  of  the  Athenians  is  mercilessly  scourged. 
The  lawyers  of  the  city  felt  the  castigation  of 


AEISTOPIIASES. 

<MoDumenli  dcU'  Insti 
tuto.) 


ME.NANIJEK.  —  ViSconti. 


his  rod  in  the  play  of  the   ira,s^.s;  and  in  the 
Frofjs  Euripides  is  held  up  to  public  c(jutempt. 

After  Aristophanes  Greek  comedy  was 
modified  to  a  great  extent  in  the  hands  of 
the  two  principal  authors  of  the  Later 
School — Menander  and  Possidippus.  The 
license  which  the 
old  comedians  had 
used  and  abused 
was  somewhat 
abridged,  and  the 
subjects  of  Inlays 
became  less  per- 
sonal and  parti- 
san than  hitherto. 
The  scenes  and 
incidents  of  pri- 
vate life — its  fol- 
lies, its  misdi- 
rected loves,  its  grotesque  adventures — are  sub- 
stituted for  the  weightier  vices  of  society.  Social 
intrigue,  plot  and  counterplot,  the  knave,  the 
fool,  the  coxcomb — such  are  the  materials  and 
characters  of  that  New  Comedy,  which,  pre- 
vailing to  the  times  of  Alexander,  was  trans- 
ferred to  Rome  and  became  the  model  of  in- 
vention in  the  works  of  Plautus  and  Terence. 

After  the  age  of  Homer  and  Hcsiod,  cen- 
turies elapsed  before  even  the  beginnings  of  a 
prose  literature  appeared  in  Hellas.  The  ear 
of  generation  after  generation  was  filled  with 
the  rhythmic  cadences  of  the  bards  ere  the 
project  of  giving  a  literary  dress  to  the  com- 
mon language  of  life  was  conceived  or  imag- 
ined. Perhaps,  when  at  last  the  suggestion 
of  doing  so  was  entertained,  it  was  with  a 
certain  dread  lest  the  sacred  mystery  of  letters 
should  be  profaned  by  the  unhallow-ed  iougue 
of  prose.  To  the  courageous  and  versatile 
lonians  must  be  awarded  the  palm  for  break- 
ing the  poetic  spell  and  daring  to  couiniit  to 
record  their  traditions  and  reflections  in  the 
natural  language  of  history  and  philosophy.    ' 

Perhaps  tlie  first  prose  work  produced  by  a 
member  of  the  Hellenic  race  was  a  history  of 
the  founding  of  Miletus,  written  by  the  Ionian 
Cadmus,  a  native  of  that  city.  After  him,  a 
school  of  legendary  chroniclers  grew  up  iu  the 
Greek  cities  of  Asia  Minor.  Some  of  them 
were    travelers.      They    put   down    in    prose 


474 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


-Vixuiiti. 


■what  things  soever  they  saw  and  heard  abroad. 
Others  rewrote  the  rhapsodies  and  legends  of 
the  bards,  hut  their  work  was  childish  and 
unworthy  to  survive.  , 

Then  came  the  great  Herodotus,  justly 
styled  the  Father  of  History.  He  was  born 
in  Halicarnassus,  in  the  year  B.  C.  484.  He 
was  a  Dorian  by  descent  and  an  Ionian  by 
education.  His  merit  con- 
sists in  this,  that  he,  first 
of  the  great  minds  of  the 
Aryan  race,  perceived  that 
history  should  be  strijjped 
of  poetic  disguises,  and  yet 
given  an  artistic  and  phil- 
osophic form  in  the  lan- 
guage of  common  life.  He- 
rodotus had  the  genius  of 
the  traveler,  the  curiosity 
of  an  antiquarian,  the  in- 
dustry of  an  artisan.  He 
sought  companionship  with 
the  literati  of  foreigr\  cities. 
He  stored  his  mind  with  records  of  the  East. 
He  reflected  not  a  little  upon  the  nature  and 
causes  of  events,  and  thus  fitted  himself  for 
historical  authorship  to  a  degree  not  to  be  ex- 
pected of  his  age.  He  selected  for  a  theme 
the  great  struggle  between  his  country  and 
Persia.  As  his  narrative  proceeds  and  he 
finds  himself  in  contact  with  other  nations,  he 
pauses  with  a  natural  grace  to  recount  their 
annals,  their  customs,  their  traditions,  their 
laws.  Garrulous  ?  Granted ;  but  such  gar- 
rulity! Would  that  the  primitive  world  had 
produced  more  such  charming  gossips!  To 
spare  the  one  were  to  lose  the  quaintest  monu- 
ment of  ancient  literature. 

After  him  came  the  philosophic  Thucydides. 
He  selected  for  his  theme  the  then  recent 
Peloponnesian  war.  He  thus  secured  a  unity 
of  subject  for  which  we  should  look  in  vain 
in  the  work  of  the  Father  of  History.  Edu- 
cated in  the  political  school  of  Pericles,  under 
the  full  influence  of  the  sophists  and  rhetori- 
cians of  Athens,  by  nature  of  a  calm  tempera- 
ment, in  which  reason  predominated  over 
imagination,  Thucydides  came  to  his  task 
fully  equipped,  both  in  himself  and  his  dis- 
cipline.   True,  his  language  is  sometimes  heavy 


and  not  always  perspicuous.  True,  that 
many  of  his  periods  are  inartistic  and  un- 
musical; but  his  is  the  history  of  reason  and 
truth,  ihe  story  is  told  without  passion  and 
with  but  few  touches  of  prejudice.  It  is  a 
story  as  if  told  by  an  impartial  statesman  who 
reviews  with  great  breadth  of  vision  and  im- 
partial judgment  one  of  the  most  momentous 
epochs  in  the  history  of  his  people.  The  Pel- 
oponnesian war  thus  found  an  expositor  equal 
in  greatness  to  itself. 

Then  came  Xenophon — charming  story- 
teller of  the  Athenians.  In  qualities  of  mind 
he  was  inferior  to  Thucydides.  He  had 
neither  the  elevated  views  nor  the  unbiased 
judgment  of  his  predecessor.  He  was  withal 
something  of  an  adventurer.  Out  of  sym- 
pathy with  his  own  city  and  state,  he  drifted 
to  the  Spartans.  As  one  of  the  leaders  of  a 
band  of  mercenary  soldiers,  he  accepts  pay 
from  Cyrus  the  Younger  and  goes  with  that 
ambitious  prince  against  Darius.  He  writes 
the  Retreat  of  ihe  Ten  Thousand,  and  after- 
wards the  Memorabilia  of  Socrates.  His  style 
is  above  reproach,  and  displays  the  capabilities 
of  the  Attic  tongue  at  its  best  estate.  The 
purity  of  his  diction  gave  him  a  reputation 
with  his  countrymen  above  the  intrinsic 
merits-  of  his  works.  As  a  model  of  Attic 
Greek,  the  Anahash  of  Xenophon  will  ever 
hold  a  leading  place;  as  a  history  it  takes 
rank  with  the  military  records  of  Caesar's 
GalUc  War. 

Then  came  Oratory — a  necessary  concom- 
itant of  the  political  freedom 
of  the  Greeks.  The  progress 
of  Athens  from  an  aristocracy 
to  a  democracy  made  public 
speech  a  prerequisite  of  leader- 
ship. The  greatest  debaters 
of  the  world  were  Athenian 
citizens,  interested  in  the  af- 
fairs of  the  commonwealth; 
advocates,  partisans  ;  men  who 
espoused  one  side  of  a  ques- 
tion with  a  passionate  zeal  that 
displaced  all  other  considera- 
tions and  made  life  a  burden  until  the  passion 
was  liberated  in  utterance.  From  this  it  should 
not  be  inferred  that  all  the  Greek  orators  were 


THTCYDroES.— Vi» 

conti. 


GREECE.— LANGUAGE,  LITERATURE,  AND  ART. 


476 


men  of  vehement  manner  in  public  address. 
In  this  respect  there  were  two  classes  of  speakers; 
the  one  represented  hy  Pi  ricles,  who  in  deliv- 


ery was  calm  and  deliberate,  using  no  gestures- 
and  exhibiting  few  marked  changes  of  coun- 
tenance;   and    the    other    by    Demosthenes^ 


UJiKODOTUo  RKADING  Ills  lllsmilY  To  TlIE  ASSEMBLKD  GKEKKS. 
Drawn  by  U.  Leutcmaiiii. 


171 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


•whose  fiery  impetuositj'  and  rapidity  of  utter- 
ance were  the  marvel  of  his  age. 

It  has  been  disputed  whether  oratory  is 
properly  a  division  of  literature.  Be  that  as 
•it  may,  certain  it  is  that  the  orator,  being  by 
profession  a  man  of  affairs,  is  more  intimately 
involved  with  the  current  of  public  life,  and 
is  therefore  more  properly  a  part  of  the  secu- 
lar history  of  his  country  than  is  the  man  of 
letters.  It  thus  becomes  proper  to  consider 
the  orator  and  his  work  in  connection  with 
the  civil  and  military  affau'S  of  the  state 
rather  than  in  a  sketch  of  the  national  litera- 
ture. This  method  wUl  here  be  followed,  and 
the  account  of  Pericles,  jEschines,  Demosthe- 
nes, and  the  other  great  exemplars  of  Greek 
oratory,  will  be  reserved  for  a  future  chapter 
where  their  relations  to  the  state  will  sug- 
gest approisriate  notices  of  their  lives  and 
influence. 

Passing,  then,  to  the  consideration  of  the 
Art  of  the  Hellenes  we  find  materials  of  the 
profoundest  interest.  Long  before  the  strug- 
gles of  the  Heroic  Age  awaked  the  conscious 
powers  of  the  Greeks  there  had  been  in 
Hellas  an  epoch  of  art.  A  people  had  lived 
there  who  built  structures  as  imperishable  as 
those  of  Nineveh  and  Jlemphis.  Of  this  sort 
may  be  mentioned  the  ancient  reservoirs  at 
Orchomenus  in  Boeotia,  the  so-called  Cyclo- 
pean walls  of  Tiryns,  and  the  massive  ruins 
which  have  recently  been  uncovered  by 
■Schliemaon  at  Mycense.  All  of  these  are 
prehistoric  and  all  exhibit  unmistakable  proof 
•of  the  architectural  skill  of  some  primitive 
people  who  dwelt  in  Hellas  before  the  age  of 
the  Hellenes.  The  citadel  of  Agamemnon 
and  the  Gate  of  Lions  at  Mycense  seem  to 
•establish  the  fact  of  an  organized  community, 
swayed  by  arbitrary  authority,  primitive  but 
ekillful,  at  a  period  long  anterior  to  that  in 
whicli  the  Greeks  began  the  record  of  their 
own  career  as  a  people.  There  is  thus  in 
•Greek  art  a  mythical  period  corresponding  to 
the  age  of  fable  and  tradition.  WTiile  thf. 
Hellenes  were  stiU  in  the  shadows  of  legcj.d 
and  myih,  nconumeuts  were  reared  in  Argo- 
lis  and  Boeotia,  whose  presence  was  an  enigma 
to  the  Greeks  themselves,  and  the  interpretation 
■of  which  has  been  the  puzzle  of  antiquarians. 


The  ruins  of  Mycente  are  primitive  in 
structure.  They  are  massive  and  peculiar. 
In  the  building  of  what  is  thought  to  have 
been  the  treasure-house  of  the  king  of  the 
people,  much  artistic  skill  is  displayed.  In 
the  center  of  solid  masonry  of  hewn  stone  is 
a  conical  vault,  the  arch  being  produced  by 
the  narrowing  of  successive  layers.  The 
stones  were  formerly  lined  with  plates  of 
bronze,  as  were  also  the  ornaments  on  the 
outside  of  the  vault.  The  plates  were  ham- 
mered, aud  were  held  to  their  place  on  the 
face  of  the  stone  with  rivets.  Within  this 
treasure-house  Schliemann  discovered  vessels 
and  utensils  of  gold,  evidently  belonging 
to  a  royal  period  in  the  history  of  some  prim- 
itive race. 

After  this  epoch  most  ancient  in  the  art 
of  Hellas  several  centuries  passed  with  no 
development.  It  was  an  age  of  shadows, 
perhaps  of  decline.  Not  untU  the  times  just 
preceding  the  Persian  wars  was  there  the 
dawn  of  the  true  day  of  the  art  of  the  Greeks. 
Of  the  sixth  century  B.  C.  only  a  single  tem- 
ple has  been  preserved ;  but  of  the  following 
hundred  years  the  great  columnar  edifices  of 
Selinus,  Agrigentum,  and  Prestum  remain  as 
immortal  monuments  of  the  age. 

The  nucleus  of  the  Greek  temple  was  the 
cella,  where  stood  the  statue  of  the  deity.  In 
the  earliest  times  the  statue  was  set  in  a  grove ; 
the  thought  of  protection  from  the  elements 
suggested  the  erection  of  a  covering.  The 
temple  may  thus  be  regarded  as  the  house  of 
the  statue  rather  than  the  house  of  the  god. 
At  first  the  structure  was  no  more  than  four 
walls  inclosing  a  cell,  with  a  roof  to  shelter 
the  image.  Then  came  elaboration.  Columns 
were  erected,  first  in  front,  and  then  on  all 
four  sides,  and  on  the  tops  of  these  were 
placed  the  entablature.  With  the  growth  of 
artistic  design  the  original  idea  of  the  temple 
was  in  a  measure  obscured.  In  the  great 
structures  of  the  classic  age  only  faint  reminis- 
cences of  the  primeval  edifice  were  pre^°.rved. 

The  origin  of  columns  can  never  peia.ips 
be  ascertained.  Long  before  Greece  was 
Greece,  tha  columnar  structure  had  been  em- 
ployed in  Egypt  and  in  parts  of  the  East. 
In  the  migration  of  the  Hellenes  from  the'» 


GREECE.— LANGUAGE,  LITERATURE,  AND  ART. 


477 


Asiatic  home  they  hrouglit  with  them  a 
knowledge  of  i)illared  structure.  It  was  uot 
so  much,  therefore,  as  inventors  ■  that  the 
Ionian  and  Dorian  Greeks  produced  their 
respective  styles  of  column,  but  rather  as 
improvers  and  beautifiers  of  what  already 
existed  in  a  ruder  and  less  perfect  form.  Side 
by  .side  the  two  columnar  styles  appeared  in 
the  Hellenic  architecture — the  Doric  and  the 
Ionic — each  perfect  in  its  kind— each  capa- 
ble of  the  grandest  effects  known  to  the 
builder's  art. 

In  their  general  structure  the  two  orders  of 
temple  dittered  but  little.  The  grounil-plau 
and  design  in  both  were  the  same.  AValled 
terraces  -were  first  constructed  lifting  the  edi- 
fice above  the  profane  level  of  its  surround- 
ings. Upon  the  platform  thus  produced  the 
temple  proper  was  reared.  Around  the  cella 
were  the  four  walls,  and  around  these  those 
sublime  colonnades  of  fluted  j)illars  which 
have  remained  the  admiration  of  all  after 
ages.  The  covered  space  of  the  Greek  temple 
was  thus  greatly  extended  beyond  the  rectan- 
gle of  the  walls.  On  the  capitals  rested  a 
decorated  impost.  This  consisted  of  three 
parts:  the  architrave,  the  frieze,  and  the  cor- 
nice. The  roof  rose  over  all  in  a  gentle  slope, 
presenting  at  each  end  a  triangular  space, 
called  the  tympanum.  Upon  this  were  set 
those  immortal  sculptures  the  parallel  of 
which  has  never  been  seen  in  the  world. 

The  interior  space  of  the  classic  temple 
was  lighted  from  above  by  an  opening  in 
the  roof,  called  the  hijpalthnm.  In  the  back- 
ground of  this  single  hall  stood  the  statue  of 
the  god  to  whom  the  edifice  was  dedicated. 
In  some  instances,  when  the  temjile  was  of 
great  si/.e,  the  inner  space  was  divided  by 
transverse  rows  of  columns,  and  thesfe  stood 
sometimes  one  row  above  the  other,  forming 
a  gallery  around  the  hall.  Such  was  the  ar- 
rangement in  the  great  temple  of  Neptune  at 
Pjestum. 

Not  every  thing  in  temple  decoration 
was  left  to  the  artist's  chisel,  but  much  to 
the  |>airitcr's  brush.  C'ohiiun,  impost,  gable, 
and  iciliug  were  all  artistically  colored.  In 
strength  and  brilliancy  of  hue  the  pigments 
employed  by  the   Greek    painters  of  this  age 


surpassed  all  rivalry.  Whatever  the  brightest 
and  richest  tints  of  blue  and  gold  and  crim- 
son could  do  to  set  the  temple  in  a  blaze  of 
glory,  radiant  as  the  sunshine  of  the  Grecian 
sky,  that  was  added  by  the  decorative  skill  of 
the  artist  to  the  already  sublime  work  of  the 
builder  and  the  sculptor.  Both  the  Doric  and 
Ionic  temples  were  thus  improved  with  the 
beautiful  effects  of  color  deftly  laid  on  under 
the  guidance  of  the  keenest  artistic  per- 
ception. 

In  Asia  Minor  and  the  -lEgean  islands  the 
Ionic  style  of  structure  prevailed  over  the 
Doric,  but  in  Athens  and  throughout  Hellas 
Proper  both  styles  flourished  together.  As 
already  said,  the  two  differed  in  the  column — ■ 
not  in  the  general  character  of  the  edifice. 
The  Doric  pillar  was  imposing,  massive.  It 
gave  a  solemn  grandeur  to  the  building  of 
which  it  was  the  principal  feature.  It  added 
an  air  of  seriousness  and  solidity.  It  was 
plain  to  une  last  degree  of  severity.  It  was 
baseless  and  virtually  without  a  capital,  hav- 
ing only  a  massive,  circular  disk  upon  the 
top  to  support  the  architrave.  The  diameter 
of  the  pillar  was  so  great  as  to  shorten  its  ap- 
parent height ;  the  shaft  tapered  but  little  ; 
it  stood  calmly  in  the  repose  of  infinite 
strength.  The  Ionic  column,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  the  pillar  of  beauty.  Its  height 
was  augmented  by  the  slender  and  tapering 
shaft.  Elegance  and  grace  and  delicacy  added 
each  her  charm  to  this  fluted  dream  of  Greek 
architecture.  The  Ionic  pillar  rose  on  a  beau- 
tiful pedestal  and  was  crowned  with  a  capital 
ornate  and  airy.  It  was  the  poetry,  as  the 
Doric  was  the  prose,  of  the  magnificent  tem- 
ples of  Greece. 

Of  such  grand  structures  almost  every 
Greek  city  could  make  its  boast.  These  were 
the  splendid  edifices  which  were  laid  in  ruins 
by  the  Persians.  These  were  the  grand  struc- 
tures which  rose  again  with  added  beauty  in 
the  age  of  Pericles,  when  Grecian  civilization 
shone  with  its  richest  luster.  Then  it  waa 
that  the  Acropolis  became  the  seat  of  the 
guardian  gods  of  the  land,  and  was  adorned 
as  no  other  hill  of  the  world.  Tcmjiles  and 
statues,  the  work  of  the  best  artists  over  pro- 
duced  by   the   race  of  man,  shone  att.    over 


478 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


land  and  sea  from  the  classical  and  splendid 
brow  of  Athens. 

Now  was  finished  the  Erechtheum,  the 
great  Ionic  shrine  of  the  gods  of  the  people. 
On  the  site  of  the  ancient  temple  of  Athene 
the  architect  Ictinus  erected  the  magical 
Parthenox,  the  ideal  of  Doric  grandeur, 
which  the  genius  of  Phidias  adorned  with  a 
wealth  of  art  never  equaled  before  or  after- 
wards. The  Propyl.ea  were  built  by  Mue- 
sicles— beautiful  colonnades  surmounting 
broad  flights  of  marble  steps  by  which  the 
Acropo2is  was  ascended. 


should  be  honored  with  the  name  oi.  preser- 
vation. The  masterpieces  of  Plynotus,  of 
Zeuxis,  of  Apelles  have  sunk  into  oljlivion  ; 
only  their  imperishable  fame,  transmitted  by 
the  foreign  robbers  who  despoiled  Greece  of 
her  treasures,  has  remained  of  what  were 
doubtless  the  greatest  achievements  of  the 
human  genius  displaying  its  powers  on  can- 
vas. All  that  we  can  ever  hope  for  is  to  see 
faintly  reflected  in  the  painting  of  Hercula- 
na;um  and  Pompeii  the  borrowed  glories  of 
the  pencils  of  the  Greeks. 

We  are  not,  however,  left  wholly  in  the 


Thotis.  Achilles.  Eos.  31 

GREEK  AFT.— FIGHT  OF  ACHILLES  AND   MEMNON. 
From   an  Archaio  Vnse.  Berlin. 


The  Age  of  Pericles  was  the  climax  of 
Grecian  architecture.  The  Peloponnesiau 
war  and  the  wild  career  of  the  democracy  in 
Athens  were  unfavorable  to  further  develop- 
■■nent,  even  if  further  development  had  been 
^  ossible.  The  same  great  age  witm^ssed  also 
the  highest  achievements  of  the  chisel  and 
the  brush.  The  art  of  the  painter  followed 
that  of  the  buijder.  Unfortunately  for  the 
world  the  work  of  the  former  was  less  sub- 
stantial than  that  of  the  latter.  Not  a  single 
piece  cf  Greek  painting  belonging  to  the 
periodof  developmentandgreatestexcellence 
has  been  preserved,  unless  indeed  the  tradi- 
tions and  reproductions  of  the  Roman  artists 


dark  as  to  the  actual  power  of  the  Grecian 
paintersinthe  adaptation  of  color  and  design. 
Though  every  canvas  of  the  great  masters  has 
perished,  there  yet  remain  the  decorated  vases 
of  Athens  and  Corinth.  From  these  we  are 
able  to  determine  with  some  degree  of  satis- 
faction and  within  the  narrow  limits  of  dei- 
orative  art  the  skill  in  color  and  design  dis- 
played by  the  artists,  or  more  properly  the 
handicraftsmen,  of  Greece.  In  these  works 
we  see,  as  in  other  branches  of  the  industry 
of  genius,  a  gradual  development  from  the 
mere  linear  decoration  of  the  primitive  pot- 
tery to  the  highly  artistic  designs  of  the  class- 
ical period,  when  the  figures  of  men  and  l)irds 


GREECE.— LANGUAGE,  LITERATURE,  AND  ART. 


and  beasts  are  given  with  the  best  effects  of 
ceramic  art. 

Of  the  great  painters  of  Greece  more  is 
known  than  of  their  works.  Pi.ygnotus,  who 
flourished  from  B.  C.  475  to  455,  is  regarded 
as  the  first  of  the  ma.stcrs.  By  him  many  of 
the  public  buildings  of  Athens  were  adorned 
with  elaborate  frescoes  and  splendid  panels. 
He  it  was  who  is  said  to  have  jjainted  Polyx- 
ena  with  such  expressiveness  of  countenance 
that  the  whole  Trojan  ivar  Jiaslied  from  her  eyes! 

Then  came  Zeuxis  and  ParrhjVSIus.  The 
first  painteii  grapes  which  deceived  the  birds, 


But  the  greatest  painter  of  the  Greeks  waa 
Apelles,  the  court  artist  of  Alexander  the 
Great.  He  was  an  Ionian  by  birth,  who  fol- 
lowed the  traditions  of  the  Sicyoniau  School. 
He  began  his  career  in  portraiture,  and  so 
great  was  his  fame  that  Alexander  would  per- 
mit no  other  to  paint  him.  The  generals  of 
the  Conqueror  and  the  beloved  Campaspe 
were  also  the  subjects  of  his  art.  From  por- 
traiture he  proceeded  to  mythological  themes, 
and  in  these  achieved  the  highest  honors. 
His  masterpiece  was  a  picture  of  Venm  Rising 
from  the   Sea,  executed   with  such  wonderful 


n-'i'-ii.  Menelaos. 

GREEK  ART.— CAPTURE  OF  HELEN  OF  TROY. 
From  an  Archaic  Vase,  Berlin. 


and  the  other  a  curtain  which  deceived  Zeuxis! 
Athens  applauded  the  achievements  of  her 
favorite  arti.sty,  and  wealth  ])()ur('(l  her  treasure 
into  their  laps.  TiriiMANUs  also  shared  their 
fame.  He  it  wa.s  wlm  in  his  Sacrifice  of  Iph- 
igeiiia,  unable  to  depict  as  he  would  t-bf*  irrief 
of  the  fatlier,  ilrnr  ,i  r,-il  oiw  hi.tftic>\  and  left 
the  rest  to  tliought.  This  great  artist  belonged 
to  what  is  known  as  the  Sieyonian  Seliool, 
and  to  a  time  subseijuent  to  the  age  of  Pericles. 
Fausias,  also,  was  a  member  of  this  group. 
He  liad  the  reputation  of  possessing  great 
realistic  jxiwers  and  extraordinary  genius  iu 
the  art  of  foreshortening. 


sweetness  and  delicacy  as  to  surpass  all  com- 
petition. 

From  the  age  of  Apelles  painting  declined 
until  its  glory  was  extinguished  with  the  glory 
of  Hellas  by  the  conquest  of  the  country  by 
the  Romans.  Nevertheless,  in  the  period  b.e- 
tween  the  time  of  Alexander  and  the  final 
destruction  of  Greek  nationality,  many  artists 
flourished  who  under  more  favorable  circum- 
stances would  have  done  honor  to  their  coun- 
try. Such  was  Protogenes  of  Rhodes  and 
the  realistic  Theon,  whose  picture  of  the 
Swordiman  gave  him  merited  fame. 

But  the    chisel    of   Hellas   surpassed    her 


480 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


pencil.  The  plastic  art  of  the  Greek  rose  to 
a  pitch  of  excellence  which  pictorial  repre- 
sentation never  could  attain.  Whatever  com- 
petition the  painters  of  modern  times — notably 
those  of  the  fifteenth  and  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury— may  claim  with  the  painters  of  Greece, 
competition  with  the  Greek  sculptors  there  is 
and  can  be  none.  It  is  safe  to  set  the  names 
of  Phidias  and  Praxiteles  in  a  category  by 
themselves ;  for  none  others  have  to  an  equal 
degree  won  the  admiration  of  mankind.  Like 
the  painting  of  the  Greeks,  sculpture  followed 
in  the  wake  of  the  useful  arts.  Literary 
culture  preceded  it.  Only  when  refinement 
and  leisure  had  been  attained  by  the  indus- 
trial pursuits,  only  when  war  had  aroused  and 
poetry  had  soothed  the  spirit  of  Hellas,  did  she 
begin  to  give  form  to  fancv  and  make  her 
thought  imperishable  in  marble. 


FIFTY   OAREI'  i;KKKK    BOAT. 

From  a  vase. 


Sculpture  had  its  rude  beginnings.  The 
early  Greek  exercised  his  skill  in  carving 
wood  and  hammering  metal.  The  art  of  cast- 
ing in  bronze,  said  to  have  been  first  practiced 
by  two  Samians,  Rhoicus  and  Theodoeus, 
also  preceded  the  carving  of  stone.  At  the  first 
sculpture  was  employed  almost  exclusively  for 
temple  decoration,  but  it  was  not  long  in 
being  freed  from  such  thraldom.  The  human 
form  became  the  model.  The  gymnasia  had 
taught  the  lesson  of  natural  modesty,  and  im- 
parted to  the  naked  body  all  the  exquisite 
grace  and  beauty  of  which  it  is  susceptible. 
To  reach  out  after  this  ideal  of  loveliness  was 
the  passion  which  seized  the  sculptors  of 
Greece  and  gave  them  inspiration.  So,  be- 
ginning in  ^gina,  a  class  of  artists  arose  who 
with  consummate  skill  began  to  chisel  in 
stone  the  beautiful  lineaments  of  the  human 
form. 

At  the  first  there  was  much  that  was 
rude  and   conventional,  but   the   artist   more 


and  more  threw  ofi"  his  fetters,  untU,  by  the 
middle  of  the  fifth  century,  perfect  freedom 
had  been  achieved.  Then  Myron  and  Poly- 
CLETtrs  arose,  the  one  with  his  great  works  in 
bronze,  and  the  other  with  his  beautiful  mar- 
bles. Myron  it  was  who  produced  the  Ladas, 
a  victor  in  a  foot  race  who  died  at  the  goal. 
The  last  gasp  is  on  his  lips.  He  pants.  He 
is  dead.  The  masterpieces  of  Polycletes  were 
the  Donjphor-us,  a  young  and  beautiful  spear- 
man ;  the  Diadmnemm,  a  boyish  figure,  bound 
as  to  his  brows  with  a  wreath  of  flowers ;  and 
the  Canephoroe,  or  maidens  with  their  baskets. 
Phidias  was  the  chief  glory  of  the  admin- 
istration of  Pericles.  To  him  was  committed 
the  work  of  making  the  Parthenon  sublime. 
From  his  studio  went  forth  trophy  after  trophy 
to  adorn  the  crowning  glory  of  the  Acropolis. 
Indeed,  it  is  not  conceivable  that  one  mind 

should  have  de- 
signed, much  less 
one  hand  executed, 
the  multitude  of 
works  which  are 
ascribed  to  Phidias. 
It  is  more  likely 
that  a  group  of 
great  artists,  work- 
ing under  his  direction  and  inspiration,  con- 
tributed in  keenest  rivalry  the  wonderful  dec- 
orations of  the  Parthenon.  A  description  of 
the  separate  pieces  would  occupy  a  chapter. 
Around  the  cella  was  a  frieze  four  huudred 
feet  in  length  covered  with  bas-reliefs.  The 
metopes  were  occupied  with  ninety-two  sculp- 
tures representing  the  Combats  of  the  Centaurs. 
The  work  on  the  frieze  presents  the  great 
procession  of  the  Panathemea—a.  living  pano- 
rama of  the  scenes  which  appealed  most 
strongly  to  the  imagination  of  the  Greeks. 

In  statuary  proper  Phidias,  if  possible,  sur- 
passed the  sublimity  of  his  reliefs.  His  statues 
of  Athene  and  the  Olympian  Zens  were  re- 
garded as  the  master  works  of  antiquity— the 
latter  being  classified  as  one  of  the  Seven 
Wonders  of  the  world.  Both  this  and  the 
Athene  were  done  in  that  magnificent  style 
of  art  called  chryselephantine,  that  is,  wrought  in 
ivory  and  gold.  It  was  a  revival  and  glorifi- 
cation   of  one   of  the    most   ancient    artistic 


GREECE.— LANGUAGE,  LITERATURE,  AND  ART. 


481 


methods  known  to  the  Greeks,  namely,  the 
overkiyiiig  of  a  statue  with  hammered  plates 
of  metal.  But  the  rude  works  of  the  primi- 
tive artists  gave  but  little  prophecy  of  the 
splendors  of  which  this  style  was  capable  in 
the  hands  of  a  Phidias.  To  him  also  was  at- 
tributed the  famous  group  of  Niobe  —  that 
mother  of  anguish,  smitten  by  the  gods  for 
her  maternal  pride. 

After  Phidias,  Praxiteles  stands  highest 
among   the    sculptors   of   the    Greeks.      His 


this  artist  that  Alexander  would  be  modeled 
by  no  other.  His  most  famous  work  is  the 
A2)oxyomenos,  now  in  the  Vatican  Museum. 
After  the  time  of  Lysippus  two  schools  of 
sculpture  arose,  the  one  having  its  seat  in 
Pergamon  and  the  other  in  Rhodes.  The 
artists  of  these  schools  followed  and  imitated 
their  predecessors;  but  their  works  in  many 
instances  exhibited  original  force  directed  by 
the  hand  of  genius.  The  Pergamine  sculptors 
were  specially  noted  for  the  realistic  effects  at 


PHIDIAS  IN  HIS  STUDY. 


theme  was  pa.'«ionate  love.  Venus  was  his 
ideal.  In  five  statues  lie  gave  her  the  form  of 
marble.  His  Aphrodiie  Kn'ulo*  is  preserveti — 
in  a  copy — iu  the  museum  at  Munich.' 

At  the  head  of  the  sculptors  of  the  time 
of  Alexander  the  Great  stood  Lvsiprus.  He 
introduced  a  new  quality  into  statuary — that 
of  an  ideal  refinement  upon  nature.  His 
works  show  a  delicacy  in  liud)  and  member 
which  could  hardly  be  equaled  in  those  of  any 
other  master.     So  great  was  the  reputation  of 

'The  TVnits  of  Melon,  by  an  unknown  artist,  be- 
longs to  this  pericKl,  and  is  regiinle<i  as  jxir  excelknce 
the  most  beautiful  piece  of  Grecian  sculpture. 


which  they  aimed  in  their  productions,  many 
of  which  are  wonderful  in  fidelity.  Such  ia 
the  celebrated  piece  representing  a  dying 
Gaul  in  the  Roman  amphitheater — a  work 
which  evoked  from  the  genius  of  Byron  one 
of  his  finest  stanzas : 
"I  see  before  me  the  gladiator  lie; 

He  leans  upon  his  luind — his  manly  brow 
Consents  to  death,  hut  conquers  agony. 

And  his  drooped  head  sinks  gradually  low — 

And  through  his  side  the  last  drops,  ebbing  slow 
From  the  red  gash,  fall  heax*}-,  one  by  one. 

Like  the  first  of  a  tlnindcr-shower ;  and  now 
The  arena  swims  around  him — he  is  gone, 
Ere  cea.sed  the  inhunuui  shout  which  hailed  1ih» 
wret<-h  who  won." 


182 


UNIVERSAL  HIHTORY.—THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Of  the  Rhodian  school  of  artists  ttie  work 
of  greatest  merit  wliieli  has  been  preserved  is 
the  group  of  the  Laocooti,  the  joint  product 
of  the  three  sculptors,  Agesandros,  Athana- 
DORUS,  and  Polydorus.  This  celebrated  piece 
and  the  Dying  Gladiator,  just  described,  stand 


j)ruductions  of  Grecian  chisels  down  to  the 
time  when  the  freedom  of  Hellas  was  extin- 
guished by  the  Romans.  From  that  time 
forth,  though  the  love  of  art  continued,  no 
artists  arose  to  rival  the  great  masters  who  had 
flourished  before  the  days  of  spoliation  and 


THE  PARTHENON  RESTORED.— Finished  438  B.  C. 


in  the  museum  of  the  Vatican  at  Rome.  A 
second  work  of  Rhodian  art,  almost  as  cele- 
brated as  the  Laocoon,  is  the  group  of  the 
Famese  Bull,  representing  the  binding  of 
Dirke  to  a  wild  bull  by  Amphion  and  Zethus. 
It  is  the  joint  product  of  the  sculptors  Apol- 
LONHJS  and   Taukiscus.     Such  were  the  last 


servitude.  It  became  the  policy  of  Rome, 
however,  to  foster  for  her  own  glory  the 
genius  of  the  Greeks;  and  under  her  liberal 
patronage  were  produced  not  a  few '  of  the 
celebrated  sculptures  to  be  hereafter  noticed, 
such  as  the  ApoUo  Belvedere  and  the  Venus  de 
Medid. 


CHAFO^ER    XXXIX.— IVIANNERS    AND  CUSTOMS. 


HE  life  of  the  Greeks  was 
preeminently  a  life  of 
publicity.  At  day-break 
the  people  rose  and  went 
forth.  Having  broken 
his  fast  with  some  bread 
dipped  in  wine,  the  citi- 
zen sought  the  open  place  to  take  his  part  in 
the  busy  scene  of  public  and  private  affairs. 
Even  before  this  early  hour  the  country  folk 
had  arisen  and  made  their  way  to  the  markets. 
In  the  marts  were  exposed  the  products  of 
the  field  and  the  garden.     Here  were  vegeta- 


bles and  fruit  and  milk  and  honey.  At  the 
fountains  were  seen  the  water-carriers  hurry- 
ing to  and  fro  with  their  pitchers.  The  arti- 
sans and  shopkeepers  soon  thronged  the  streets, 
and  the  city  hummed  with  the  noise  of  indus- 
try. Nor  should  the  troops  of  boys  hurrying 
to  school  be  forgotten  as  an  interesting  feature 
of  the  life  that  filled  the  streets  of  Athens  at 
early  morning. 

The  public  market  of  the  city  was  a  scene 
of  hurry  and,  withal,  of  hilarity;  for  the 
Athenians  were  never  morose.  The  buildings 
stood  in  the  center  of  town,  where  the  prin- 


GREECE.— MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS. 


48S 


cipal  streets  crossed,  affording  ready  entrance 
from  all  directious.  Instead  of  the  low  booths 
which  iu  modern  cities  so  often  pass  i'or  market- 
houses,  the  Greeks  gave  to  their  buildings 
used  for  this  purpose  much  care,  both  in 
structure  and  ornamentation.  The  place  was 
not  only  a  market  but  a  public  promenade, 
where  friend  met  friend,  exchanged  the  usual 
civilities  of  life,  and  discussetl  the  affairs  of 
the  state. 

In  the  different  apartments  of  the  market 
the  various  products  were  exposed,  each  after  its 
kind.  Some  sold  wine;  others,  fruits;  others, 
peas  and  lentils;  others,  flowers.  For  the 
Oreeks  never  banqueted  uutil  they  had 
wreathed  themselves  with  flowers.  It  was  the 
«stheticism  of  a  natural  civilization.  The 
flower-girls  of  the  Greek  market-place  were 
many  times  made  the  subjects  of  the  painter's 
brush  and  the  sculptor's  chi^^el. 

Not  only  were  the  daily  needs  of  the  people 
supplied  from  the  market,  but  around  this 
eauare  of  the  city  were  arranged  the  prineiind 
buildings  belonging  to  the  other  vocations: 
shops  of  artisijus,  physicians'  stjUls,  artists' 
studios,  places  for  loungers  and  gossips.  Here 
the  witty  assembled.  Here  the  doctors  dis- 
coursed on  the  art  of  healing.  Here  Hip- 
pocrates prescribed  for  his  patients.  Here 
the  popular  satirist  made  the  physician  smart 
with  his  puns  and  epigrams.  Of  Dr.  Hermas 
the  bitter  rogue  said  : 

"  Diophantes,  sleeping,  saw, 
Hermas,  tlie  pliysician : 
Dioiihaiites  never  woke 

From  that  fatjil  vision  !  " 

Around  tlic  market  were  also  gathered 
clowns  and  showmen,  sellers  of  amulets  and 
charms,  venders  of  nostrums  and  ointments. 
In  another  part  were  the  money-changers  and 
bankers,  domestic  nu-rchants  and  importers  of 
foreign  goods.  The  money-changers  were  the 
notaries  who  aut'nenticated  documents  and 
certified  the  validity  of  contracts.  Thev  re- 
ceived deposit.-*,  charged  commissions,  issued 
checks  and  drafts.  Before  their  benches  were 
frequently  seen  many  of  the  wealthiest  citi- 
zens of  the  state. 

The  great  majority  of  those  who  plied  vo- 
cations in  the  Greek  market  were  men.  The 
N. — Vol.  I — 30 


exceptions  were  in  the  case  of  the  sellers  of 
bread  and  flowers.  These  branches  were  man- 
aged by  women  and  girls.  The  ladies  of 
Athens  went  not  to  market.  But  of  men — 
old  men,  youths,  striplings — all  classes  were 
here  congregated  from  day  to  day.  Here 
Socrates  walked  with  his  demure  visage  and 
far-seeing  eyes.  Here  Diogenes  carried  his 
lantern.  Here  came  the  frivolous  dandy  with 
his  new  suit  and  cane.  Only  the  public 
officers,  who  during  market  hours  were  engaged 
elsewhere  in  administrative  duties,  and  the 
artisans  plying  their  vocations,  were  not  seen 
in  the  noisy  but  witty  crowds  about  the  public 
market. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  several  traits  of 
Athenian  character — its  rage  for  discussion, 
its  whimsicality,  its  madness  for  politics — were 
in  some  measure  traceable  to  the  life  of  the 
market-place.  Here  grew  and  was  stimulated 
that  tendency  to  extremes  for  which  the 
Greelcs  have  been  so  much  marked  by  soberer 
peoples.  They  were  capable  within  the  brief- 
est period  of  feeling  and  exhibiting  the  highest 
pitch  of  enthusiasm  and  the  lowest  ebb  of 
despondency.  In  the  market  one  spirit  fired 
a  thousand.  There  bad  news  quenched  hi- 
larity and  sent  all  to  their  homes  in  despair. 

'ilie  citizens  of  Athens — and  Athens  is 
typical  of  all  the  free  cities  of  Greece— were 
a  populace.  It  was  the  native  soil  of  the 
demagogue,  the  sycophant,  the  statesman. 
Whether  a  man  would  be  one  or  the  other  de- 
pended upon  his  character  and  genius.  Polit- 
ical parties  could  but  flourish  here.  Athena 
was  a  lawyers'  camp.  Broils  and  litigation 
were  the  necessary  results  of  that  type  of  free- 
dom which  was  claimed  by  the  primitive 
democracy. 

So  vast  was  the  activity  and  so  keen  the 
litigious  instincts  of  the  Athenians,  that  in  the 
heyday  of  the  city's  power  a  fourth  or  fifth 
of  her  people  attended  court  every  day ! 
Aristophanes,  in  his  comedy  of  the  Birds,  de- 
clares that  the  cicada  sings  for  a  month,  but 
that  the  Athenians  buzz  with  lawsuits  to  the 
end  of  their  lives.  The  satirist  then  makes 
two  Athenians,  tired  out  with  the  unceasing 
contentions  of  their  city,  go  on  high  and  found 
another  commonwealth   in    the  clouds.      But 


464 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


scarcely  was  the  new  city  organized  until  the 
Athenian  lawyers  and  sycophants  rose  in  a 
flock  and  went  to  it ! 

While  Athens  remained  under  the  aris- 
tocracy, courts  were  organized  in  ten  different 
quarters  of  the  city.  When  the  government 
took  on  the  democratic  form,  the  judicial 
power  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  whole  hody 
of  the  citizens.  From  all  who  were  over 
thirty  years  of  age  six  thousand  were  drawn 
by  lot  to  act  as  jurymen.  Of  these  one  thou- 
sand were  drawn  out  as  talesmen.  The  re- 
maining five  thousand  were  divided  into  ten 
sections,  and  each  section  was  assigned  to  hear 
causes  in  one  of  the  ten  judicial  districts  of 
the  city.  Except  on  the  occasion  of  public 
festivals  and  holidays,  these  courts  sat  every 
day  in  the  year.  High  benches  were  arranged 
for  each  of  the  great  juries,  and  on  a  lower 
level  in  front  was  the  arena  where  the  suitors 
and    their   advocates   appeared    ,n   the   trial. 

The  proceedings  were  always  public,  and 
were  attended  by  great  throngs,  who  were  anx- 
ious to  witness  what  was  done,  and  especially  to 
hear  the  pleadings.  The  courts  indeed  were 
much  more  attended  than  was  the  Pnyx,  where 
four  times  a  year  were  held  the  meetings  of 
the  great  assembly.  The  fee  which  was  paid 
for  presence  at  court  was  larger  than  that 
which  was  given  for  going  to  the  Puyx,  and 
for  this  reason  the  magistrates  had  to  adopt 
-the  measure  of  fining  in  order  to  secure 
attendance  at  the  latter.  Sometimes  a  rope 
smeared  with  red  paint  was  stretched  across 
the  street  and  carried  rapidly  forward  with  a 
hustling  crowd  in  front ;  for  whoever  was 
touched  with  the  paint  wa.s  punished  with  a 
fine.  A  suificient  crowd  could  thus  be  ob- 
tained to  attend  to  the  legislative  affairs  of 
the  city.  When  the  people  were  assembled 
on  the  terraces  of  the  Pnyx  and  order  had 
been  secured  by  the  bailiffs  and  policemen, 
any  citizen  might  pi-opose  a  measure  and 
secure,  if  he  could,  its  adoption.  Any  one 
might  address  the  assembly  foi  or  against  the 
proposed  measure,  and  in  doing  so  the  speaker 
wore  a  crown  as  a  badge  of  inviolability.  So 
great  was  the  concession  to  freedom  of  speech ! 

The  edicts   of  the  public    ass<=Tably  were 
carried  into  effect  by  the  Bmde,  or  Council,  a 


body  of  five  hundred  citizens,  to  whom  was 
committed  the  execution  of  the  laws.  The 
meetings  of  this  body  were  held  in  the  Bouleu- 
terium,  a  pul)lic  building  situated  between  the 
Acropolis  and  the  market-space.  The  Council 
was  divided  iuto  ten  sections  of  fifty  members 
each,  aud  each  section  was  assigned  its  turn 
in  duty  by  lot.  It  was  before  this  Boule  or 
Great  Council  that  the  international  affairs  of 
Greece  were  transacted.  It  had  control  in 
general  of  foreign  affairs.  It  received  amba* 
sadors  aud  made  treaties.  To  be  a  member 
of  this  august  body  was  the  highest  civil  dig- 
nity to  which  an  Athenian  might  aspire ;  and 
yet  so  complete  was  the  reign  of  democracy 
that  any  one,  however  humble,  might  hope 
for  a  seat  in  the  Bouleuterium.  So  great  was 
the  difference  between  the  freedom  of  Greece 
and  the  absolutism  of  the  oriental  monarchies! 

In  entering  the  domain  of  the  private  life 
of  the  Greeks  what  first  strikes  the  attention 
is  their  hospitality.  It  was  a  fundamental 
principle  with  the  Hellenes  that  the  stranger 
should  be  entertained.  Though  he  were  an 
enemy,  Zeus  Xenios  required  that  he  be  re- 
ceived in  a  hospitable  manner.  No  question 
might  be  asked  of  the  stranger  who  came  unan- 
nounced. He  might  take  his  seat  at  the  board, 
and  should  be  served  with  the  best.  After  he 
had  eaten  and  drank,  his  nativity  and  mission 
might  be  inquired.  From  the  days  of  Homer 
the  guest  was  received  with  courtesy.  He 
was  given  a  bath.  Food  and  drink  were 
placed  before  him.  Servants  attended  to  his 
comfort.  A  couch  was  spread  in  the  hall. 
He  rested.     He  went  his  way  in  peace. 

With- a  development  of  Greek  society,  how- 
ever, there  was  a  necessary  curtailment  of  pa- 
triarchal hospitality.  Travel  for  travel's  sake 
became  more  common,  the  demands  upon  so 
cial  bounty  more  numerous.  StUl  there  never 
was  a  time  when  hospitality  ceased  to  be  the 
rule.  There  was  something  iu  the  nature  of 
the  Greek  analogous  to  what  is  seen  in  the 
modern  Parisian.  He  was  sociable.  By  pref- 
erence he  ate  not  alone.  He  either  invited 
others  or  was  himself  entertained.  He  could 
not  endure  solitude.  Life  with  him  was  de- 
fined as  an  opportunity  to  talk ;  and  the  best 
of  life  was  with  a  group  of  friends  at  the  table. 


GREECE.— MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS. 


4S6 


In  the  earlier  times  the  Greeks  lived  fru- 
gally. The  fare  of  the  Homeric  heroes  was 
of  the  plainest.  The  meats  were  the  flesh  of 
the  domestic  auimals  roasted  on  spits.  Home- 
made bread  was  pa.sscd  from  liand  to  hand. 
Nor  did  the  ancient  Hellenes,  like  the  glut- 
tons of  Rome,  eat  to  repletion  and  satiety. 
With  the  development  of  the  means  of  living 
greater  variety  was  introduced.  Poultry  and 
game  were  added  to  the  meats.  Fish  and 
cheese  liccame  staple  articles  of  food.  Oys- 
ters and  crabs  and  Boeotian  eels  came  to  be 
regarded  as  delicacies  on  the  tables  of  the 
rich.  Most  of  the  vegetables  peculiar  to  the 
north  temperate  zone  where  it  slopes  towards 
the  tropics  were  abundantly  served.  Then 
came  the  wines,  of  which  the  variety  and  qual- 
ities produced  from  the  vintages  of  Hellas 
and  the  Cyclades  were  superior  to  those  of 
any  contemporaneous  country. 

As  a  rule  the  preparation  of  the  feast  was 
intrusted  to  the  supervision  of  the  Greek  ma- 
tron with  whom  it  was  a  point  of  honor  that 
her  lord  and  his  guests  should  banquet  in 
good  style.  Where  the  feast  was  of  such 
proportions  as  to  become  a  public  reception 
rather  than  a  private  meal,  the  services  of 
professional  cooks  were  procured  for  the  occa- 
sion. Though  woman  was  then,  as  ever,  the 
presiding  genius  of  the  preparation,  she  was 
allowed  no  place  at  the  board.  W^hen,  how- 
ever, there  were  no  invited  guests,  the  hus- 
band frequently  dined  with  his  wife  in  the 
gymeconilis  or  woman's  apartment  of  the 
house. 

At  nearly  every  meal,  however,  friends  were 
invited ;  for  in  the  gymnasia  and  market- 
place man  met  man,  and  the  two  went  to- 
getiier  to  dine.  Before  the  meal  was  begun 
all  the  participants  carefully  prepared  them- 
selves. They  bathed.  Thoy  perfumed  them- 
selves. They  put  on  their  best  attire.  When 
all  W!»s  ready,  they  exchanged  salutations. 
An  ode  was  sung.  The  table  was  spread  in 
the  andronUis,  or  the  man's  hall  of  the  house. 
The  board  was  adorned  with  coverings  and 
hangings.  Couches  were  spread ;  for  the 
Greeks  reclined  at  the  feast.  The  left  arm 
rested  on  a  cushion.  The  head  was  crowned 
with  a  cliaplet  of    flowers.     On    each    couch 


were  two  guests.  The  place  of  honor  was 
next  to  the  host.  Each  was  assigned  his 
place  at  the  board.  A  slave  spread  the 
viands  and  brought  the  cups  of  wine.  A 
spoon  was  laid  before  each  guest.  Plates 
there  were  none ;  neither  knives  nor  forks. 
The  meats  were  served  already  cut  into  bits, 
which  the  eaters  took  with  their  fingers.  The 
drinking  was  reserved  for  the  close.  Then 
the  wine  was  mingled  with  two  or  three  parts 
of  water :  the  Greek  was  by  nature  too  much 
of  an  {esthete  to  drink  fire  at  a  banquet. 

The  servants  of  the  table  were  the  young- 
est and  handsomest  slaves.  They  crowned 
the  heads  of  the  banqueters  with  flowers,  and 
garlanded  their  breasts  with  myrtle  and  vio- 
lets. After  the  feast  came  the  song  and  the 
dance,  generally  performed  by  the  servants. 
The  guests  were  many  times  heated  with 
wines,  and  not  infrequently  the  feast  degen- 
erated into  a  revel.  It  was,  however,  the 
excess  of  nature  rather  than  the  deliberately 
sought  intoxication  which  the  drinkers  of  the 
North  indulged  in  for  the  sheer  oblivion  which 
followed.  To  the  Greek,  delight,  exhilaration, 
exuberance  of  spirit,  the  joyous  ecstasy"  of 
companionship,  the  thrill  of  elevated  emotion, 
the  forgetful ness  rather  than  the  oblivion  of 
care  and  dread, — such  were  the  motives  of 
his  abandonment  to  the  pleasures  of  drink. 
So  he  and  his  poets  praised  the  wine.  Anac- 
reon  but  expressed  the  common  question  of 
the  Greek  race  in  one  of  his  odes : 

"  Tliirsty  earth  drinks  up  the  ruin. 
Trees  from  earth  drink  that  again. 
Ocean  drinlis  the  air,  the  sun 
Drinks  tlie  sea,  and  him  the  moon. 
Any  reason  canst  thou  tliiuk 
I  should  tliirst  while  all  these  drink?" 

Such  was  the  power  and  influence  of  the 
Greek  feast  that  the  greatest  of  the  philoso- 
phers and  sages  forebore  not  to  participate  in 
its  pleasures  and  to  praise  both  it  and  its 
memories.  So  did  even  Socrates  and  Plato. 
When,  in  B.  C.  416,  the  poet  Agathon,  on 
the  day  after  his  victory  in  tragic  verse,  gave 
a  banquet  to  his  friends,  the  greatest  minds 
of  the  ancient  world  gathered  in  honor  of  the 
occasion ;  and  'he  feast  itself  was  made  thf 
basis  of  Plato's  Symjwgium,  one  of  the    most 


486 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


charming  pieces  of  literature  whicli  ever  j^ro- 
ceeded  from  that  tall  spirit.' 

During  the  night  the  streets  of  Athens 
were  in  charge  of  public  slaves  and  police- 
men. For  such  offices  Scythians  were  jjre- 
ferred.  Ai-med  with  their  bows  and  arrows, 
they  patrolled  the  public  places,  and  muttered 
broken  Greek  at  the  disorderly.  About  one 
thousand  two  hundred  of  these  uncouth 
guards  were  nightly  encamped  on  the  Areop- 
agus. Their  services  were  in  constant  de- 
mand to  check  and  repress  the  uproar  and 
riot  of  the  unmanageable  crew  of  young 
Athenians  who  poured  through  the  streets  in 
the  reckless  abandonment  of  mischief  and  the 
not  infrequent  perpetration  of  crime. 

The  women  of  the  ancient  Greeks  had 
more  freedom  than  among  any  other  primitive 
people ;  and  they  repaid  the  gift  with  a 
munificent  contribution  of  beauty  and  faith- 
fulness. Alcestis  gives  her  life  as  a  ransom 
for  her  husband's.  Antigone  follows  a  father's 
wretched  fortunes  with  all  a  daughter's  love. 
Penelope  for  twenty  years  longs  for  her  absent 
lord.  What  to  her  are  suitors  while  he  is  far 
away?  Andromache  stands  by  Hector  to  the 
end.  Even  Helen  is  the  victim  of  the  in- 
trigue of  the  immortals  rather  than  the  way- 
ward and  guUty  wife,  insomuch  that,  after 
her  return  to  Menelaiis,  she  is  regarded  as  a 
true  and  noble  queen.  Such  was  woman  in 
the  age  of  the  heroes. 

In  the  later  developments  of  Greek  civiliza- 
tion woman  suffered.  She  became  restricted 
in  her  freedom,  and  lost  her  ascendency  over 
the  minds  of  men.  Perhaps  the  cliange  in 
her  condition  and  rank  may  be  attributed  to 
the  constant  encroachments  of  democracy, 
which,  by  making  every  man  a  participant  in 
public  afiiiirs,  while  not  conceding  like  pre- 
rogatives to  woman,  gradually  drew  off  one 
of  the  sexes  to  the  market-square  and  the 
Pnyx,  there  to  discuss  the  many  times  facti- 


'  It  will  be  remembered  that  it  was  at  this  feast 
of  Agathoii  tliat  the  mad-drunk  Alcibiades  broke 
in  unbidden,  assumed  the  role  of  symposiarch, 
drank  a  great  bowl  of  wine,  put  a  garland  on  the 
big,  brain-knotted  head  of  Socrates,  and  declared 
that  the  reason  why  the  old  sage  was  not  already 
drunken  was  because  there  was  not  wine  enough 
in  Greece  to  intoxicate  him ! 


tious  issues  of  politics,  while  at  the  same  timt 
the  other  sex  was  more  and  more  restricted  by 
domestic  duties  and  limited  by  the  horizon  of 
home.  It  was  the  pernicious  political  dis- 
covery that  each  of  the  sexes  has  a  "sphere" — 
a  discovery  which  has  cost  the  world  centuries 
of  retrogression. 

In  the  Dorian  and  Jilolian  states,  most 
notably  in  Sparta,  the  Greek  woman  came 
more  nearly  maintaining  her  old-time  inde- 
pendence and  consequent  influence  over  men 
and  public  affairs  than  in  the  more  highly 
civilized  commonwealths  of  the  lonians.  The 
Spartans  continued  to  make  a  boast  of  their 
women  long  after  the  time  when  the  philoso- 
phers, to  say  nothing  of  the  politicians,  of 
Athens  had  come  to  pass  them  by  with  indif- 
ference. The  Spartan  mothers  retained  the 
old-time  flavor  of  heroism  even  as  long  aa 
they  had  a  country.  They  reared  their  sons 
and  gave  them  to  the  state.  The  epitaph  of 
Damaiueta  continued  to  find  exemplification 
among  the  heroic  daughters  of  that  brave 
land — 

"  Eight  sons  Damaineta  to  battle  sent, 
,  And  buried  all  beneath  one  monument. 
No  tear  she  shed  for  sorrow,  but  thus  spake^ 
'Sparta,  I  bore  these  children  for  thy  sake.'  " 

The  Ionian  women  of  the  classical  age 
were  less  esteemed  for  heroic  than  for  femi- 
nine qualities.  The  girls  were  for  the  most 
part  secluded.  On  the  occasion  of  public  fes- 
tivals they  apjjeared  and  took  part  in  the 
songs  and  dances.  They  were  bred  more  and 
more  to  the  indoor  than  to  the  outdoor  life. 
Housekeeping,  however,  was  not  taught  until 
after  marriage.  Then  the  care  of  the  Greek 
home  devolved  almost  exclusively  upon  the 
woman.  In  tliis  relation  she  came  to  be  dis- 
prized  as  something  of  a  drudge.  The  poeta 
and  wits  made  her  the  object  of  innumerable 
satires.  She  was  left  to  her  beauty  and  grace 
for  protection  rather  than  to  any  chivalrous 
sentiment  among  the  men.  Nevertheless, 
with  these  many  disadvantages,  the  women 
of  Attica  continued  to  be  ladylike  and  noble. 
The  Greek  was  rarely  discourteous  to  his 
wife.  Her  modesty  and  dignity  were  not 
often  shocked  by  rude  language  or  base  con- 
duct.    Her  home  was  sacred  from  the  iutru 


GREECE.— MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS. 


487 


81011  of  Strangers,  and  she  was  little  annoyed 
by  the  recklessness  of  men. 

In  the  matter  of  marriage  the  selection  and 
contract  were  made  by  the  parents.  In  mak- 
ing choice  they  were  influenced  not  a  little 
by  those  social  considerations  which  the  over- 
prudent  father  and  mother  have  in  all  time 
been  disposed  to  substitute  for  the  preference 
of  the  parties  most  concerned.  The  prospec- 
tive husband  was  not  infrequently  obliged  to 
pay  the  debts  of  his  father-in-law  as  a  condi- 
tion of  betrothal.  But 
as  a  general  rule  the 
selection  of  the  hus- 
band or  wife  was  made 
from  the  circle  of 
friends  and  according 
to  the  wishes  of  the 
young  people  who  were 
to  be  joined.  Domes- 
tic happiness  was,  after 
all,  the  rule,  and  social 
misery  the  exception, 
in  the  households  of 
the  Greeks. 

As  it  respects  fidel- 
ity, the  law  was  very 
severe  with  the  women 
and  very  lax  with  the 
men.  The  discrimina- 
tion in  this  regard  was 
BO  great  that  in  some 
stages  of  Greek  society 
marriage  was  well-nigh 
at  a  discount  in  the 
presence  of  male  aban- 
donment. In  the  Io- 
nian   cities    of    Asia 

Minor  and  the  arcliipdago,  and  more 
particularly  in  Corinth  and  Athens,  a  large 
class  of  women  arose  known  as  hdarw, 
whose  lives  and  influence  were  opposed 
to  domestic  ties  and  wifehood.  Sometimes 
wotncii  of  this  class  were  accomplished 
to  the  last  degree  in  the  culture  of  their 
times.  Such  was  Thargelia  of  Jliletus,  who, 
in  her  relations  with  the  king  of  Persia,  exer- 
cised an  influence  in  favor  of  her  country. 
Such  especially  Wiis  the  renowned  Aspasia, 
who  by  her  association   with  Percles  became 


known  and  respected  throughout  all  Greece. 
Such  were  her  gifts  and  genius  that  both  he 
and  Socrates  acknowledged  their  indebtedness 
to  her  for  lessons  in  oratory  and  philosophy. 
Nor  should  mention  be  omitted  of  Lais,  who 
obtained  an  ascendency  over  the  cynical  spirit 
of  Diogenes.  The  story  of  the  Boeotian 
Phryne  is  well  known,  whose  charms  exposed 
before  the  judges  saved  her  from  sentence  of 
death,  and  whose  beauty  was  made  the  in- 
spiration of  Praxiteles  when  he   modeled  the 


TYPES  OF  GREEK  WOJIEN. » 

Venus  of  Kiiidos,  and   of  Apelles,   when  ho 
painted  the  goddess  rising  from  the  sea. 

Looking  ibr  the  home  of  the  Greek  we 
find  nothing  but  description.  Not  a  single 
house  of  the  classical  age  has  been  preserved 
for  tiu'  inspection  of  modern  times.  No  Her- 
cuhineum  or  Pompeii  has  laid  its  contribution 
of  protecting  ashes  on  a  Greek  town  or  vil- 
lage. But  the  descriptions  of  the  ancient 
writers  are  abundant,  and  from  these  may  be 

'  For  types  of  Men,  see  "  Heroes  of  the  Trojan 
War,"  p.  510. 


488 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


drawn  a  fair  reproduction  of  the  abodes  of 
the  Hellenes.  Their  houses  belonged  to  the 
Southern  rather  than  the  Northern  type  of 
buildings.  Instead  of  one  great  hall  lighted 
from  without  and  steeply  roofed,  the  house  of 
the  South  consisted  of  an  iuelosure  about  a 
rectangular  court,  from  which  the  light  is  ad- 
mitted into  the  various  apartments.  It  was  a 
house  of  this  sort  in  which  the  Greeks  of  the 
Heroic  Age  made  their  dwelling.  Whether 
the  common  abode  of  the  peasant  or  the 
palace  of  the  prince  the  type  was  the  same, 
the  structure  being  varied  merely  in  its  de- 
tails and  adornment. 

The  first  distinctive  feature  of  the  Greek 
house  within  was  the  division  into  a  man's 
and  a  woman's  department — the  andronitis  and 
the  gymeconitis.  Above  the  first  court  was  a 
second  or  even  a  third,  according  to  the 
wealth  and  ambition  of  the  builder.  In  vil- 
lages and  other  situations  where  there  was 
abundance  of  room,  the  ground-plan  was  a 
rectangle  about  twice  as  great  in  length  as  in 
breadth,  but  in  cities  where  space  on  the 
streets  was  valuable  the  fronts  of  the  houses 
were  narrowed,  and  the  depth  and  height  of 
the  buildings  proportionally  increased. 

On  the  outside  the  houses  of  the  Greeks 
were  generally  stuccoed  and  painted.  In  the 
second  story  front  some  small  windows  looked 
down  on  the  street.  Between  two  columns 
below  was  the  door,  which  was  guarded  by  a 
slave,  and  was  opened  at  the  signal  of  knocks. 
Between  the  door  and  the  street  were  the 
apartments  of  the  servants,  arranged  on  either 
side  of  a  passage. 

The  andronitis,  or  man's  hall,  was  generally 
surrounded  with  columns.  This  apartment 
occupied  the  front  of  the  dwelling.  Here 
the  man  of  the  house  attended  to  his  private 
affairs,  assisted  by  his  steward  and  servants. 
Here  he  prosecuted  his  studies.  Here  were 
his  parchments.  Here  he  received  and  enter- 
tained his  friends.  Here  was  spread  the  ban- 
quet— of  which  an  account  has  already  been 
given.  From  the  andronitis  a  passage  lead- 
ing to  the  rear  entered  the  woman's  hall  or 
g}'nseconitis,  where  were  arranged  the  various 
apartments  for  the  female  occupants  of  the 
Jiouse.     Here  the  women  lodged,  washed  the 


linen,  spun  and  wove.  From  these  rooms  a 
second  passage,  closed  by  a  gate,  led  into  the 
garden  in  the  rear  of  the  dwelling,  or  into 
the  street  if  the  building  extended  the  whole 
depth  of  the  square. 

In  the  center  of  the  whole  establishment 
was  the  court  called  the  Prostas—a,  place 
sacred  to  religious  devotions.  Here  stood  the 
famOy  altar.  Here  in  the  background  waa 
set  up  the  statue  of  Hestia,  the  protectress  of 
the  hearthstone.  Here  were  celebrated  the 
festivals  and  anniversaries  of  the  family. 
Here  were  offered  the  sacrifices  and  vows  of 
religion.  Here  the  marriage  was  celebrated. 
Here  the  new-born  child  was  joyously  wel- 
comed iuto  the  household.  Here  at  the  altar 
of  Hestia  was  the  refuge  of  the  slave  and 
panting  fugitive  who  fled  thither  for  pro- 
tectlon. 

From  the  earliest  times  the  Greeks  took 
pride  in  decorating  their  houses.  Already  in 
the  Homeric  age  ornaments  of  metal  and 
ivory  were  beaten  or  carved  for  the  adorn- 
ment of  the  walls  and  cornice.  In  the  most 
ancient  ruins  which  have  been  uncovered — 
those  of  Mycenae  and  Tiryns — the  work  of 
decoration  is  already  fully  displayed,  even  in 
the  Treasure-house  of  Atreus.  The  work  of 
the  hammer  and  the  chisel  preceded  that  of 
the  brush.  So  far  as  artistic  painting  is  con- 
cerned, it  was  at  first  restricted  to  buildings 
of  a  public  character.  Alcibiades  is  said  to 
have  been  the  first  to  employ  a  painter  to 
fresco  and  ornament  his  house  with  artistic 
figures  in  color.  Afterwards,  however,  down 
to  the  times  of  Alexander  the  Great,  this 
kind  of  decoration  grew  in  fashion,  especially 
in  Athens,  until  all  except  the  poorest  houses 
bore  some  trace  of  the  artist's  skDl.  Even 
Zeuxis  was  many  times  called  from  his  studio 
to  honor  with  his  brush  the  palaces  and  villas 
of  the  wealthy  Athenians. 

It  is  the  peculiarity  of  modern  times  that 
mechanical  skill  has  taken  the  precedence  of 
art.  One  of  the  results  of  this  interchange 
of  faculties  is  the  superior  elegance  and  splen- 
dor of  modern  furniture  as  compared  with 
that  of  antiquity.  Still  the  latter  was  not 
wanting  in  many  evidences  of  artistic  taste, 
and  especially  in  a  certain  Oriental   magnifi- 


GREECE.— MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS. 


489 


cence.  Of  course,  the  couches  and  tables  of 
the  kings  of  the  East  were  gorgeous  to  the 
last  degree,  but  in  democratic  Greece  the 
eame  class  of  motives  diil  not  exLst  for  rich 
and  costly  trappings.  Here  it  was  merely 
the  gratification  of  the  [esthetic  faculties  that 
led  to  whatever  elegance  was  displayed  in  the 
furniture  of  the  Grecian  <hvelling.  This  taste 
led  to  a  considerable  variety  of  patterns  and 
designs.  The  chairs,  tables,  and  couches  were 
frequently  of  costly  workmanship.  Sometimes 
the  frames  were  cast  of  bronze,  or  when  carved 
of  wood  were  inlaid  with  silver  and  ivory. 
The  feet  and  expo.'^ed  parts  of  the  frames  of 
such  articles  of  furniture  were  generally  exe- 
cuted in  imitation  of  the  form  of  some  animal 
or  creature  of  mythology — the  lion's  paw,  the 
dolphin's  back,  the  half^leveloped  form  of  a 
nymph.  JIany  of  the  chairs,  especially  those 
of  the  women,  were  of  great  elegance,  the 
backs  being  carved  to  fit  the  person,  and  the 
4seats  laid  with  ornamented  cushions,  upon 
which  the  deft  fingers  of  the  maidens  of 
Greece  had  exhausted  their  skill. 

The  Greek  couch  consisted  of  a  kind  of 
•  bench  for  the  mattress,  guarded  at  one  end 
-with  a  head-board,  but  without  a  back.  Over 
•this,  in  the  earlier  times,  were  laid  covers, 
;but  these  at  a  later  date  were  superseded  with 
cushions  filled  with  feathers.  The  bedstead, 
■Jike  the  frame  of  the  chair,  was  sometimes 
artistically  designed,  and  sometimes  plaiidy — 
.even  roughly — executed,  according  to  the 
taste  and  means  of  the  owner.  The  frame 
of  the  Vied  was  generally  concealed  by  drapery 
drawn  around  it,  the  same  being  ornamented 
with ,  fringes,  tassels,  and  gold  and  silver 
embroidery. 

Preserved  in  chests  in  the  gyiUBconitis 
were  the  articles  of  the  toilet  belonging  to  tiie 
women — a  numerous  array  of  ca.skets,  cosmet- 
ics, and  jewelry.  Indeed,  no  peofile,  whether 
ancient  or  modern,  have  given  more  attention 
to  artistic  care  of  the  person  than  did  the 
matrons  and  niiiidens  of  Greece.  But  the 
peculiarity  cif  the  latter  was,  to  their  honor, 
that  their  whole  notion  of  personal  attractive- 
ness a.s  heightened  by  art  consisted  in  iieauti- 
fyinp  and  not  destroying  nature. 

Night    divides    the    world    with    the    dav. 


What  should  the  Greeks  do  in  the  darkness? 
It  is  matter  of  surprise  that  the  great  genius 
of  the  race  did  not  more  concern  itself  with 
the  matter  of  artificial  illumination.  The 
problem  of  light  was  one  in  which  neither 
they  nor  any  other  people  of  antiquity  seemed 
to  take  much  interest.  The  homes  of  the 
Greeks  were  lighted  with  oil-lamps  with  wicks, 
and  the  streets  with  torches.  In  the  actual 
contrivance  there  seems  to  have  been  no 
advance  from  the  first  principles,  such  as  are 
adopted  by  half-civilized  races  in  illumination; 
but  in  the  designs  of  the  lamps  it  is  easy  to 
discover  the  peculiar  and  superior  qualities  of 
Greek  taste.  These  have  the  most  elegant 
forms,  being  of  that  flat,  bowl-like  pattern 
which  the  best  modern  art  is  proud  to  imitate. 
They  were  ornamented  with  an  endless  variety 
of  designs,  some  in  color  and  some  in  relief — 
vines  and  fruits  and  figures  of  animals  and 
birds.  The  materials  in  most  common  use 
were  terra-cotta  and  bronze,  but  the  rich  had 
their  lamps  of  silver  and  sometimes  of  gold. 
They  were  designetl  for  hanging  or  standing, 
and  for  the  latter  use  were  supported  by  can- 
delabra of  the  slenderest  and  most  beautiful 
styles.  These  were  set  by  the  couches  in  the 
andronitis,  and  here  reclined  the  Greek  in  the 
evening  and  read.  Near  by  stood  the  lilu-ary, 
with  its  tiers  of  pigeon-holes,  into  \vhich  were 
inserted  the  cylindrical  cases  containing  the 
rolls  of  manuscript. 

The  material  used  in  writing  was  prepared 
papyrus  brought  from  Egypt.  Upon  this  the 
poem  or  disquisition  of  the  philosopher  was 
carefully  copied  by  a  sc-ibe.  The  Greek 
manuscripts  were  generally  executed  with 
great  care  and  exquisite  finish  as  to  neatness 
and  accuracy.  In  the  house  of  a  prominent 
and  influential  man  a  small  library  of  favorite 
authors  might  always  be  ex])ected.  In  the 
age  of  the  Macedonian  ascemlency,  however, 
the  library  became  a  public  rather  than  a 
private  enterprise ;  and  the  exanijjle  of  Alex- 
ander in  founding  in  Egypt  and  elsewhere 
vast  collections  of  books  was  emulated  by 
nearly  all  the  great  men  of  subsequent  times. 
Book  collectors  were  common  in  Greece,  and 
the  possession  of  rare  or  exquisite  rolls  was  in 
many  a   rage,  as  in    modern  times.     Of  this 


490 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


sort  were  the  poet  Euripides  and  the  philoso- 
pher Aristotle,  both  of  whom  distinguished 
themselves  by  accumulating  large  libraries  of 
valuable  and  rare  works. 

Other  connoisseurs  there  were  who  turned 
their  energies  to  the  collection  of  articles  of  a 
non-literary  character.  Old  things  of  quaint 
device  and  singular  pattern  were  eagerly 
sought  after  by  the  dilettanti  and  hunters  of 
bric-a-brac,  just  as  the  relics  and  fashions  of 
the  fourteenth  century  are  now  pursued  by 
the  fanciers  of  what  is  valuable  for  being  out 
of  date.  Indeed,  this  taste  for  the  rare  and 
curious  was  as  keen  in  the  Greeks  as  in  any 
of  tlie  monomaniacs  of  our  day.  The  lyre  of 
Orpheus  was  hunted  as  eagerly  as  the  wood 
of  the  True  Cross  is  now  sought  by  those 
who  believe  in  its  virtues.  One  Greek  carved 
an  ivor}-  chariot  and  four  horses  of  such  stu- 
pendous proportions  that  the  whole  could 
be  covered  by  the  wings  of  a  house-fly,  and 
another  executed  two  verses  of  Homer  on  a 
grain  of  sesame !  Art  becomes  ingenuity  in 
Lilliput! 

The  care  of  the  Greek  household  was 
largely  intrusted  to  the  slaves.  These  were 
owned  by  all  families  except  the  poorest. 
The  morality  of  the  institution  was  never 
questioned  even  by  the  philosophers.  With 
them  human  freedom  meant  freedom  for  the 
Greek.  Not  even  the  author  of  the  Atlantis 
seems  ever  to  have  troubled  himself  about  the 
existence  of  slavery  in  his  own  country.  The 
slaves  were  all  barbarians,  either  taken  in 
battle  or  purchased  in  the  market.  He 
who  went  to  war  with  a  Greek  did  it  with 
a  knowledge  that  he  was  running  the  risk 
of  perpetual  servitude  with  the  chances 
greatly  against  him.  Still,  however,  the  con- 
dition he  would  be  thus  exposed  to  was  far 
more  tolerable  than  in  any  other  ancient  state. 

The  slave  of  the  Greek,  though  subject 
to  his  master,  was  not  as  a  rule  treated  with 


severity.  He  might  marry  and  have  a  house- 
hold of  his  own.  In  sickness  and  old  age  he 
was  released  from  toil,  and  cared  for  with  de- 
cency if  not  with  tenderness.  Ties  of  friend- 
ship and  even  of  intimacy  were  not  infre- 
quently contracted  between  slave  and  master 
which  survived  all  vicissitude  and  ended  only 
with  life.  Albeit  the  condition  of  the  Helots 
in  Sparta — a  subject  race  belonging  to  the 
soil  and  transferred  with  it  as  serfs — was  an 
estate  totally  different  from  common  chattel 
slavery  as  it  presented  itself  in  Athens  and 
the  other  cities  of  Central  Greece. 

The  slave-class  in  Attica  was  very  numer- 
ous. In  a  population  of  five  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  souls,  fully  four  hundred  thou- 
sand were  slaves — being  in  the  ratio  of  three 
to  one  of  the  free  citizenship.  This  enormous 
element  of  population  was  distributed,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  into  the  houses  of  the  free 
Greeks  and  into  the  factories,  quarries,  mines, 
and  indeed  in  all  places  where  "naked  human 
strength "  was  the  thing  required.  In  the 
house  of  any  well-to-do  Greek  citizen  a  reti- 
nue of  about  twenty  slaves,  male  and  female, 
was  required  for  the  service.  Upon  them  was 
devolved  the  entire  labor,  though  not  the  su- 
perintendence, of  the  establishment.  In  the 
gynjeconitis  the  mistress  of  the  house  and  her 
daughters  sat  among  the  domestics  and  super- 
vised and  directed  in  all  that  was  done.  The 
householder  meanwhile  ordered  his  division  of 
the  servants  to  their  various  tasks,  and  then 
went  to  the  market-place  to  talk  politics  and 
discuss  the  management  of  the  war.  There 
is  little  doubt  that  the  institution  of  slavery 
among  the  Greeks  was  thus  the  blind  com- 
plement of  that  factious  democracy  which, 
uncurbed  by  useful  tasks  of  labor,  inserted  its 
idle  talons  in  the  breast  of  the  state  and  tore 
out  her  vitals. — Such  were  the  manners  and 
institutions  of  the  Hellenes  in  the  times  of 
their  power  and  renown. 


GREECE.— RELIGION. 


49) 


CHAF-TER    XIv.— reliqion. 


y.RIEF  sketch  of  the 
icligiou  of  the  Greeks, 
( niisidered  ajoart  from 
iheir  system  of  mythol- 
'  jy,  will  be  appropriate 
iiiore  the  traditions  aud 
Ivil  history  of  the  race 
are  presented.  Wheu  we  consider  the  moral 
elvation  of  the  Olympian  hierarchy  there  is 
not  miK-h  to  admire.  The  gods  who  dwelt  on 
that  sublime  height  were  of  the  same  sort 
■with  the  men  who  dwelt  at  its  base.  "Like 
men  like  gods,"  might  well  ajiply  to  the  Greek 
family,  whether  terrestrial  or  celestial.  There 
is  not  much  wonder,  therefore,  that  the  for- 
mer should  not  greatly  respect  the  latter, 
eiuce  they  saw  them  as  beings  of  like  passions 
Tvith  themselves. 

Consulting  the  literature  of  the  Greeks 
from  Homer  to  Aristophanes  one  might  well 
conclude  that  the  Hellenes  were  a  j)cople  de- 
void not  only  of  the  genuine  religious  instinct 
but  even  of  a  decent  respect  for  their  deities. 
Such,  however,  would  be  far  from  a  true  con- 
clusion. Perhaps  in  many  instances  the  fan- 
tastic legends  of  tradition  were  brushed  aside 
by  the  lucid  intelligence  and  skci)tical  dispo- 
sition of  the  Greeks,  but  behind  the  fictiim 
the  substance  of  the  thing  remained  in  the 
imagination  of  the  people  :  and  the  substance 
was  adored  with  a  sincere  veneration. 

The  beings,  then,  whom  the  Greeks  wor- 
shiped were  regarded  as  the  guardians  of 
mankind  and  the  avengers  of  evil.  To  them 
belonged  the  reward  of  virtue  and  the  pun- 
ishment of  crime.  They  hasted  not  in  their 
work,  Uut  their  work  was  sure.  They  ob- 
served the  minds  and  hearts  of  men,  honored 
the  upright,  regarded  the  faithful,  heard  the 
voice  of  supplication.  This  wa.s  the  ground- 
faith  of  the  Greek,  whether  philosopher  or 
peasiint.  Nor  does  it  appear  that  the  most 
skeptical  spirit  ever  wholly  shook  it  of!'.  Soc- 
rates himself  was  in  the  habit  of  prayer,  and 
disdained  not  to  consult  an  oracle. 


There  was  thus  in  the  ofttimes  frivolous' 
nature  of  the  Greek  a  sincere  vein  of  piety. 
His  earliest  efforts  in  art  were  permeated  with 
devotion.  Homer's  heroes  believe  most  im- 
plicitly in  the  gods — pray  to  them,  fear  them. 
The  Grecian  states,  taking  up  the  theme,  de- 
nounce impiety.  He  whose  teachings  seem 
dangerous,  or  whose  life  is  sacrilegious,  i» 
banished  or  put  to  death.  The  memory  of 
the  impious  is  execrated.  All  this  shows  a 
deep-seated,  though  often  misdirected,  vein 
of  religious  sentiment  in  the  people. 

All  the  principal  acts  in  the  drama  of 
Greek  life  were  introduced  with  religious- 
ceremony.  The  man  of  the  house  was  the 
priest.  He  needed  no  other.  He  said  his 
own  prayers.  He  made  his  own  offerings  for 
himself  and  his  family.  Wheu  he  prayed  t» 
the  gods  of  the  air  he  stood  with  upturned 
face  and  held  his  hands  aloft.  If  he  suppli- 
cated the  deities  of  the  deep,  his  hands  were 
stretched  to  the  sea.  The  birth  of  the  child, 
the  betrothal,  the  marriage,  the  funeral — all 
the  chief  events  in  the  life  of  the  household — 
were  sanctioned  with  some  religious  rite. 

As  early  as  the  days  of  Homer  the  Greeks 
raised  the  altar  of  sacrifice.  Upon  this  th& 
worshiper  offered  his  gifts  and  victims.  Of 
things  without  life  those  most  brought  to  the 
sacrificial  fire  were  fruit  and  cakes,  oil  and 
wine,  milk  and  houej'.  In  offering  living 
victims  the  best  of  the  flock  or  herd  was 
selected,  and  sometimes,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
hecatomb,  as  many  as  a  hundred  animals  were 
slain  at  once.  Not  all  of  the  creature  offered, 
but  only  certain  ])arts  were  burned  in  the 
fire ;  the  remainder  was  eaten  by  the  wor- 
shipers and  the  priests.  Even  in  the  shed- 
ding of  bI(H)d  the  lesthetic  taste  of  the  Greek 
appeared,  for  the  beast  to  be  ofl'ered  was- 
wreathed  as  to  his  head  and  horns  with  a  gar- 
land of  flowers.  The  neck  of  the  animal  was- 
sj)rinkled  with  salt  and  consecrated  barley, 
and  then  the  knife  let  out  the  creature's  life. 

As  already  said,   every   free   Greek — and 


492 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


«very  Greek  was  free — could  act  as  his  own 
priest.  The  introduction,  therefore,  of  a  class 
•of  priests  was  merely  a  matter  of  preference 
and  division  of  labor.  It  was  rather  in  con- 
nection with  certain  sacred  places,  seats  of  the 
gods,  oracles,  etc.,  that  the  services  of  a  regu- 
lar priesthood  seemed  to  be  demanded.  In 
the  great  temples,  also,  groups  of  priests  were 
a  necessity  of  the  service ;  but  they  gathered 
about  the  shrine,  not  by  hereditary  right  or 
by  appointment  of  a  superior  hierarchy,  but 
simply  by  that  natural  selection  which,  work- 
ing among  men,  sends  some  to  one  vocation 
and  some  to  another.  The  rank  and  rights 
of  citizenship  were  no  more  sacrificed  by  the 
assumption  of  priestly  duties  than  by  the 
doctor  in  treating  a  patient  or  the  lawyer  in 
pleading  a  cause. 

There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  the 
priests,  having  once  assumed  the  sacred  office, 
acquired  thereby  a  certain  dignity  and  honor. 
They  were  respected  and  venerated  by  all 
classes.  The  popular  imagination  associated 
them  with  the  holy  rites  which  they  cele- 
brated, with  the  solemn  temple  where  they 
lived,  and  even  with  the  high  gods  whom 
they  served.  They  thus  acquired  a  great 
reputation  for  sanctity,  and  a  consequent  in- 
fluence over  the  minds  of  the  people.  Nor 
was  their  reputation  less  distinguished  for  the 
learning  which  they  claimed  by  tradition  and 
oracular  response.  They  were  well  acquainted 
with  the  old  unwritten  laws  and  venerated 
customs  of  the  Greeks,  and  thus  became  a 
conservative  force  in  the  state — a  force  not 
without  a  salutary  influence  on  the  distract- 
ing and  revolutionary  tendencies  of  such  a 
people. 

Among  the  Greeks  the  belief  in  prophecy 
was  very  general ;  and  here  again  freedom 
had  her  way,  for  any  one  might  be  a  prophet. 
The  gods  were  no  respecters  of  persons.  The 
voice  of  the  deity  might  be  heard  by  any  one 
as  well  as  bv  a  priest.  If  the  latter  was  more 
frequently  in  communion  with  the  supernal 
powers,  it  was  only  because  he  dwelt  near 
some  shrine  or  sacred  haunt  which  the  god 
delighted  to  frequent.  The  signs  by  which  in 
earth  or  sea  or  sky  the  deities  made  known 
their  will  were  not  of  private  interpretation ; 


and  so  the  many  rather  than  the  few  heard 
and  recognized  the  voices  from  on  high. 

But  in  the  case  of  the  oracles  the  divine 
responses  were  delivered  by  the  priests.  The 
inquiries  of  those  who  would  learn  the  mj's- 
teries  of  the  future  and  of  fate  were  borne  to 
the  inner  place  by  priestly  hands  and  sub- 
mitted to  the  god  for  answer.  Such  was  the 
usage  at  Dodoua,  in  Epirus,  the  most  ancient 
oracle  of  Zeus.  In  the  rustling  of  the  oak 
leaves  were  heard  the  breathings  of  that  great 
Immortal  who  was  held  to  be  the  first  among 
the  powers  of  heaven ;  but  the  noise  in  the 
oaks  was  unintelligible  save  to  the  sacred  per- 
sons who  were  by  holy  life  and  residence  in 
the  groves  acquainted  with  the  meaning  of 
the  mysterious  messages.  Such  also  was  the 
method  of  obtaining  responses  at  the  still 
more  famous  shrine  of  the  prophetic  Apollo, 
at  Delphi.  This  oracle  was  the  most  cele- 
brated in  Greece,  perhaps  in  the  world.  In 
the  classical  age  the  greatest  intellects  recog- 
nized the  validity  of  the  Delphic  responses, 
and  the  weightiest  afl'airs  of  state  hung  breath- 
less until  the  answer  was  delivered. 

The  spot  chosen  by  Apollo  for  his  favorite 
haunt  was  a  wild  ravine  at  the  foot  of  Par- 
nassus. The  scene  was  grand  and  solitary. 
Only  the  murmur  of  a  brook  broke  the  im- 
pressive silence.  On  either  hand  rose  ver- 
tical walls  of  rock.  Here  in  this  gorge  the 
god  of  light  and  poesy  and  song  had  slain  the 
Pj^hon,  the  great  dragon  of  darkness  and 
barbarism.  The  Castalian  fountain  sprang 
from  the  spot,  and  the  ISIuses  made  it  their 
home.  Here  from  a  cleft  in  the  rock  issued 
that  intoxicating  vapor  which  benumbed  the 
senses  of  man  and  brought  him  into  commun- 
ion with  the  deity.  The  tongue  of  the  intoxi- 
cated became  the  oracle  of  the  god.  Around 
the  sacred  spot  holy  men  gathered  to  muse 
and  pray.  Here  houses  were  built.  Here  a 
shrine  was  erected  for  the  deity.  Here  rose 
the  holy  city  of  Delphi,  whose  fame  as  the 
seat  of  divine  inspiration  spread  first  through- 
out all  Greece  and  then  to  the  ends  of  the 
civilized  world. 

He   who   would   inquire   of  Apollo   came 

bringing  gifts.     Something  precious  must  be 

I   brought  in  recompense  for  prophecy.     Treas- 


GREECE.— RELIGION. 


493 


ures  of  gold  and  silver  and  sculpture  and 
painting  were  east  in  profusion  iuto  the  divine 
thesaurus,  until  the  shrine  became  rich  beyond 
estimate.  In  times  of  turbulence  and  war 
the  eyes  of  the  irreligious  were  cast  longingly 
towards  the  accumulated  treasures  in  the 
house  of  Apollo,  and  more  than  once  the 
profane  hand  of  expediency  was  laid  upon 
them. 

The  Delphic  responses  were  obtained 
through  the  lips  of  a  priestess  called  the 
Pythia.  (She  was  chosen  from  the  women  of 
Delphi,  and  was  especially  consecrated  to  her 


verse,  but  in  later  times  the   priests,  grown 
less  careful,  gave  back  the  reply  in  prose. 

In  these  conditions  were  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  the  priestly  lore  which  was  cultivated 
at  Delphi.  It  was  the  business  of  the  college 
to  know  the  actual  state  of  aflairs,  not  only 
in  Greece,  but,  as  far  as  practicable,  in  all  the 
surrounding  nations.  By  such  information 
the  priests  could  know,  and  did  know,  before- 
hand the  kind  of  inquiries  which  would  arise 
out  of  the  political  and  social  conditions  of  the 
country.  They  accordingly  busied  themselves 
in  framing  and  answering  supposititious  (jues- 


DELPUI  AND  PARNASSUS. 


eacred  office.  Once  every  month  she  purified 
herself  by  fasting  and  altlutioiis.  She  chewed 
laurel  leaves,  i)atiii(l  in  and  drank  from  the 
Castidian  .-pring.  Then  .-^hc  went  into  that 
part  of  tiic  temple  where  the  fissure  in  tlie 
native  rock  still  gave  fi)rth  its  vapor.  She 
seated  herself  on  the  tri|)oil,  and  was  soon  in- 
to.xicated  with  the  gas.  Tlicn  she  fell  down 
in  a  swoon.  Slie  uttered  wild  ejaculations  in 
her  delirium,  and  those  were  caught  up  by 
the  attendintr  priests  and  wrought  into  oracu- 
lar— gcncrallv  andii^Mious — responses  to  the 
inquiries  wliich  lia<l  bcin  propounded.  As  a 
rule  the  answers  were  rendered  rn  hexameter 


tions,  and  in  this  line  of  work  acquired  not  a 
little  skill.  In  the  ordinary  adhirs  of  jiolitics 
and  war  they  were  very  well  prepared  to  give 
intelligent  advice,  or  even  to  predict  with  ap- 
proximate certainty  the  natural  course  of 
events.  When,  liowcver,  it  came  to  the 
actual  domain  of  prophecy  and  to  matters  of 
which  the  priest  could  know  no  more  than 
another,  he  had  necessary  recourse  to  fraud, 
and  this  he  found  in  the  construction  of  am- 
biguous responses — couplets  which  could  be 
made  to  read  both  ways  in  the  light  of  the 
denouement.  Thus  Croesus  was  told  that  if 
he  crossed  the  Halys  he  would  destroy  a  great 


494 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


kingdom.  Whose  kingdom?  His  own,  or 
that  of  Cyaxares  ?  The  former,  as  it  proved  ; 
the  latter,  as  it  was  hoped.  Thus  was  the 
credit  of  Apollo  and  his  priests  maintained 
against  the  hazard  of  contingency. 

There  were,  however,  those  among  the 
witty  Greeks  who  fathomed  and  derided  the 
double  utterances  of  Delphi.  The  comic 
poets  found  the  Apollonian  ambiguity  a 
precious  morsel.  They  imitated  the  style  of 
the  confused  priest,  and  made  him  the  butt 
of  profane  mirth.      Aristophanes    introduces 


leveled  against  them,  the  Delphic  priesthood 
held  their  own  for  many  centuries,  and  did 
not  perceptibly  wane  in  their  influence  over 
the  jjublic  mind  until  after  the  establishment 
of  the  Roman  Empire. 

Of  scarcely  less  importance  than  the  ora- 
cles were  the  ^Mysteries  of  the  Greeks.  These 
were  rites  celebrated  in  secret  orders,  and  in- 
tended to  gratify  a  higher  grade  of  religious 
aspirations  than  could  be  satisfied  by  the 
popular  faith.  The  orders  were  open  only  to 
those  who  could  establish  by  satisfoctory  proofs 


THE  FVTHIA  ON  THE  TRIPOD. 
Drawn  by  H.  Leutemann. 


the  leather-seller  Cleon  and  a  sausage-maker, 
and  the  decision  of  a  squabble  between  them 
is  thus  oracularly  rendered: 

"  Moreover,  when  the  eagle  in  his  pride. 
With  crooked  talons  and  a  leathern  hide. 
Shall  seize  the  black  and  blood-devouring  snake,' 
Then  shall  the  woeful  tan-pits  quail  and  quake; 
And  mighty  Zeus  shall  give  command  and  place 
To  mortals  of  the  sausage-selling  race : 
Unless  they  choose,  continuing  as  before, 
To  sell  their  sausages  for  evermore." 

The  satire  was  all  the  keener  for  being  in 
the  exact  vein  of  the  Delphic  utterances. 
But   despite   the  sharp  darts  that  were  thus 

'  Meaning  a  sausage! 


the  previous  rectitude  and  purity  of  their 
lives.  To  such  the  promise  of  a  calmer  and 
more  elevated  frame  of  mind,  a  deeper  hope 
of  present  peace  and  future  immortality,  was 
held  forth  on  condition  of  entering  the  mys- 
teries. Every  pure  Greek  might  aspire  to 
membership  in  one  of  the  sacred  orders. 
Even  women  were  admitted  with  the  men  to 
equal  participancy  in  the  new  life  of  holiness 
and  consecration. 

To  attain  the  highest  rank  in  one  of  the 
mysteries,  the  candidate  had  to  pass  three  de- 
grees. He  was  first  initiated;  then,  after  a 
season  of  probation,  advanced  to  a  second  de- 


GREECE.  —RELIGION. 


495 


gree;  and  finally  admitted  to  the  third  or 
highest  rank,  iu  which  he  was  enrolled  with  the 
epopke,  or  "beholders" — for  such  were  allowed 
to  behold  the  unveiled  myths  of  the  national 
religion. 

The  two  principal  mysteries  of  Greece 
were  those  celebrated  at  Eleusis  and  at  Sam- 
othrace.  The  latter  place  was  a  small  island 
in  the  iEgean,  on  which  from  the  earliest 
times  a  society  had  flourished  whose  ami  was 
to  interpret  and  illustrate  the  secrets  of  nature. 
What  these  secrets  were,  and  by  what  cere- 
monies they  were  interpreted,  have  never 
been  ascertained  —  so  thick  and  carefully 
drawn  was  the  curtain  l)etween  the  "initiated" 
and  the  outer  worlil  of  vulgar  sense.  More 
famous  far  were  the  mysteries  known  as 
Eleusinian.  These  were  celebrated  at  the 
city  of  Eleusis,  in  Attica.  The  society  was  in 
great  repute,  and  many  of  the  most  distin- 
guished Athenians  were  proud  to  be  num- 
bered among  the  epoptte.  Here,  too,  the 
secrecy  was  profound.  Only  thus  much  is 
known,  that  the  mysteries  of  nature — es- 
pecially those  appertaining  to  life  —  were 
sought  to  l)e  unveiled  to  the  senses  and  per- 
ceptions of  men  by  the  rites  of  the  celebrants. 
The  two  deities  honored  within  the  veil  were 
Demeter,  the  great  Earth-mother,  an<l  Diony- 
sus, the  wine-god.  Eleusis  was  the  seat  of 
one  of  the  most  celebrated  of  the  Greek 
myths — that  in  which  Demeter,  after  search- 
ing long  by  lanil  and  sea,  at  last  learned  that 
her  lost  daughter  Persephone  had  been  mar- 
ried to  Hades,  the  dark  specter  of  tlie  under 
world,  and  that  she  was  now  his  queen  in  the 
realms  below.  Here  the  mother  procured  her 
daughter's  return  to  life  and  joy — at  least  for 
a  season."  The  myth  became  the  biisis  of  the 
mystery  which  the  initiated  were  to  explain 
and  illustrate  with  their  rites — the  mystery  of 
the  varying  and  l)cautiful  processes  of  life. 

In  the  months  of  August  and  September 
of  each  year,  after    the    harvests   had    been 

'Persephone  represents  Life.-  In  the  summer 
alie  rejoices  in  leaf  and  bml  and  flower.  Hut  in 
winter  Pluto  takes  her  under  the  earth,  .^he  is 
seen  no  more.  .Slie  i.s  queen  of  ll)e  dark  abodes 
in  the  Ijind  of  Gloom.  With  the  sunshine  of 
spring  she  returns  and  gladdens  her  mother, 
Earth. 


gathered,  a  period  of  twelve  days  was  set 
apart  for  the  celebration  o*^  the  great  feast 
known  as  the  Eleuslnia.  Athens  abandoned 
herself  to  the  occasion.  Strangers  came  from 
all  parts  of  Greece  to  be  present  at  tlie  anni- 
versary. First  the  candidates  and  initiates 
prepared  themselves  by  bathing  in  the  sea, 
by  fasting  and  sacrifice.  Then  for  five  days 
oflerings  were  made  to  Demeter  and  Dionysus  ; 
and  on  the  sixth  was  the  great  procession,  in 
which  the  ancient  statue  of  Dionysus,  gar- 
landed with  flowers  and  bearing  a  torch  in  his 
hand,  was  brought  with  loud  acclaim  and 
laughter  and  song  from  Athens  to  Eleusis.  It 
was  always  arranged  that  the  procession  should 
not  reach  its  destination  until  nightfall.  The 
image  of  the  god  was  borne  after  dark  into  a 
great  l)uilding,  where  the  mysteries  were  cele- 
brated, and  here  under  the  flickering  glare  of 
torches  were  begun  the  awful  ceremonies 
which  occupied  the  remainder  of  the  festival. 
Before  the  close  of  the  mysterious  proceedings 
Persephone  was  welcomed  l>ack  to  earth,  and 
then  hilarity  and  banqueting  succeeded  to  the 
previous  despondency  and  gloom. 

The  proper  feast  of  Dionysus  was  wilder 
and  more  extravagant  iu  character  than  that 
of  Demeter.  As  sometimes  celebrated,  it  was 
an  orgy  in  which  the  participants  abandoned 
themselves  to  frantic  excesses.  At  the  Dtony- 
sia  in  Athens  it  was  regarded  as  a  duty  in 
those  who  took  part  in  the  exercises  to  become 
drunken.  Every  one  crowned  himself  with 
ivy  and  flowers,  and  oflfered  to  him  whom  he 
met  a  cuji  of  wine.  The  image  of  Bacchus 
was  borne  about  in  processions,  and  a  wild 
crew  of  Satyrs,  Bacchantes,  and  Pans  rushed 
madly  along,  piping  and  shouting  till  the  day 
became  an  uproar  and  the  night  hideous. 

The  great  local  religious  festival  of  the 
Athenians  was  called  the  Panathemca.  It  was 
celebrated  every  fourth  year  iu  honor  of 
Pallas  Athene,  the  patron  goddess  of  the  city. 
On  the  return  of  the  anniversary  Athens  was 
crowded  w^ith  strangers.  Hither  came  a 
throng  of  poets,  musicians,  artists,  gymnasts, 
.showmen,  mountebanks — every  type  of  hu- 
manity known  to  the  world  of  the  Greeks.  It 
was  a  time  of  excitement,  of  competition,  of  the 
exliil)ition  of  skill  in  achievement  and  strength. 


48(j 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


The  great  day  was  the  day  of  the  proces- 
sion. In  the  morning  outside  of  the  city  the 
throngs  gathered.  Here  the  column  was 
formed.  At  the  head  of  the  procession  came 
a  band  of  flute  players  and  citharists.  Then 
followed  the  Athenian  soldiery — infantry  and 
cavalry.  Behind  this  division  marched  all 
those  who  had  ever  been  crowned  as  victors 
in  the  public  contests  of  the  country.  The 
next  division  was  composed  of  priests,  leading 


burst  of  music  was  sounded  from  the  instru^ 
ments,  and  then,  in  the  sublime  presence  of 
the  Protectress  of  the  city,  the  votive  gifts 
were  laid  and  the  sacrifices  ofiered  by  the 
priests. 

If  the  Greek  mind,  participating  in  these 
great  festivals,  could  have  been  fathomed, 
there  would  have  been  revealed  a  double  class 
of  sentiments ;  the  one  looking  joyfully  upon 
life,  and  the  other  scanning  dtath  with  appre- 


TtTE  ET.iroSIOTAN  FEAST.— Drawn  by  H.  Vogel. 


the  animals  presently  to  be  offered  in  sacrifice. 
Next  followed  the  old  men  of  Athens,  each 
carrying  some  costly  gift  to  be  offered  to  the 
goddess.  Then  came  the  woman's  column  of 
the  procession — matrons  and  maidens  chosen 
for  their  beauty  and  reputation.  In  the 
midst  they  drew  in  a  car  the  peplos,  or  em- 
broidered robe,  with  which  the  statue  of  Pal- 
las was  to  be  clad  at  the  end  of  the  march. 

Through  the  beautiful  streets  of  the  city 
the  procession  made  its  way,  pausing  at  the 
various  shrines  and  altars,  and  then  ascended 
the  hill  to  the  citadel.     Before  the  temple  a 


hension  and  dread.'  There  were  exhibited  in 
the  different  parts  of  the  ceremonies  the  traces 
of  these  conflicting  feelings,  the  one  class 
tending  to  produce  merriment  and  even  rap- 


•  No  one  can  thoughtfully  study  the  life  of  the 
Athenians  without  being  constantly  reminded  of 
the  Parisians  of  the  last  and  present  centuries. 
Athens  was  the  Paris  of  antiquity,  and  Paris  is 
the  Athens  of  the  modern  world.  There  are  to 
be  seen  in  both  peoples  the  same  qualities  of  na- 
ture— that  same  excitability  of  temper,  in  which 
are  strangely  mingled  the  opposites  of  heroism 
and  weakness,  of  excessive  joyousness  and  deep 
gloom,  of  hope  and  despair. 


GREECE.— RELIGION. 


4©T 


ture  under  the  beautiful  aspects  of  the  world, 
and  the  other  class  tending  to  gloom  and  de- 
spondency under  the  shadow  of  the  coming 
doom !  To  the  Greek,  Life  meant  every 
thing  of  happiness  which  tiie  most  exuberant 
fancy  could  depict,  and  Death  meant  what 
Homer  and  the  heroes  believed  it  to  be,  a 
dreary  and  joyless  existence  beyond  the  inky 
Styx." 

In  those  matters  which  the  ancients  desig- 
nated by  the  general  name  of  piety  the  Greeks 
were  worthy  to  be  commended.  Suffering 
excited  their  sympathy.  Sorrow  called  for 
khidred  tears.  To  tlie  dead  were  due  the 
sacred  rites  of  sepulture.  Even  the  passing 
stranger  should,  for  humanity's  sake,  sprinkle 
a  few  handfuls  of  earth  on  the  unburicd  corse 
exposed  by  the  way.  The  atrocious  s])ite  of 
the  Orientals  in  pursuing  the  lifeless  body  of 
the  foe  with  insult  and  mutihttion  was  ab- 
horred by  the  sensitive  Greeks,  who  sjiw  in  the 
lifeless  frame  only  the  sad  relic  of  mortality. 
Only  in  the  highest  heat  of  battle  was  any 
indignity  oHered  to  the  dead  by  the  humane 
soldier  of  Hellas. 

When  a  Greek  fell  into  his  last  slumber, 
the  friends  immediately  cjmjjosed  the  body 
and  laid  upon  the  mouth  the  ferriage-fee  for 
Cliaron.  The  corse  was  clad  in  white  and 
laid  upon  a  bier.  Flowers  were  brought  by 
the  mourning  friends,  who  put  on  badges  of 
sorrow.  On  the  morrow  the  corse  was  burned 
and  the  ashes  committed  to  an  urn.  In 
the  later  times  the  horror  known  as  earth 
burial  became  common,  and  finally  prevailed 
over  the  former  beautiful  and  cleanly  method 
of  purification  by  fire. 


After  burial  in  the  earth  became  the  usual 
method  of  bestowing  the  dead,  cemeteries  were- 
arranged  outside  the  city  walls.  Sometimes 
there  were  single  tombs  here  and  there,  where 
some  distinguished  person  had  been  buried 
within  his  own  premises.  In  other  parts  there 
were  public  burying-grounds,  in  which  there 
was  a  vast  aggregate  of  graves.  Over  each 
was  raised  a  mound  of  earth,  and  on  this 
were  planted  ivy  and  roses.  The  cofiin  of  the 
Greeks  was  an  elongated  ellipse,  generally  of 
terra-cotta,  resembling  somewhat  the  "dish- 
cover"  burial  cases  of  the  Chaldseans.'  Over 
the  grave  was  erected  a  memorial  stone  or 
monument,  and  on  this  was  an  inscription 
giving  the  name  of  the  dead,  an  effigy  per- 
haps of  his  person,  a  word  of  j)raise  for  his 
virtues,  and  an  ejsigram  composed  for  his  mem- 
ory. Tlie  epitaphs  of  the  Greeks  were  of  the 
highest  order  of  merit  and  originality ;  nor 
was  there  about  the  grave  any  of  those  sym- 
bols of  lugubrious  woe  which  since  the  Mid- 
dle Age  have  added  so  much  to  the  horrors 
of  the  city  of  the  dead. 

In  the  coffin  of  the  Greek,  Superstition 
performed  her  usual  little  drama.  The  per- 
sonal ornaments  worn  by  the  deceased  were 
laid  witli  his  body — a  pardonable  weakness 
and  mark  of  respect.  But  there  were  also 
vessels  for  fruit  and  oil — the  drinking-cup,  the 
cake  of  bread,  the  beverage  for  the  departed. 
The  articles  thus  put  away  with  the  dead  for 
liis  use  have  risen  for  the  edification  of  man- 
kind ;  out  he  to  whom  they  were  given  in 
death — 

"  Sleeps  the  sleep  that  knows  not  breaking." 

'  See  Book  Second,  p.  127. 


•4»8 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  AXCIENT  WORLD. 


Chapter  XLI.— IVTyth  and  Tradition. 


TRUE  iuterpretation  of 
the  myths  of  the  Greeks 
has  been  one  of  the  most 
difficult  problems  im- 
jjosed  ou  modern  scholar- 
ship. Longfellow  tells  a 
story  how  the  infant 
Christ,  Iniviuy;  forgotten  the  name  of  the  letter 
deph,  and  being  informed  by  his  teacher  that 
it  was  alepli,  suddenly  startled  his  instructor 
with  the  question.  "But,  please  good  Eabbi, 
what  does  aleph  meanf"  The  question  of  the 
myth  to  us  is,  not  so  much  What  is  itf  but, 
What  does  it  mean? 

Many  theories  have  been  advanced  to  ex- 
plain the  origin  and  true  nature  of  the  myths 
of  antiquity.  They  are  the  peculiar  property 
of  the  Aryan  race.  Among  the  Semitic  na- 
tions mythology  did  not,  could  not,  flourish — • 
this  for  reasons  to  be  hereafter  exf)lained. 
But  the  Aryans  were  a  people  whose  brains 
teemed  with  myths. 

In  the  next  place  it  should  be  observed  that 
all  branches  of  the  Aryan  family  had  the 
same  myths,  almost  infinitely  varied  and  in- 
:flected,  it  is  true,  but  yet  at  bottom  the  same. 
Just  as  the  different  languages  of  the  Indo- 
European  race  are  fundamentally  identical, 
80  the  mythology  of  that  race  in  aU  its  mul- 
titudinous outbranchings  flows  from  a  common 
fountain  and  has  the  same  identical  substance. 
The  myths  of  India,  Greece,  Italy,  Germany, 
and  Scandinavia  difier  not  in  material,  but 
ordy  in  development.  The  same  story  runs 
from  tlie  valley  of  the  Indus  to  Iceland,  from 
the  frozen  North  to  the  waters  of  the  southern 
■seas. 

But  of  all  the  mythologies  no  other  was  so 
highly  developed  as  that  of  Greece.  The 
same  exuberance  which  characterized  the 
other  elements  of  Greek  life  seems  to  have 
given  a  double  impulse  to  the  myths  of 
HeUas.  Both  in  number  and  completeness 
they  far  surpass  the  fictions  of  any  of  the 
«ister  peoples  of  the  ancient  world. 


In  the  first  place  it  may  be  well  to  sketch 
again  what  may  be  called  the  "personnel  of 
Grecian  mythology.  In  the  beginning  was 
Chaos.  Chaos  wedded  Night.  From  them 
sprang  the  Heaven  and  the  Eaeth.  The 
Heaven  was  Uranus;  the  Earth,  Gmx. 
Uranus  succeeded  Chaos  in  the  government 
of  the  universe.  Then  was  born  Ceonos. 
Cronus  had  Uranus,  the  Heaven,  for  his 
father,  and  Giea,  the  Earth,  for  his  mother. 
Time  was  born  of  the  Heaven  and  the  Earth. 
Gsea  had  other  children,  born  perhaps  of 
Chaos.  These  were  the  Cyclopes  and  Beoxte 
and  Sterope.  Bronte  and  Sterope  were  Thun- 
der and  Lightning.  These  chaotic  ofispring 
were  hurled  by  Uranus  into  Tartarus ;  but 
Gsea  was  in  pain  for  the  banishment  of  her 
children.  She  persuaded  Cronos  and  the 
other  children  of  Uranus  to  mutiny  against 
him.  He  was  seized  by  them,  mutilated,  de- 
throned ;  and  Cronos,  the  eldest  of  the  sons, 
took  the  throne  of  the  father.  Time  usurped 
the  dominion  of  Heaven. 

Cronos  wedded  Rhea,  another  daughter  of 
Uranus  and  Gsea.  Rhea  was  the  Earth.'  Of 
Time  and  Eai'th  were  born  the  days.  But 
Time  swallowed  his  ofispring  as  soon  as  they 
were  born,  and  Rhea  was  in  anguish  for  her 
children.  About  to  be  delivered  of  Zeus,  she 
gave  her  lord  a  stone,  and  he  swallowed  that 
instead  of  the  child.  Zeus  inherited  the 
heavens,  and  became  first  among  gods  and 
men.  He  was  the  Blue  Sky.  He  was  the 
Light.  Though  the  Days  perished  he  was 
immortal. — Such  is  the  first  s])an  from  Chaos 
to  Zeus — from  Confusion  to  Light  and  Order. 

Zeus  enthroned  delivered  the  Cyclopes 
from  their  dungeon.  In  return  they  gave 
him  back  Bronte,  the  Thunderbolt.  With 
this  he  warred  against  the  Titans.  In  the  war 
he  was  aided  by  Forethought.  Forethought 
was  Prometheus  ;  but  Prometheus  filched  fire 
from  heaven  and  kindled   it  for  men  below. 


'  Rhea  =  the  Greek  era,  by  transposition  of  th« 
r  =  Latin  terra,  earth. 


GREECE.^MYTH  AND  TRADITION. 


4M 


For  this  was  Forethought  seized  and  bound  to 
the  rugged  clifis  of  Caucasus  to  suffer  unend- 
ing tortures.  Afterwards  Zeus  and  his  two 
brothers,  Hades  and  Poseidon,  drew  lots  for 
the  different  parts  of  the  universe.  The 
eovereignty  of  heaven  fell  to  Zeus;  the  sea, 
to  Poseidon  ;   and  the  world  below  to  Hades. 

Zeus  was  thus  established  at  the  head  of 
the  Greek  pantheon.  He  took  for  his  spouse 
his  sister  HiiUA,'  daughter  of  Cronos  and 
Rhea.  A  numerous  divine  progeny  sprang 
dp  to  the  Father  of  gods  and  men.  His 
ileven  children,  constituting  with  himself  the 
013-mpian  hierarchy,  or  "  twelve  gods,"  were 
Leto  aud  her  two  children,  Apollo  and  Ar- 
temis, Arks,  Hermes,  Atiiexa,  Heph.estus, 
Hestia,  Demeter,  Aphrodite,  and  Hera, 
who  is  sometimes  reckoned  as  the  daughter 
rather  than  the  sister  of  Zeus.  These  gods  held 
their  court  on  Olympus,  as  the  two  subor- 
dinate courts  of  Poseidon  and  Hades  were 
held  respectively  in  the  sea  and  the  under- 
world of  darkness. — It  will  be  appropriate  to 
notice  briefly  the  power  and  province  ascribed 
by  the  Greek  imagination  to  each  of  these 
gods  and  goddesses. 

Zeus  was  the  chief  deity  of  the  Hellenic 
race.  He  was  subject  to  nothing  but  Fate. 
The  Greeks  believed  in  an  absolute  Necessity 
which  held  the  universe  in  its  clutches.  To 
this  all  men  and  gods  must  bow  in  submission. 
Zeus  was  constrained  by  the  Absolute.  Other- 
wise he  was  supreme.  He  did  his  will.  He 
estai)lished  his  seat  on  Olympus,  aud  from 
that  cloudy  summit  ruled  the  world.  In  final 
causation  every  thing,  whether  good  or  bad, 
flowed  from  him.  The  destiny  of  all  mortals, 
and  in  some  sense  of  all  immortals,  was  di- 
rected by  his  nod.  He  took  for  his  wife 
Metis,  by  whom  he  became  the  father  of 
Athena;  then  TeEjns,  who  was  the  mother 
of  the  HoRiE  and  the  Parc^e — the  Hours  aud 


'  It  will  he  well  in  this  connection  to  j.'ive  once 
for  all  the  Uitin  and  Greek  equivalents  for  the 
names  of  the  jmncipal  deities — thus:  Ourano8= 
Uranus;  Cronos^Saturn  ;  Zeus— Jupiter,  or  Jove; 
Hades— Pluto;  Poseidon=Neptnno ;  Hera=Juno; 
Apollon=.\pollo;  .\rtemis— Diana;  Leto=Latona; 
Are8=Mar8;  Hermes=Mercury ;  Athena=Mi- 
nerva;  Hephw8tU8= Vulcan ;  He8tia=  Vesta ;  De- 
meter^Ceres;  Aphrodite= Venus. 

N.--Vr)l.    i—w 


the  Fates ;  then  Eurynome,  of  whom  were  bom 
the  Graces;  then  Hestia  and  Mnemosyne, 
whose  children  were  Persephone  and  the 
Muses;  then  Leto,  who  bore  him  Apollo  and 
Artemis;  and  then  Juno,  who  became  the 
mother  of  Ares,  Hebe,  aud  Hephtestus.  So 
the  king  of  the  gods  took  to  himself  the 
ej)ithet  "Olympian."  He  sat  on  his  throne 
aud  hurled  the  thunderbolt.  To  him  was 
erected  the  shriue  among  the  oaks  of  Dodona, 
and  afterwards  the  sjjlendid  temple  at  Olym- 
pia,    the    latter    containing    the    celebrated 


COtX)SSAI.  HEAD  OP  ZEUS. 

The  Otricoli  mask,  of  the  Vatican. 

chryselephantine  statue  of  the  god  done  by 
Phidias. 

Hera  was  regarded  by  the  Greeks  as  the 
queen  of  heaven.  She  bore,  in  some  sense, 
the  same  relation  to  women  as  Zeus  did  to 
men.  She  was  the  patroness  of  marriage, 
and  under  the  epithet  of  Eldhjia  )u-csided 
over  the  birth  of  mortals.  In  the  Homeric 
legends  she  is  represented  as  the  least  amiable 
of  the  divinities — jealous  and  petulant  to  the 
extent  of  keeping  the  other  Olympians,  and 
especially  Zeus,  in  perpetual  trouble.  She 
even  organized  a  conspiracy  with  Poseidoa 
against  her  husband  to  dethrone  and  imprison 


600 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


him ;  but  he,  discovering  the  plot,  seized  her 
and  hung  her  in  the  clouds.  She  was  haughty 
and    imperious.       In     the    Trojan    wi 


he 


COLOSSAL  HEAD  CI"  HtRA.— Villa  Ludovici. 

rapoused  the  cauje  of  the  Greeks,  and  was 
regarded  as  the  chief  source  of  the  woes  of 
Hium.  Her  principal  seats  of  worship  were 
ftt  Argos,  Samos,  and  Sparta.  At  the  first- 
named  place  was  built  her  finest  temple,  and 
in  this  was  her  colossal  statue  done  in  ivory 
and  gold. 

When  the  lots  were  cast  for  the  sovereignty 
of  the  universe  the  sea  fell  to  Poseidon,  son 
of  Cronos  and  Rhea.  He  was  not  especially 
represented  as  inhabiting  the  waters,  but 
rather  as  having  dominion  over  the  move- 
ments of  the  great  deep.  His  vicegerent, 
Nekeus,  lived  in  the  sea,  just  as  Helios  dwelt 
in  the  sun,  while  the  destiny  of  the  orb  was 
controlled  by  Phcebus  Apollo.  The  meaning 
of  the  name  of  Poseidon  is  not  certainly 
known,  and  from  that  source  nothing  can  be 
gathered  of  his  nature.  He  is  represented  in 
the  Iliad  and  Odyssey  as  equal  in  dignity  to 
Ze-.is,  but  inferior  to  him  in  power.  To  Po- 
seidon was  attributed  a  part  of  the  work  of 
creation.     He  was  said  to  be  the  maker  of 


the  horse.  He  was  called  the  "Keeper  of 
the  Earth,"  and  the  "  World-Shaker  "—titles 
indicative  of  almost  Jovine  majesty.  In  one 
legend  he  disputes  the  sovereignty  of  Greek 
cities  with  Athena,  Hera,  and  Helios.  As  a 
rule  he  was  loyal  to  Zeus,  cheerfully  conced- 
ing to  him  the  supreme  dominion ;  but  in  one 
instance,  at  the  instigation  of  Hera  and 
Athena,  he  conspired  to  dethrone  the  king  of 
the  gods,  but  the  plot  was  revealed  by  Thetis ; 
and  the  hundred-handed  BRLiEEUs  was  placed 
beside  the  throne  to  guard  it  against  rebel- 
lions. 

Poseidon  had  his  palace  in  the  deep  waters 
near  -3Egse,  on  the  shores  of  Eubcea.  Here 
he  kept  his  golden-maned  horses,  which  bore 
him  swiftly  in  a  sea-chariot  over  the  surface 
of  the  deep.  He  controlled  the  ocean  in 
time  of  storms,  lest  it  shoidd  sweep  the  land 
from  its  foundations  and  overwhelm  the  world. 
Unlike  Zeus,  Poseidon  was  subject  to  other 
wills  besides  his  own.  He  was  sometimes  com- 
pelled by  the  authority  of  his  brother  to  do 
great  works  for  men.  He  it  was  who,  to- 
gether with  Heracles,  was  obliged  by  the 
council  of  the  immortals  to  rebuild  the  walls 
of  Troy  for  Laomedon,  who  refused  to  pay 
him  for  his  services.     The  god,  incensed  at 


POSEIDON.— iluseo  Chiaromonti. 

this  treatment,  espoused  the  cause  of  Agamem- 
non and  Meuelaiis,  and  helped  to  wreak  venge- 
ance on  the  Trojans.  But  the  most  famous 
legend  of  Poseidon  is  that  in  which  he  con- 
tends with  Athena  for  the  naming  of  Athens. 
Zeus  decreed  that  the  name  should  be  given 


GREECE.— MYTH  AND  TRADITION. 


501 


to  that  deity  who  conferred  the  greatest  boon 
on  the  human  family.  Poseidon  created  and 
gave  the  horse.  Atheua  offered  as  her  gift 
the  olive-tree.  The  award  was  made  ,to 
Atlieua,  for  the  olive,  symbol  of  peace,  was 
better  than  the  horse  that  men  ride  to  battle. 
Poseidon  had  for  his  wife  the  goddess  Ampiiu 
TRITE — that  jealous  Nereid  who  threw  the 
herbs  into  the  well  of  Scylla  and  thus  trans- 
formed her  rival  into  a  monster. 

To  Hades,  brother  of  Zeus  and  Poseidon, 
fell  the  dominion  of  the  unseen  abodes  under 
the  earth,  the  dreary  and  desolate  kingdom 
of  darkness.  The  world  was  flat.  Its  surface 
belonged  to  the  cheerful  gods  of  light.  All 
the  gloomy  realm  below  was  the  realm  of  the 
somber  Hades.  He  was  in  some  sort  the  an- 
tagonist of  light  and  life.  ,He  seized  Per- 
sephone, the  fair  daughter  of  Demeter,  and 
drew  her  down  from  the  upper  world  to  be 
nis  wife  in  the  abodes  of  gloom.  Then  the 
bereft  mother  Earth  went  about  all'  winter 
long  searching  for  her  daughter  Life  '  The 
gloomy  Hades  agreed  to  give  her  up  for  half 
the  year,  but  the  other  half  she  should  dwell 
with  him,  and  the  Earth  should  be  desolate 
in  her  absence. 

Hades  had  charge  of  the  mineral  treasures 
of  the  earth.  They  lay  hidden  in  dark  caves, 
and  were  his  especial  property.  And  more 
especially  since  death  is  a  mystery,  since  it  is 
the  coming  of  darkness,  since  man  goes  away 
into  the  shadows  and  is  seen  no  more — to 
Hades  was  assigned  the  dominion  of  the  dead. 
They  went  to  him.  His  kingdom  was  the 
place  of  the  unseen  spirits.  There,  in  his 
sunless  abode,  must  the  banished  sons  of  mor- 
tality find  their  place.  Hence  was  Hades 
called  I'ohjdcfjmoii,  the  Receiver  of  Many — for 
he  received  many  into  his  cheerless  kingdom. 
Sometimes  Hades  was  called  the  Zeus  of  the 
Nether  World.    His  authority  was  absolute  in 


'  Persephone  is  close  to  Eve.  Eve  means  Life, 
and  should  liave  been  so  rendered,  and  would 
have  been  but  I'or  tlie  blundering  of  the  English 
translators.  The  Seventy  ven,'  properly  rendered 
the  Hebrew  word  by  ^f— "Life;"  but  King 
James's  scholars  fe'l  back  unon  a  corrupt  imitation 
of  tin-  spelling  of  the  Ilebiuw  word,  and  the  sense 
was  lost.  The  woman  was  called  Li/e ;  for  she 
was  the  motlier  of  all  living. 


his  place  of  darkness.  There  he  had  his  pal- 
ace ;  and  by  the  portals  sat  the  grim  dogs 
Orthros  and  Cerberus,  the  latter  with  his 
three  terrible  heads,  guarding  the  approach 
to  the  abode  of  his  master. 

Athene  was  the  daughter  of  Zeus.  She 
sprang  from  his  forehead  cleft  by  the.  axe  of 
Hephiestus.  That  is,  the  Dawn  sprang  from 
the  forehead  of  Light  split  by  the  Sun! 
Athene  is  sometimes  called  Tritogenia,  mean- 
ing Daughter  of  the  Sky.  She  Vvas  the  god- 
dess of  the  Greek  people  just  waking  from 
the  night  of  unconscious  barbarism  to  the 
light  of  civilization.  Her  birds  were  the  owl 
and  the  cock;  the  one  sounding  out  the  night, 
and  the  other  trumpeting  the  clarion  of  day* 
break.  To  wake  from  slumber  is  to  know. 
To  know  is  to  be  wise.  Hence,  Athene  was 
the  goddess  of  wisdom.  She  knew  the  mind 
of  Zeus.  She  is  the  Virgin  Divinity  of  the 
Greek  race.  She  is  serene  and  high.  Only 
once  does  she  act  unworthily.  She  it  waa 
who  dressed  Pandora  when  she  was  sent  to 
Epimetheus  bearing  the  fatal  casket  which 
contained  the  woes  of  the  woild.  But  she 
gave  the  olive-tree  to  Athens  and  received  the 
name  of  the  city. 

Demeter  was  the  Earth  and  the  mother  of 
Life  —  that  beautiful  Persephone  whom  the 
unfeeling  Zeus  gave  to  Hades.  When  the 
unsuspecting  maiden  was  gathering  flowers  at 
Enna,  the  ground  suddenly  opened,  and 
Hades,  riding  in  a  chariot  drawn  by  coal- 
black  horses,  seized  her  and  bore  her  down 
below.  Demeter  put  on  a  mourning-robe, 
and  wandered  with  a  torch  in  her  hand, 
searching  for  her  daughter.  She  met  Hecate, 
who  told  her  that  she  had  heard  the  cry  of 
Persephone  when  Hades  seized  her.  The 
mother  then  went  to  Helios,  the  Sun,  and  ha 
told  her  the  story  of  her  daughter's  doom. 
Then  she  wandered  to  Olympus,  refusing  to 
be  comforted.  Nor  did  the  Earth  any  more 
yield  her  increase  of  fruits  or  flowers  until 
Hermes  was  sent  below  to  bring  back  Life 
from  the  darkness. 

Hestia  was  the  eldest  daughter  of  Cronos 
and  Rhea.  She  was  the  goddess  of  that  sacred 
fire  that  burned  on  the  hearthstone  of  home. 
The  primitive  theory  of  society  was  that  all 


602 


UNIVERSAL  HTSTOPT.—THE  AXCIENT  WORLD. 


men  are  enemies  until  reconciled.  The  hearth 
was  the  place  of  reconciliation;  the  fire  was 
its  sj-mbol;  Hestia,  the  divinity  by  v.hose 
agencj'  it  was  accomplished.  Of  her  but  few 
myths  are  recorded.  One  recites  that  she  was 
solicited  to  become  the  wife  of  Poseidon,  but 
refused.  The  influence  of  this  goddess,  how- 
ever, was  as  deeply  felt  as  that  of  any  other 
of  the  Olympians,  Her  worship  required  the 
performance  of  actual  religious  duties.  Her 
altar  became  the  conservator  of  home.  He 
who  acted  treacheioMsly,  who  broke  the  peace, 
who  violated  the  .  aws  of  humanity,  could 
never  be  a  trut  votary  of  Hestia.  She  re- 
quired truth  v<  the  inner  parts,  piirity  of 
heart,  iiprigri^iiess  of  action,  sincerity  of  pur- 
pose and  ' .  life. 

The  j)eace  of  the  domestic  hearthstone  was 
not  enough.  Each  town  had  its  Pryfanehim, 
where  a  sacred  fire  was  kept  burning  on  a 
public  hearth;  and  if  at  any  time  it  was 
extinguished,  it  must  be  rekindled  either  by 
rubbing  together  pieces  of  wood  or  with  a 
burning-glass;  for  a  common  fire  was  profane. 
Around  this  holy  flame  kindled  from  above 
the  jirytanes,  or  elders  of  the  city,  assembled 
and  debated  in  homelike  spirit  the  peace  and 
welfare  of  the  state.  Likewise — so  recounted 
the  myth — there  was  in  the  center  of  the 
earth  a  hearthstone  on  which  the  fire  was  kept 
forever  burning — the  hearth  or  Prytaneium  of 
the  whole  world. 

Ares,  son  of  Zeus  and  Hera,  was  the  god 
of  the  tumult  of  war.  He  was  not,  as  is 
popularly  believed,  the  deity  who  gave  direc- 
tion and  decided  the  issues  of  war,  but  rather 
the  god  of  din,  of  uproar,  of  slaughter.  He 
had  little  steadiness  of  character  or  purpose. 
He  changed  from  side  to  side.  He  was  any 
thing  for  a  continuance  of  the  noise  and  con- 
fusion of  battle.  He  was  an  enemy  of  men, 
sending  among  them  violence,  plagues,  fam- 
ines. He  was  of  gigantic  stature,  and  when 
fallen  his  bo<ly  measured  rods  on  the  earth. 
He  might  be  wounded,  and  in  that  event  his 
roaring  was  like  the  groans  of  ten  thousand. 
He  was  called  the  "Grinder,"  for  he  ground 
into  dust  the  hopes  and  pleasures  of  mankind. 
He  gained  Aphrodite  for  his  wife,  but  when 
she  was  seen  to  prefer  Adonis,  Ares  converted 


himself  into  a  wild  boar  and  wounded  hia 
rival  to  death.  Having  slain  Halirrhothius, 
son  of  Poseidon,  Ares  was  tried  before  the 
Olympian  council,  and  being  acquitted,  was 
honored  with  the  name  of  the  great  court  of 
Athens,  the  Areopagus,  which  held  its  sittings 
on  tlie  Hill  of  Mars. 

Aphrodite  sprang  from  the  foam  of  the  sea. 
One  legend  of  her  origin  made  her  the  daugh* 
ter  of  Uranus  and  Hemert;,  the  Heaven  and 
the  Day.  In  another — and  this  is  the  story 
of  the  Liad — she  is  called  the  daughter  of 
Zeus  and  Dioue.  She  was  the  goddess  of 
beauty,  of  love,  of  passion.  She  was  ever 
attended  by  the  Hor£e  and  the  Charites.  In 
honor  of  her  origin  she  was  given  the  names 
of  Eualia  and  Pantia.  Sometimes,  as  the 
goddess  of  pure  aflTection,  she  was  called 
Urauia.  The  principal  legend  of  this  divin- 
ity is  that  which  recites  the  award  to  her  of 
the  prize  of  beauty.  At  the  marriage  of 
Peleus  and  Thetis,  Eris,  the  god  of  Strife, 
threw  down  a  golden  apple  with  the  inscrip- 
tion, Tchthemost  Beautiful,  It  was  claimed  by 
Hera,  Athene,  and  Aphrodite.  Zeus  left  the 
award  to  be  made  by  Paris,  the  son  of  Priam, 
and  by  him  the  prize  was  given  to  Aj>hrodite. 
She  gave  him  in  return  the  most  beautiful 
woman  in  Greece,  Helen  of  Sparta,  wife  of 
Menelaiis.     And  hence  the  Trojan  war. 

Aphrodite  had  for  her  husband  Hephjestus, 
but  she  preferred  Adonis,  who  loved  her  not 
in  return.  Once  she  was  beloved  by  Posei- 
don; once,  by  Ares.  Her  human  lover  was 
Anchises  of  Troy,  by  whom  she  became  the 
mother  of  ^neas,  the  ancestor  of  the  Ro- 
mans. The  myths  of  Aphrodite  are  many 
and  sometimes  contradictory.  Her  charactei 
is  that  of  vicissitude.  She  changes.  Some- 
times she  is  pure  and  tender;  sometimes 
vehement  and  passionate.  In  the  Spartan 
temple  she  was  represented  as  a  victorious 
goddess,  conquering  rather  than  winning, 
subduing  rather  than  sustaining  the  spirits  of 
her  votaries. 

Hephaestus  was  the  presiding  genius  of  the 
Olympian  smithy.  He  was  puny  at  birth, 
but  powerful — as  well  as  lame  and  ugly — 
when  grown  up.  His  delight  was  the  forge. 
Here  he  fashioned  the  weapons  of  the  goda 


GREECE.— MYTH  AND  TRADITION. 


603 


anil  the  heroes.  His  career  was  hard  and 
inglorious.  Kis  mother,  Hera,  was  so  dis- 
pleased with  his  iigliuess  that  she  would  ban- 
ish him  fioin  Olympus.  Afterwards  he  es- 
poused her  cause  in  a  quarrel  with  Zeus,  and 
by  him  was  hurled  down  into  the  island  of 
Leranos.  He  subseijeutly  regained  a  measure 
of  favor,  but  never  rose  to  a  dignity  higher 
than  that  of  cupbearer  to  the  gods.  One  of 
his  myths  is  tiiat  when  the  armor  of  Achilles 
had  been  taken  by  Hector  from  the  body  of 
Patroclus,  Hephoestus,  at  the  prayer  of  The- 
tis, made  for  her  son  a  new  suit  burnished 
till  it  flashed  like  the  sun.  His  good  fortune 
in  winning  Aphrodite  for  his  wife  was  blasted 
by  the  wamlering  of  her  affections  to  Adonis. 

Apollo  had  nearly  always  the  epithet  of 
Phoebus.  He  was  the  overpowering  Bright- 
ness of  the  Sun.  He  did  not,  however,  have 
his  residence  in  the  great  orb  of  day,  that 
being  reserved  for  Helios.  Phoebus  was  the 
son  of  Zeus  and  Leto.  His  mother  wandered 
through  many  lands  until  she  came  at  last  to 
Delos,  and  promised  that  in  return  for  .shelter 
the  island  should  become  famous  as  the  birth- 
place of  her  son.  Here  Phoebus  was  born ; 
and  the  pledge  of  the  mother  was  fulfilled ; 
for  from  henceforth  Delos  became  one  of  the 
uacred  places  of  the  Hellenes.'  The  island, 
once  rocky  and  sterile,  was  covered  with 
flowe.-s  and  verdure.  The  nymj)lis  came  and 
wrappe  the  infant  Apollo  in  a  white  robe. 
Themis  feci  him  with  nectar  and  ambrosia. 
He  took  a  harp  in  his  hand  and  declared 
himself  the  revealer  of  the  will  of  Zeus  to 
mankind. 

As  a  god,  Phoebus  was  the  bringer  of  the 
light.  Light  was  the  harbinger  of  knowl- 
edge. He  became  the  patron  of  learning 
and  art  and  song.  It  was  the  ushering  in 
of  the  Beautiful,  not  only  for  Greece,  but  for 
all  the  world.  Barliarism  drew  a  cowl  over 
his  leaden  eyes  and  slunk  into  a  cavern. 
The  morning  of  civilization  arose  with  the 
resplendent  sun,  drawn  in  the  car  of  Phoebus. 


"'T)ie  isles  of  Ctieece,  tlie  isles  of  Greece, 
Wliere  burninij;  Sapplio  lined  and  sung, 
WIhtc  grew  the  .irts  of  war  imd  (leace. 
Where  Delos  rose  and  I'lutbus  sprung." 

— Hvron. 


Darkness  shivered  and  died  in  the  sweet  dawn 
of  poesy.  The  flash  of  beauty  and  the  vic» 
toiy  of  thought  began  in  the  lumiuous  myth 
of  Apollo. 

He  had  limbs,  for  strength  and  whiteness, 

Like  the  war-maid  Amazon's, 
And  his  eye  shot  forth  the  brightness 

Of  the  Oriental  sun's. 
By  his  mighty  side  and  shoulder 

Hung  the  quiver  and  its  darts; 
And  the  world  has  grown  no  older 

Since  Apollo  gave  the  arts ! 

The  great  oracle  of  Phoebus  was  at  Del* 
phi — the  most  famous  of  all  the  shrines  of 
the  Hellenes.  Here  it  was  that  Apollo  slew 
the  Typhon,  the  terrible  dragon  of  darkness 
that  had  so  long  kept  the  world  in  terror. 
Here  it  was  that  the  inspiration  of  the  gods, 
breathing  from  the  crevice  of  the  rocks,  gave 
the  Pythia  her  prophetic  powers  and  made 
men  acquainted  with  the  future.  Of  all  the 
worship  known  to  the  Greeks  that  of  Apollo 
was  most  widely  spread  and  influential.  His 
voice,  speaking  through  the  oracle,  not  infre- 
quently changed  the  current  of  Hellenic  his- 
tory. Under  the  shadow  of  his  temple  the 
Amphyctionic  council  of  the  Greek  states, 
the  greatest  and  wisest  body  of  the  nation, 
held  its  meetings,  as  if  to  gain  for  their  de- 
liberations the  highest  sanctions  of  wisdom 
and  religion. 

Like  unto  Apollo  was  his  sister,  Artemis. 
She  possessed  in  general  the  same  powers  and 
attributes  with  her  brother.  With  her  name, 
however,  are  associated  fewer  myths  than  with 
most  of  the  other  divinities.  She  took  part 
in  the  afllairs  of  men  more  as  a  friend  than  an 
enemy.  She  gave  to  Procris  her  hound  and 
spear.  She  healed  .^neas  when  he  fell 
wounded  befoi'e  Troy.  But  she  insisted  that 
Ipiiigenia  should  be  sacrificed,  and  was  iri* 
placable. 

Hermes,  son  of  Zeus  and  ^Faia,  began  \ii% 
career  by  extemporizing  a  cithara  from  a  tor* 
toise  shell.  From  this  he  proceeded  to  the 
theft  of  the  cattle  of  Phoebus.  Then  he  kin- 
dled fire  by  the  friction  of  wood,  and  thus 
gave  to  the  world  the  warmth  of  the  cheerful 
flame :  all  this  during  the  first  day  of  his  life 
Then  followed  the  contest  between  himself 
and    I'iuebus   respecting  the  stolen   herd,   the 


604 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


trial  of  the  cause  in  the  court  of  Zeus,  the 
placation  of  Apollo's  temper  by  the  device  of 
music,  the  interchange  of  the  lyre  of  Hermes 
for  the  wisdom  of  Phoebus,  and  to  the  treaty 
between  the  two  deities — one  of  the  most 
elaborate,  interesting,  and  witty  myths  of  the 
Greeks. 

Such  was  the  Olympian  hierarchy.  Be- 
sides the  "twelve  gods,"  however,  there  were 
many  others  believed  in  by  the  Hellenes. 
Such  was  Dionysus,  the  wine-god,  to  whom 
frequent  reference  has  already  been  made. 
As  to  his  parentage  the  myths  are  various. 
the  most  rational  being  that  he  was  the  son 
of  Zeus  and  Semele,  daughter  of  Cadmus, 
king  of  Thebes.  She,  tempted  to  her  ruin, 
was  visited  by  Zeus,  and  was  destroyed  by  his 
lightnings ;  but  Dionysus  was  born  in  the 
midst  of  the  thunderbolts.  He  was  brought 
up  in  Naxos,  and  passed  through  many  and 
grievous  toils  before  coming  to  his  fame.  His 
principal  legend  is  that  which  recounts  the 
history  of  the  introduction  of  the  vine. 
Dionysus  stood  on  a  cliff  by  the  sea.  Some 
Tyrrhenians  passing  in  a  ship  saw  him  and 
took  him.  They  bound  him  with  withes,  but 
these  were  broken  off.  As  they  sailed  away  a 
stream  of  wine  flowed  over  the  deck  of  the 
vessel,  and  a  vine  clambered  up  the  masts. 
In  the  midst  of  the  leaves  hung  bunches  of 
luscious  grapes. 

One  of  the  most  famous  of  the  myths  was 
that  of  Heracles.  He  was  the  son  of  Zeus 
and  Alcmene.  By  his  father  the  greatness  of 
his  physical  strength  was  predicted.  In  his 
cradle,  as  he  lay  sleeping,  two  serpents  coiled 
themselves  around  him;  but  on  waking  he 
clutched  them  by  the  throats  and  choked 
them  to  death.  As  he  grew  he  became  the 
abused  servant  of  Eurystheus,  grandson  of 
Perseus,  who  by  the  craft  of  Juno  was  sub- 
stituted for  Heracles  in  the  kingdom.  The 
latter  was  condemned  for  twelve  years  to  toil 
for  the  benefit  of  man.  His  whole  life  was 
spent  in  performance  of  heavy  tasks,  too 
grievous  to  be  undertaken  by  any  other  than 
this  divine  toiler.  Twelve  stupendous  "la- 
bors" were  imposed  upon  him,  but  neither  did 
his  patience  fail  nor  his  strength  prove  inade- 
quate to  his  tasks.     He  strangled   the  great 


lion  that  infested  the  Nemtean  valley.  He 
slew  the  huge,  nine-headed  LeruEean  hydra. 
He  captured  the  Arcadian  stag  that  had 
golden  horns  and  bi-azen  feet,  of  surpassing 
swiftness  and  strength.  He  took  the  Eryman- 
thian  boar,  having  chased  him  through  the 
deep  snow  until  exhausted  he  was  caught  in  a 
snare.  lie  cleansed  the  Augean  stables, 
where  three  thousand  oxen  had  been  stabled 
for  thirty  years.  To  wash  out  the  horrid  ag- 
gregation the  rivers  Alpheus  and  Peneus  were 
turned  into  the  stalls,  and  the  work  was  done 
in  a  single  day.  He  destroyed  the  birds  of 
Stamphalia,  terrible  creatures  with  claws  and 
wings  and  beaks  of  brass,  feeding  upon  the 
flesh  of  men.  He  captured  the  mad  bull  of 
Crete  that  Minos  had  neglected  to  sacrifice 
when  sent  by  Poseidon.  He  carried  away  the 
wild  mares  of  Diomedes  that  fed  upon  human 
beings,  and  brought  them  tamed  to  Mycense. 
He  took  away  th'e  girdle  of  Hippolyte,  queen 
of  the  Amazons,  which  she  had  received  as  a 
gift  from  Ares.  He  seized  the  red  oxen  of 
Geryones,  guarded  as  they  were  by  the  giant 
Eurytion  and  the  two-headed  dog  Orthrus. 
He  obtained  the  golden  apples  of  the  Hes- 
perides,  given  by  Rhea  to  Juno  and  protected 
by  the  dragon  Ladon.  Finally,  he  -seized  and 
carried  to  the  upper  world  the  three-headed 
dog  Cerberus  that  stood  guard  at  the  portals 
of  Hades.  In  his  further  career  he  went 
about  doing  good  to  men,  in  beating  back  the 
adverse  forces  of  nature  and  subduing  the 
monsters  that  infested  the  primeval  world. 

In  tracing  the  course  of  Grecian  mythology, 
it  is  quite  impossible  to  tell  precisely  where 
the  godlike  ends  and  the  heroic  begins. 
There  is  a  point  at  which  the  deeds  of  tht. 
actor  become  the  exploits  of  a  man — exagger- 
ated doubtless  beyond  the  range  of  human 
performance,  but  still  essentially  the  exploits 
of  a  man.  At  that  point  the  myth  proper 
descends  into  a  legend ;  the  element  of  the 
supernatural  gradually  disappears  ;  and  tradi' 
tion  begins  to  lay  the  foundation  of  history. 
But  before  entering  the  domain  of  what  may 
be  called  the  traditions  and  legends  of  Greece 
as  distinguished  from  her  mythology  proper — 
or  so  much  of  it  as  appertains  to  the  lives 
and  deeds  of  the  gods — it  will  be  appropriate 


GREECE.— MYTH  AND  TRADITION. 


606 


to  add  a  few  paragraphs  on  the  signification 
of  the  Hellenic  myths.  What  did  they  meanf 
How  did  they  originate?  How  did  the  gods 
of  the  Greeks  become  what  they  were  in  the 
imagination  of  the  people?  Tliese  (juestions 
are  not  to  be  answered  with  over-assurance  of 
certainty,  but  with  a  modest  caution  and 
reserve. 

In  the  first  place,  then,  the  mythology  of 
the  Hellenic  race  should  be  regarded  a  System 
of  Natural  PhiIo.<ophy.  It  was  an  effort  of  the 
human  mind  to  interpret  Nature.  Knowledge 
consists  in  a  perception  of  cause.  To  be  able 
to  refer  one  fact  to  another  as  its  antecedent 
and  that  to  another,  is  the  first  step  in  natu- 
ral science,  and  indeed  in  any  science.  Na- 
ture has  always  presented  herself  to  the  mind 
as  a  mystery  to  be  solved.  Her  ever-varying 
and  beautiful  phenomena  are  precisely  of  a 
sort  to  fascinate  the  senses  and  challenge  the 
reason  of  men.  She  has  thus  offered  herself 
to  all  races,  but  her  petition  to  be  known  has 
been  felt  as  an  ardent  ajipeal  by  only  a  few 
peoples  of  vigorous  intellect  and  active  imag- 
ination. Of  this  sort  were  the  Aryan  races, 
who  have  all  manifested  a  ketd  interest  in 
the  great  mystery  which  at  once  evokes  their 
admiration  and  awakens  their  curiosity.  The 
Aryans,  under  favorable  conditions,  have 
always  been  a  people  of  the  liveliest  sense- 
perrriitlon.  They  have  seen  with  keener  ap- 
preciation the  beautiful  pictures  of  Nature, 
and  heard  with  purer  delight  the  rhythm  of 
her  melodies  than  have  any  other  of  the 
families  of  mankind. 

Among  these  Aryan  races — Indians,  Per- 
sians, Medes,  Italicans,  Germans,  Celts — the 
Greeks  were  preeminently  the  people  of  high- 
est intellectual  power  and  liveliest  imagina- 
tion. They  were  especially  curious  to  know — 
eager  to  hear,  to  see,  to  understand.  Their 
senses  were  susceptible  of  the  most  vivid  im- 
pressions. Their  interest  in  the  great  pano- 
rama of  Nature  was  unflagging.  Imagination 
and  reason  were  ever  on  the  alert  to  explain 
the  shifting  scenery  of  the  visible  world. 

So  the  Greeks  began  to  put  into  language, 
to  describe,  to  interpret  the  j)lienoniena  of 
earth  and  sky  ami  sen.  Here  at  the  outset 
they  were   opposed   with    a   serious   obstacle. 


Nature  in  some  parts  of  the  world,  as  in 
Egypt  and  Chaldaia,  displays  herself  in  a  suc- 
cession of  orderly  aspects.  She  varies  but 
little.  Day  after  day,  through  cloudless  skies, 
the  great  sun  travels  the  jjrescribed  path  to 
his  western  exit  into  darkness.  Night  after 
night  the  tremendous  wheel  of  the  silent 
universe  is  revolved  in  solemn  grandeur  over* 
head.  There  is  little  variation.  Observation 
is  stimulated  by  the  regularity  and  steadiness 
of  the  phenomena,  and  the  lines  of  causation 
from  consequent  to  antecedent,  unbroken  by 
interferences  or  accident,  are  easily  traced  from 
step  to  step.  But  in  Greece  the  exact  op- 
posite of  all  this  is  true.  Here,  if  anywhere 
in  the  world,  Nature  knows  no  law.  The 
coasts  of  Hellas  are  bounded  by  a  line  of  in- 
describable irregularity.  The  sea  gnaws  at 
the  shore,  and  the  shore  thrusts  out  to  sea. 
The  surface  of  the  country  is  set  at  all  slopes 
and  angles.  Hills  rise  from  the  valleys,  and 
mountains  overtop  the  hills.  Forests,  glens, 
grottoes,  vistas,  fountains,  sequestered  spots, 
thickets  of  tangled  vines,  rocky  chasms  with 
the  murmur  of  waters  in  the  bottom,  patches 
of  the  bluest  sky  seen  through  gnarled 
branches  of  hoary  oaks, — every  aspect  of 
smile  or  frown  which  Nature  can  well  assume, 
is  here  the  expression  of  her  face.  She  is 
whimsical,  capricious.  A  flash  of  warm  sun« 
shine  transfigures  the  landscape,  and  then — 

Cliill  and  murk  is  the  mighty  blast 
Where  Pindus'  mountains  rise. 

And  angry  skies  are  pouring  fast 
The  deluge  of  tlie  skies. 

In  the  midst  of  this  almost  infinite  com- 
plexity the  Greek  mind  stood  confused. 
Nature  here  seemed  without  law.  Her  pro- 
cesses were  everywhere  broken  and  interrupted. 
The  consequent  was  detached  from  the  ante- 
cendent.  The  different  parts  of  the  natural 
world  seemed  to  be  under  the  dominion  of 
individual  forces.  Unity  was  indiscoverable 
in  the  multiplex  aspect  of  Nature.  She 
seemed  made  up  of  antagonisms  and  conflicts. 
In  her  moods  was  the  mingling  of  calm  and 
storm,  of  light  and  darkness,  of  joy  and  sor- 
row. The  interpretation  of  such  a  variable 
and  capricious  Fact  as  that  with  which  the 
Greek    fouml    himself    environed    would    of 


606 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


necessity  be  broken   into  parts,  confused  in 
detaik,  contradictory  in  statement. 

What,  then,  more  particularly  were  the 
facts  and  phenomena  which  the  imagination 
and  reason  of  the  Greeks,  and  the  ancestors 
of  the  Greeks,  were  called  upon  to  explain? 
They  were  the  visible  phenomena  of  the  ex- 
ternal world.  Here  were,  first  of  all,  the 
three  great  facts  of  sky  and  earth  and  sea. 
Here,  also,  were  the  two  principal  orbs  of 
heaven,  the  sun  and  the  moon.  Here,  in  the 
next  place,  and  especially,  were  the  attributes 
and  effects  of  those  bodies — light,  heat,  dawn, 
twilight,  day  as  one  fact  and  night  as  another. 
Here  were  clouds  floating  overhead.  Here 
were  fountains  bubbliug  from  the  earth. 
Here  were  the  unseen  but  powerful  winds. 
Here  were  the  waves  of  the  deep  sea — the 
murmur  of  their  music,  the  roar  of  their 
wrath.  Here  was  the  hot  lightning,  flashing 
through  the  vapor-burdened  air  of  summer, 
and  the  deep  roll  of  the  thunder,  shaking 
both  earth  and  heaven. 

Of  these  things  what  explanation?  The 
mind  of  primitive  Arya  stood  before  the  prob- 
lem. It  began  descriptively.  TJw  first  stage 
of  mythology  is  simple  description.  The  phe- 
nomena of  Nature  and  her  simpler  processes 
were  merely  described.  They  were  described 
as  they  would  be  by  a  people  of  a  vigorous 
eense-perception  and  lively  imagination.  But 
there  was  at  the  outset  no  impersonation — no 
oi&ripition  of  active  causes  to  natural  phenomena 
mdside  of  themselves.  The  facts  and  sequences 
of  Nature  were  at  the  first  merely  expressed 
in  such  words  as  seemed  to  give  the  truest  im- 
pression of  the  things  described.  That  is  to 
say,  the  primitive  natural  philosopher  of  the 
Aryan  race  spoke  of  Nature,  described  her  as 
she  appeared  to  his  senses.  He  said :  The 
sun  rises.  He  rises  from  the  sea.  The  light 
comes  from  the  east.  The  light  is  from  the 
sun.  The  dawn  precedes  the  day.  Darkness 
flees  before  the  dawn.  Darkness  goes  under 
the  world  when  day  comes.  The  sun  dries 
up  the  dew.  The  clouds  give  rain.  The 
clouds  are  the  creatures  of  the  air.  The  sky 
is  over  a?L.  The  sky  is  the  highest  thing. 
Tht  sky  thunders.  The  sky  lightens.  Fire 
is     from     the    sun.       Fire    warms.      Water 


quenches.  The  sea  is  troubled.  Man  is 
afraid.  The  powers  are  stronger  than  he. 
Underground  is  dark.  Love  is  sweet.  War 
crushes.     All  things  go  on  and  on. 

Such  was  the  natural  language  of  man 
attempting  to  depict  and  explain  the  things 
which  he  saw.  It  was  merely  the  rudiments 
of  a  natural  philosophy,  which  in  a  literary 
and  enlightened  age  would  erelong  have  be- 
come Science;  but,  being  in  a  pre-literary  and 
unenlightened  age,  it  became  MytJwhgy.  It 
only  remains,  then,  to  explain  the  process  by 
which  the  rudiments  of  the  primitive  natural 
philosophy  of  the  Aryan  races  were  mytholo- 
gized — converted  into  myths.  The  explana- 
tion of  this  process  is  to  be  sought  and  found, 
whole  and  perfect,  in  the  history  and  muta- 
tions of  human  speech.  It  is  to  the  Science 
of  Language  that  we  must  look  for  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  metamorphosis  of  the  prim- 
itive philosophy  of  nature  into  myths. 

It  must  be   understood  that  the  original 
Aryan  tribes  of  Bactria  broke  up  and  rolled 
away  in  migratory  bands  in  several  directions. 
The  tribes  fiUed   India,  the  Great  Plateau  of 
Iran,  the  shores  of  Asia  Minor,  the  islands' 
and  mainland   of  Greece,    Italy,    Germany, 
Scandinavia,  the   whole   of  Europe.      These 
peoples  had  an  original  language,  which  was 
spoken   before   the  tribal  separation.     It  via* 
during  the  migration  and  settlement  of  these  na 
tions  in  distant  paiis  that  Nature  became  a>i  of 
ject  of  study  and  description.     But,  while  this 
process  was  going  on,  while  the  Indians  were 
becoming  Indians  and  the  Greeks  Greeks,  the 
languages  of  the   nations  about  to  be  were 
undergoing    rapid   processes   of   growth   and 
decay :    growth — for    the   new  objects    which 
constantly  appeared  before   a  migratory  and 
developing  people,  especially  if  those  people 
were  possessed   of  lively    sensibilities,  would 
constantly     demand     new    names    and    new 
descriptions ;  decay — for  the  transfer  of  place 
and   scene   and  sentiment   would  with  equal 
certainty  remand  large  numbers  of  words  and 
phrases,  descriptive  of  things  no  longer  seen 
and  heard,  to  the  ever-increasing  list  of  obso- 
lete and  obsolescent  fragments  which  time  and 
change  were  daily  tossing  into  the  waste-basket 
of  human  speech. 


GREECE.— MYTH  AND  TRADITION. 


607 


Now,    it    is   this   waste-basket    of   human 
speech  that  contains  the  mythology  of  the  an- 
cients.    The  words,  phrases,  and  scraps  of  de- 
scription which  were  cast  therein  were,  when 
80   dropped   among   tlie    debri.-<,  merely  unfig- 
urative  expressions  for  the  things  previously 
seen  and   heard.     But   it  must   be  borne  in 
mind   that  in  a  prc-litorar)'  age  this  mass  of 
waste  fragments  of  dying  speech  would  for  a 
long  time  be  carried  along  with  the  migrating, 
and  even  by  the  settled,  tribes,  and  that  obso- 
lete and  ob-solescent  words  and  phra.ses  would 
continue  to  be  heard  on  the  tongues  of  people 
who,  having  no  lexicon  in  which  the  original 
meanings  of  such    words    and    phrases   were 
crystallized,  would   use   them   in  a  new  sense 
unknown   to  their   fathers.     It   thus  came  to 
pass  that  the  alphabet  and  rudimentary  les- 
sons of  the  primitive  natural  philosophy,  be- 
ing couched   in   an   obsolescent    phraseology, 
were  gradually  transformed  into  myths.     The 
old  word  which  had  been  merely  a  name  or 
descriptive  epithet  became,  when  its  meaning 
was  lost  and  when  that  meaning  was  expressed 
by  a  new  word  coined  in  the  fertile  brain  of 
invention,  the  name  of  a  person  rather  than  the 
name  of  a  thing.     And    this  is   the   sum   and 
substance   of    the    mythologizing    process    by 
which  the  merely  descriptive  phrases  of  early 
science  were  transformed  under  a  natural  law 
of  linguistic  change  into  a  new  sense  descrip- 
tive of  imaginary  Causes  and  Personal  Agen- 
cies apart   from   the   facts  to  be   interpreted. 
It  is  thus  that  the  Science  of  Language,  not 
by  theory  and  speculation,  but  by  the  actual 
demonstration  of  truth,  has  revealed  the  true 
origin  and  nature  of  the  myths  of  antiquity. 
It  only  remains  to  elucidate  the  subject  with 
a  few  examples  and  illustrations  caught  almost 
at  random   from  the  language  of  mythology. 
The   word    zeiis    meant  originally  the  blue 
Bky.     It    had    no    other    signification.     This 
meaning  was  not  known  to  the  Greeks  them- 
selves.    The  true  sense  of  the  word  has  been 
discovered  only  in  recent  times,  by  an  exam- 
ination of  the  cognate  Sanskrit  in  which  dijaus 
pUar   (^zeiM  jxiter  in  Greek)   means  simplv 
father  of  the   sky,  the  dyaiis  being  the  word 
for    sky.     Neither    Socrates    nor    Plato    ever 
dreamed   of  such  a  fact   in    their   language. 


To  them  the  word  Zeus  had  issued  from  the 
prehistoric  shadows  as  the  name  of  the  su- 
preme god  of  their  race — nothing  more,  noth- 
ing less.  But  it  is  now  clearly  seen  that 
sometime  during  the  Hellenic  migration  the 
word  zeus  became^  mythologized — lost  its  old 
scientific  meaning  of  sky,  passed  through  the 
stage  of  sky-yo(I,  and  then,  since  the  sky  is  the 
highest  thing,  became  the  name  of  the  Fathe- 
of  gods  and  men,  the  supreme  deity  of  the 
race.  This  simple  method  of  illustration  can 
be  carried  forward  with  entire  satisfaction 
through  the  whole  list  of  the  gods  and  god- 
desses of  Greece,  the  fictions  thus  unraveled 
being  of  the  highest  beauty  in  the  light  of 
the  new  interpretation. 

Thus,  for  instance,  dew  in  the  original 
Aryan  speech  was  called  jn-ocris.  One  of  the 
names  of  the  sun  was  cephalm.  The  child  at 
early  morning,  beholding  the  dew-drops  on 
the  grass,  might  well  wonder  and  grieve  to 
see  them  disappear  in  the  sunlight.  The  par- 
ent would  explain  that  cephaJiis  had  taken  pro- 
cris  away — had  killed  her  with  kisses.  So  the 
phrase  would  arise  that  eephalm  loved  2)roeri» 
and  devoured  her.  It  is  at  first  a  poem  in  pri- 
mary science.  But  so  soon  as  the  original 
meanings  of  cephalus  and  j:>?-oen's  have  been 
supplanted  by  other  words  and  the  original 
words  have  become  obsolescent,  then  the 
myth-making  imagination,  retaining  the  old 
phrase-poem,  preserves  it  in  the  legend  that 
the  god  Cephalus,  loving  the  maiden  Procris, 
devoured  her  with  kisses.  In  the  same  way 
Phoebus,  the  sun,  pursues  Daphne,  the  dawn, 
and  gives  her  no  rest  from  his  tierce  passion ; 
but  she  returns  in  the  twilight  of  evening  to 
watch  with  faithful  tenderness  beside  the 
couch  of  her  dying  'ord.  The  myth  of  Cro- 
nos devouring  his  oflspring  means  no  more — 
whatever  it  may  have  meant  to  the  Greek — 
than  that  time  eats  up  the  days  and  years:  as 
soon  as  they  are  bori.  It  is  all  a  mutation 
of  speech,  beginning  with  an  attempt  to 
explain  in  plain  language  the  phenomena  of 
Nature,  and  ending  by  the  giving  to  obsolete 
words  of  a  new  sense  significant  of  a  Cause 
rather  than  descriptive  of  a  Fact.  It 
was  thus  that  the  wonderful,  the  beautiful 
fabric  of  Grecian  mythology  was  built  up  un- 


608 


UNIVERSAL  fflSTORY.—THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


consciously  out  of  an  attempt  of  the  primitive 
Hellenes  to  formulate  a  system  of  natural 
philosophy,  and  out  of  the  transformation  of 
that  system  by  the  mythologizing  processes 
■of  human  speech. 

After  the  myth  of  Heracles,  there  is  a 
gradual  descent  in  the  system  of  the  Greeks 
to  the  plane  of  human  possibility.  Thus, 
though  Perseus  is  still  the  son  of  Zeus,  he  be- 
gins to  appear  as  one  of  the  mortals.  He 
was  brought  up  by  King  Polydectes,  by  whom 
he  was  sent  to  fetch  the  head  of  the  gorgon 
Medusa.  To  save  himself  from  being  con- 
verted into  stone  on  beholding  the  monster, 
Perseus  employed  the  device  of  a  mirror,  and 
thus  succeeded  in  cutting  off  Medusas  head. 
Finding  Polydectes  to  have  been  treacherous, 
he  converted  him  and  his  household  into 
stone  by  displaying  the  head  of  the  dead 
gorgon.  After  this,  being  unwLUing  to  return 
to  Argos,  of  which  he  is  the  reputed  founder, 
Perseus  exchanged  governments  with  King 
Megapeuthes,  and  received  for  his  kingdom 
Tiryns,  in  return  for  his  own  city  of  Argos. 

Of  like  character  is  the  tradition  of  The- 
BEUS,  the  legendary  hero  of  Attica.  His 
parents  were  mortals,  his  father  being  ^geus, 
king  of  Athens,  and  his  mother  the  daughter 
of  Pittheus,  king  of  Troezena.  His  royal 
parentage  was  concealed  from  him  until  his 
maturity,  when  he  returned  to  Athens  and 
was  about  to  be  destroyed  by  Medea.  He 
afterwards  engaged  in  a  series  of  adventures, 
or  labors,  like  those  of  Heracles,  undertaken 
for  the  good  of  his  countrymen.  He  even 
devoted  himself  to  death  by  a  self-oflering  to 
the  Minotaur  of  Crete,  but  Ariadne,  daughter 
of  King  ^liuos,  furnbhed  him  a  sword  and  a 
•ball  of  thread,  by  means  of  which  he  traced 
the  labyrinth  and  slew  the  Minotaur  in  his 
■den.  On  his  return  to  his  own  country  with 
Ariadne  he  forgot  to  hoist  the  white  sail, 
■which  was  to  be  the  signal  of  his  victory,  and 
King  ^geus,  believing  his  sou  destroyed, 
threw  himself  into  the  sea.  Theseus  thus  be- 
came king  of  Attica.  He  afterwards  subdued 
the  Amazons,  went  on  the  Argonautic  expe- 
dition, and  fought  against  the  Centaurs,  those 
fabulous  horse-man  monsters  that  inhabited 
the  plains  of  Thessaly. 


Similar,  also,  is  the  legend  of  CEdipus,  the 
great  hero  of  Thebes.  On  account  of  a  warn- 
ing from  the  Delphic  oracle  he  was  exposed 
at  birth  by  his  father,  Laios,  but  was  rescued 
and  taken  to  Coriuth,  where  he  was  adopted 
as  the  son  of  Polybus  and  Merope.  Journey- 
ing towards  Thebes,  he  met  an  old  man  in  a 
chariot,  who  ordered  him  out  of  the  way  and 
struck  him.  OEdipus  was  enraged  aud  slew 
him,  and  the  dead  man  afterwards  proved  to 
be  his  father,  Laios.  Not  knowing  what  he 
had  done,  Qi^dipus  went  on  to  Thebes.  There 
the  merciless  Sphinx  had  brought  drought  and 
distress  upon  the  city;  for  none  could  answer 
the  riddles  which  the  monster,  sitting  on  the 
brow  of  the  hill  above  the  city,  propouryied 
to  the  people.  But  QDdipus  solved  the  dark 
sayings  of  the  Sphinx,  and  she  threw  herself 
down  from  the  height  and  perished.  The 
deliverer  was  rewarded  by  the  gift  of  locaste, 
the  queen,  who  was  bestowed  on  him  in  mar- 
riage. Now,  locaste  was  his  mother!  So  the 
oracle  was  fulfilled.  A  plague  came  on  the 
city.  Qildipus  tore  out  his  eyes,  and  locaste 
died  of  despair. 

Nor  should  the  legend  be  omitted  of  Cad- 
jvius  and  Europa.  They  were  the  children  of 
Agenor  and  Telephassa.  In  childhood,  Europa 
was  carried  away  by  Zeus,  who  appeared  in 
the  form  of  a  white  bull.  Then  the  mother 
and  brothers  went  to  search  for  her  who  was 
abducted.  In  Thessaly,  Telephassa  died,  but 
Cadmus,  under  direction  of  Phoebus  Apollo, 
went  on  to  Delphi  and  found  his  sister. 
After  the  discovery,  he  was  directed  by  the 
god  to  follow  a  cow  that  should  appear  before 
him,  and  where  she  should  lie  down  there  he 
should  found  a  city.  He  did  so,  and  thus 
laid  the  foundation  of  Thebes. 

The  founding  of  Athens  by  Cecrops  intro- 
duces another  interesting  legend.  According 
to  one  myth  this  great  hero  ivas  of  Pelasgic 
origin,  but  the  commonly  received  tradition 
made  him  an  Egyptian  from  Sa'is.  He  is 
said  to  have  brought  a  colony  into  Attica  and 
to  have  founded  the  Acropolis.  In  the  tem- 
ple of  Artemis  a  statue  was  placed  to  his 
honor;  for  in  a  dispute  between  that  goddess 
and  Poseidon  he  had  decided  for  her,  and 
the    olive-tree,   instead    of   the    trident,    was 


GREECE.— MYTH  AND  TRADITION. 


509 


taken  as  the  symbol  of  Atheus.  After  the 
foundations  of  the  city  were  laid,  Cecrops  di- 
vided Attica  into  twelve  communities.  He 
_gave  good  laws,  established  marriage,  abol- 
ished bloody  sacrifices,  encouraged  agriculture 
and  the  building  of  shij)S,  brought  in  the 
dawn  of  civilization. 

Many  other  legends  of  like  sort  might  be 
recited  from  the  treasure-house  of  Grecian 
story.  One  of  peculiar  interest  is  that  of 
AflCLEPios.'  He  wa.s  the  reputed  son  of  Apollo 
and  the  nymph  Coronis.  At  his  birth  Phoebus 
left  the  mother  and  went  his  ways.  Then 
came  Ischys  from  Arcadia  and  won  her  love. 
For  this  disloyalty  Artemis  slew  Coronis,  but 
Asclepios  was  saved  alive.  He  was  reared  by 
the  centaur  Cheiron,  who 
taught    him   the  mysteries  of  ^„  _  r 

the  healing  art,  by  which  ^^5* 
the  pupil  gained  a  world-wide 
fame.  He  even  i-aised  the 
dead;  but  by  doing  so  he  pro- 
voked the  wrath  of  Hades, 
who  complained  to  Zeus  that 
his  kingdom  would  be  unpeo- 
pled. Zeus  thereupon  smote 
Asclepios  with  a  thunderbolt. 
For  this,  Apollo,  being  en- 
raged, slew  the  Cyclopes, 
servants  of  Zeus;  but  the  lat- 
ter squared  the  account  by 
condemning  Ajiollo  to  serve 
the  house  of  Aduietus,  king  of  Pherie, 

Deucalion  was  the  son  of  Prometheus  and 
Clymene.  In  him  is  preserved  the  tradition 
of  the  Grecian  flood.  In  the  time  of  King 
Lycaon  and  his  sons  the  wickedness  of  the 
world  became  intolerable.  Zeus  resolved  to 
destroy  mankind  with  a  deluge  of  water.  So 
he  sent  a  flood.  As  the  waters  rose  Deuca- 
lion entered  the  ark  which  he  had  ])rcpared 
in  accordance  with  the  warning  of  his  father, 
Prometheus,  and  for  eight  days  was  borne  on 
the  breast  of  the  waters.  Then  the  ark  rested 
on  Parnassus.  Deucalion  came  out  with  his 
wife  Pyrrha,  and  prayed  for  the  restoration 
of  mankind.  ITernios,  in  answer,  told  him 
that  he  nnd  Pyrrha,  in  desi'ending  tlie  nioun- 

'Usnal.y  known  by  his  I^tin  name  of  ^Escu- 
.lapius. 


tain,  should  cover  their  faces  with  mantles 
and  cast  behind  them  the  bones  of  their 
mother.  Deucalion  was  a  rationalist.  By 
"mother"  he  understood  the  earth,  and  by 
"  bones"  he  understood  stones  ;  for  the  stones 
are  the  bones  of  the  earth.  So  he  and  Pyrrha 
did  as  Hermes  had  bidden  ;  the  stones  which 
they  flung  behind  them  became  human  beings, 
and  the  world  was  repeopled. 

Another  interesting  legend  is  that  of  Pro- 
metheus and  Eplmetheus,  the  Forethought 
and  Afterthought  of  the  Grecian  myth.  The 
story  of  Prometheus  has  already  been  given. 
On  one  occasion  he  slew  an  ox  in  sacrifice, 
and,  placing  the  flesh  and  entrails  under  the 
skin  in  one  place  and  the  bones  under  the  fat 


for 


^Gj^v&fyt; 


a  year  in 


r.riNS  OF  TROAS. 


in  another,  told  Zens  to  take  his  clioiee.  The 
ruler  of  gods  and  men  chose  the  fat  and  got 
the  bones.  Finding  himself  outwitted,  and 
Proniotbeus  being  gone,  Zeus  proceeded  to 
punish  Al'terthought  in  his  stead.  He  ordered 
Hephaestus  to  make  a  clay-woman.  He  com- 
manded Athene  to  clothe  her  in  beautiful 
robes,  and  Hermes  to  give  her  the  power  of 
speech  to  deceive  and  betray  mankind.  So 
Pandora  was  made  and  given  to  Epimetheua 
for  a  wife !  When  she  was  received  into  hia 
house  she  there  opened  a  great  cask,  out  of 
which  flew  all  the  plagues  of  the  world. 
Every  thing  escaped  except  Hope,  and  she  was 
left  imprisoned ! 

In  the  domain  of  exploits  the  two  most 
famous  jjreserved  in  the  legendary  lore  of  the 
Greeks  were  the  Argonautic  Expedition 
qnd  the  Trcian  War.     The  first  of  these  waa 


610 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY. —  TEE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Mudertakeu  by  the  Grecian  chiefs  for  the  re- 
coTery  of  the  Golden  Fleece.  This  fleece 
belonged  to  the  ram  of  Phrixus.  He  was  the 
son  of  Athamas  and  Nephele.  When  Nephele 
died  Athamas  married  Ino.  Phrixus  and 
Helle,  his  sister,  were  very  unhappy  until  the 
ram  with  the  golden  fleece  came  and  carried 
them  away.  While  lie  bore  them  aloft  Helle 
fell  ofi  and  was  drowned  in  the  narrow  strait 
thenceforth  called  the  Hellespont.  Phrixus  rode 
onward  to  the  palace  of  jEetes,  king  of  Col- 
chis. By  him  was  the  ram  sacrificed  to  Zeus 
and  the  fleece  hung  up  in  the  palace  until 


among  the  armed  men  that  sprang  up  from 
the  teeth  of  the  dragon.  On  doing  this,  the 
armed  men  fell  to  slaying  each  other.  Then 
Medea  lulled  the  dragon  to  sleep.  Jason 
quickly  slew  him  and  Ijore  away  the  Golden 
Fleece  in  triumph. 

The  story  of~the  Trojan  \N'ar  is  perhaps 
the  most  famous  tradition  of  antiquity.  In 
the  poems  of  Homer  it  has  acquired  an  im- 
mortality of  fame.  The  circumstances  lead- 
ing to  the  war  have  already  been  referred  to 
in  the  myth  of  Venus,  to  whom,  by  the  judg- 
ment of  Paris,  was  awarded  the  golden  apple 


Diomedes.  Odisaexis.        Nestor.  Achilles. 

HKROES  OF  THE  TROJAN  WAR. 


what  time  the  chiefs  of  the  Greeks  should 
come  and  recover  it. 

The  Greek  leaders  were  gathered  for  this 
mission  by  Jason.  They  sailed  away  in  the 
good  ship  Argo — Heracles,  Meleagros,  Am- 
phiaraos,  Admetus,  and  many  others.  They 
passed  the  rocks  called  the  Symplegades,  that 
opened  and  closed  so  quickly  that  scarcely 
might  a  bird  dart  through  with  safety.  They 
traversed  the  land  of  the  Amazons,  and  came 
to  Colchis.  jEetes  refused  to  surrender  the 
fleece  until  Jason  should  plow  the  land  with 
the  fire-breathing  bulls  and  sow  it  with  the 
teeth  of  the  dragon,  who  guarded  the  fleece. 
Medea  aided  him.  She  anointed  his  body  so 
that  the  breath  of  the  bulls  should  not  destroy 
him,  and  instructed  him   to   throw  a  stone 


thrown  by  Strife  among  the  deities  at  their 
banquet.  When  it  was  known  that  Helen 
was  abducted  from  the  house  of  her  lord.  Men- 
elaiis,  king  of  Sparta,  there  was  a  general 
uprising  among  the  princes  of  Greece  for  her 
recovery.  A  great  expedition  was  undertaken 
by  water  against  Troy,  the  city  of  Priam,  on 
the  upper  coast  of  Asia  ISlinor.  The  gods 
and  goddesses  were  nearly  all  involved  in  the 
conflict.  Hera  and  Athene  were  for  the 
Greeks:  Aphrodite  for  the  Trojans.  The  city 
was  besieged  for  ten  years,  and  was  finally, 
when  naked  valor  had  failed,  taken  by  the 
device  of  the  Wooden  Horse.  Famous  in 
all  the  world  is  the  story  of  the  stratagem. 
The  Greeks  made  of  sawn  fir  a  huge  effigy 
of  a  horse,  and   filled    the   cavernous  body 


GREECE— MYTH  AXP   TEADITIOX  511 

V  ''  a  company  of  soldiers.  This  monstrous  j  carried  off,  Helen  herself  recovered  and  bonie 
enij^  >  they  left  standing  on  the  sand,  and  back  to  her  Spartan  home.  The  cojidition  of 
then  s..iled  away  as  if  they  were  f^iviiig  up   Greece  in  the  time  of  the  return  of  the  expe- 


the  siege.     They  took  care,  however,  to  con- 
vey to  the  Trojans  a  lie  so  carefully  contrived 


dition — the  social  life,  manners,  and  institu- 
tions of  the  race — are  depicted  with  great 


■|  hi:  wdoiiKS  )i()iiM;, 


as  to  induce  them  to  cut  their  walls  and  ilniw  hcauty  in  the  imperisluihle  pages  of  the 
in  till-  (hmgerous  horse.  At  night  the  lient-^  '>'/i/'<.«'i/.- Such,  then,  are  the  mythological  and 
up  soldiers  came  forth;  the  Greeks  sailed  back  |  legendary  antecedents  of  that  brilliant  people 
from  Tenedos.  and  Troy  was  taken.  Priam's  whose  career  in  peace  and  war  is  now  to  be 
palace  was  sacked  and   burnt,  its   treasures   narrated. 


512 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Chapter  XLII.— The   Hellenic   dawn. 


T  wliat  time  and  in  what 
manner  the  states  of 
Hellas  Tvere  first  colo- 
nized can  not  now — j)er- 
haps  never  will  —  be 
known.  History  opens 
upon  the  scene  with  set- 
tled tribes,  walled  cities,  and  petty  kings  al- 
ready established  in  the  country.  StUl,  at 
the  very  dawn  of  Greek  histor}',  we  are  met 
with  a  commotion  among  the  tribes,  a  general 
jostling  of  one  race  by  another  to  the  ex- 
tent of  undoing  a  previous  condition  and  the 
establishment  of  a  new  in  its  stead.  One  of 
the  earliest  of  these  movements  is  that  of  the 
Boeotians  from  Thessaly  into  their  own  coun- 
try, known  as  the  Bceotian  iliGEATiON.  Their 
original  seat  was  in  the  district  of  TEnlis  in 
Central  Thessaly,  from  which  jjosition  they 
were  driven  by  the  incoming  of  rude  tribes 
from  Epirus.  Beiug  thus  dispossessed,  the 
Boeotians  moved  to  the  south  aud  obtained  a 
footing  in  the  country  afterwards  called  Bceo- 
tia.  There  was  thus  begun  from  the  north  a 
movement  which  jostled  tribe  after  tribe  of 
the  primitive  Hellenes  from  their  seats  until 
nearly  all  the  states  had  felt  the  influence  of 
the  agitation.  The  date  of  this  migration  is 
uncertain.  Presumaljly,  the  event  was  subse- 
quent to  the  Trojan  War;  for  neither  this 
migration  of  the  Boeotians,  nor  the  later  one 
of  the  Dorians,  is  mentioned  in  the  Iliad  or 
Odyssey. 

It  is  not  improbable  that  the  removal  of 
the  Boeotians  into  Central  Greece  gave  the 
initial  impulse  in  the  larger  and  more  impor- 
tant movement  of  the  Dorians,  known  as  the 
Dorian  Migration  or  the  Retuex  of  the 
Herac'lid.e.  Here  tliere  is  a  mingling  of 
history  aud  fable.  It  is  easy  to  see  how  the 
people,  displaced  by  ttie  Boeotians  from  their 
little  state  of  Doris  in  Central  Greece,  would 
in  turn  fall  upon  some  of  the  tribes  further 
south,  and  that  thus  the  wave  cf  agitation 
would  roll  on  into  Peloponnesus.     But  tradi- 


tion has  taken  up  the  lay  and  gives  a  more 
elaborate  account  of  the  movement. 

The  Dorians,  according  to  their  belief, 
had  original  clauns  in  Peloponnesus.  These 
claims  were  based  upon  the  relati:23  of  this 
people  with  the  descendants  of  Heracles.  To 
him  belonged  the  rightful  sovereignty  of 
Southern  Greece ;  but  of  this  he  was  deprived 
by  the  wiles  of  Hera,  who  contrived  to  have 
Eurystheus  preferred  for  the  kingdom  of  Ar> 
gos.  Heracles  was  condemned  to  service,  apd 
his  descendants  to  exUe.  Under  the  lead  of 
Hyllus,  the  son  of  Heracles,  they  had  at- 
tempted to  regain  their  lost  patrimony ;  but 
Hyllus  was  slain  by  Echemus  of  Tegea,  and 
they  tliemselves  were  bound  to  renounce  all 
efforts  at  recovery  for  the  space  of  a  hundred 
years.  Finally,  however,  the  century  elapsed, 
and  the  grandsons  of  Hyllus — Temenus,  Cres- 
phontes,  and  Aristodemus — determined  to 
recover  their  birthright.  In  this  effort  they 
were  joined  by  the  Dorians,  who  retained  a 
grateful  recollection  of  how  Heracles,  in  for- 
mei  times,  had  aided  tlieir  king  JEgimius  in  a 
war  with  the  Lapithfe.  So  the  Heraclidse 
aud  the  Dorians  made  common  cause  in  the 
attemjJt  to  gain  possession   of   Peloponnesus. 

Meanwhile,  the  sons  of  Heracles  were 
warned  by  an  oracle  not  to  attempt  to  pasH 
through  the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  but  to  crossi 
the  gulf  at  its  mouth.  They  were  given  freei 
passes  through  ^tolia,  the  king  himself  act- 
ing as  their  guide.  The  Ozolian  Locrians, 
also,  lent  their  aid  by  giving  them  a  harbor 
in  which  to  construct  the  necessary  ships,  and 
this  place  was  henceforth  known  as  Naupac- 
tus  or  Shiptown.  Aristodemus  died  here,  but 
his  two  sons,  Eurysthenes  antl  Procles,  and 
the  remaining  brothers  led  the  people  across 
the  gulf  into  Achaia. 

At  tills  time  the  most  powerful  chief  in 
Peloponnesus  was  Tisamenus,  S(m  of  Arestes. 
Against  him  the  Heraclidse  and  the  Dorians 
marched,  and  he  was  defeated  in  battle. 
Gathering  his  subjects  together,  however,  lie 


GREECE.  — THE  HELLENIC  DAWN. 


olS 


retired  into  the  northern  districts  of  Southern 
Greece,  then  occupied  by  the  loniaus.  Them 
he  expelled,  and  then  took  possession  of  their 
country.  The  victory  of  the  Heraclidte  being 
complete,  they  proceeded  to  divide  among 
themselves  and  the  Dorians  the  coiKiuered 
states  of  Peloponnesus.  Oxylus,  the  Jitolian, 
received  the  kingdom  of  Elis.  Temenus  and 
Cresphontes  and  the  two  sons  of  Aristode- 
mus  then  drew  lots  for  the  three  states  of 
Sparta,  Argos,  and  Messenia.  The  first  fell 
to  the  children  of  Aristoderaus ;  Argos,  to 
Temenus ;  and  3Iesseiiia  to  Cresphontes.  Nor 
was  there  serious  opposition  on  the  jjart  of 
the  people  of  the  country.  The  Epeaiis,  wlio 
were  the  primitive  people  of  Elis,  submitted 
after  the  death  of  their  king.  Bands  of 
.^iltolians  were  brought  into  the  country  from 
the  north  of  the  gulf,  and  from  henceforth 
the  new  people  were  called  Eleans.  Temenus 
secured  Argos  without  difficulty  ;  and  his  sous 
soon  enlarged  the  kingdom  by  conijueriug 
Troezenia,  Epidauria,  Egina,  and  Sicyonia, 
thus  extending  the  state  of  Argolis  to  the 
iimits  defined  in  a  preceding  chapter.  The 
state  of  Sparta  was  secured  to  the  sons  of 
Aristodemus  by  the  treachery  of  the  Achseau 
PhUonomus,  who  was  rewarded  with  the  sov- 
ereignty of  Amycla;.  The  towns  of  Sparta 
all  submitted  with  the  exception  of  Helos, 
whose  people,  the  Helots,  were  for  their  ob- 
stinacy reduced  to  servitude.  Of  them  much 
will  hereafter  be  said  as  the  servile  class  in 
Sparta.  Melanthus,  king  of  Messenia,  gave 
up  without  a  struggle,  and  withdrew  with  a 
large  pa;-t  of  his  subjects  iuto  Attica. 

A  short  time  subsequent  to  these  events 
the  state  of  Corinth  was  also  taken  by  the 
Dorians.  When  the  Heraclidce  were  about 
to  embark  from  Naupactus,  on  their  mission 
of  conquest,  one  of  the  leaders,  named  Hip- 
potes,  had  killed  a  priest  by  the  name  of 
Camus,  and  for  this  he  was  banished  by  the 
other  sons  of  Heracles  and  forbidden  to  share 
with  them  in  the  division  of  Peloponnesus. 
For  ten  years  he  was  an  exile ;  but  after  his 
death  his  son,  Aletes,  revived  his  father's 
claims,  marched  into  Corinth  with  a  body  of 
Dorians,  overthrew  the  dynasty  of  the  Sisy- 
phids,  and   took  the  kingdom.     The  original 


-3Dolian  inhabitants  were  banished  from  the 
country.  Thus  were  the  Heraclidse  established 
as  the  rulers  of  all  Peloponnesus.  But  no 
date  can  yet  be  assigned  for  these  haif-legend- 
ary  movements  of  the  Hellenic  tribes. 

The  previous  political  condition  of  the 
couutry  thus  overrun  by  the  Dorians  may  be 
briefly  noticed.  Peloponnesus  was,  during  the 
Heroic  Age,  the  seat  of  those  kingdoms  from 
which  the  most  of  the  Greek  chiefs  were 
gathered  for  the  conquest  of  Troy.  That 
most  ancient  city  ^lyceuse,  in  Ai-golis,  was  the 
capital  of  Agamemnon,  known  as  the  "king 
of  men."  His  brother  Meuelaiis  was,  at  the 
same  time,  king  of  Sparta,  and  from  him  was 
his  wife  Helen,  the  beautiful  cause  of  the 
woes  of  the  Greeks,  taken  away  by  the  con- 
trivance of  Aphrodite  and  the  willingness  of 
Paris.  At  the  same  time  Argos  was  ruled  by 
Diomedes,  who  bore  so  heroic  a  part  in  the  siege' 
of  Troy.  Other  princes  held  sway  in  different 
portions  of  the  couutry.  The  central  mount- 
ainous region  was  inhabited — as  it  continued 
to  be  after  the  Dorian  conquest — by  the  Ar- 
cadians, a  primitive  race  thought  to  have- 
been  the  descendants  of  the  Pelasgians.  The 
two  principal  towns  of  this  region  were  Tegea 
and  Mantiuea.  The  rest  of  the  country  was 
occupied  with  villages  and  rustic  settlements, 
which,  from  their  seclusion,  bore  no  active 
part  in  the  history  of  Greece.  Such  was  that 
condition  of  affairs  which  was  superseded  by 
the  establishment  of  the  kingdoms  of  the 
Heraclidse  in  Southern  Hellas. 

Meanwhile,  other  tribal  movements  had 
been  precipitated  by  the  invasion  of  the  Do- 
rians. Many  of  the  original  inhabitants  of 
Peloponnesus,  driven  from  their  homes  by  the 
Heraclida;,  sought  refuge  in  foreign  lands. 
The  coasts  of  Asia  Minor  became  the  principal 
resort  of  these  fugitives  and  exiles.  The 
first  band  was  made  of  those  Achaans  of  Pel- 
oponnesus, who,  jostled  from  their  native 
haunts  on  the  Corinthian  gulf,  went  first  int» 
Boeotia.  Then  they  were  joined  by  others, 
principally  of  the  Jilolian  race,  and  soon  de- 
parted for  new  homes  on  the  other  side  of  the 
.iEgean.  They  settled  along  the  northern 
coast  of  Asia  Minor,  taking  possession  ot  the 
islands  of  Lesbos  and  Tenedos ;  and  here  they 


514 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


laid  the  toundations  of  those  cities  which 
were  afterwards  joined  in  tlie  iEoLiAN  Con- 
federation. 

More  important  by  far  was  the  migration 
of  the  lonians.  These  people  had  been  ex- 
pelled by  the  Achasans  from  their  native  seats 
on  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  and  had  sought  refuge 
in  Attica.  Here  they  were  joined  by  others 
of  the  same  race,  just  as  the  ^oliaus  had 
gathered  head  in  Boeotia.  Many  strangers, 
exiles,  and  refugees  also  assembled  with  the 
■emigrants  who  departing  from  Attica  were 
led  by  the  family  of  Codrus,  the  last  king  of 
Athens,  to  their  chosen  homes  among  the  Cy- 
clades  and  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor.  Here 
was  founded  the  Ionian  Confederation. 
The  country  in  which  the  cities  of  this  league 
were  located  lay  along  the  shore  from  the 
river  Hermus  to  the  Meander,  and  has  already 
been  described  in  the  Book  on  the  History  of 
Persia.  The  two  principal  islands  belonging 
to  Ionia  were  Chios  and  Samos,  with  which 
were  included  many  others  of  smaller  import- 
ance. Twelve  cities  in  this  part  of  Asiatic 
Oreece  belonged  to  the  confederation,  many 
of  them  of  great  importance  both  commer- 
cially and  politically. 

In  the  partition  of  Peloponnesus  it  hap- 
pened that  some  of  the  Dorian  chiefs  could 
not  be  provided  with  a  "kingdom"  on  the 
main-land  of  Greece.  For  this  reason,  they 
with  their  followers  and  many  of  the  native 
Achteans,  also  left  the  country  and  established 
themselves  in  Asia  Minor.  The  part  of  the 
coast  selected  la}'  to  the  south  of  louia,  and 
included  the  two  important  islands  of  Rhodes 
and  Cos.  In  the  former  three  of  the  six 
cities  belonging  to  the  colonies  known  as  the 
Doric  Hexapolis  were  founded — Lindus, 
lalysus,  and  Camirus.  On  the  main-land 
were  situated  the  two  important  towns  of 
Halicarnassus  and  Cnidus. 

So  runs  the  tradition  of  the  various  migra- 
tions— Dorian,  Ionian,  ^olian — which  oc- 
curred at  the  close  of  the  Heroic  Age  of 
Greece.  These  narratives  can  not  be  accepted 
without  many  grains  of  allowance.  It  is  now 
well  known  that  Ionia  was  the  oldest  civilized 
state  of  the  Greeks,  UTid  that  enlightenment 
«pread    westward    from    the    shores    of   Asia 


Minor,  until,  diffused  among  the  Cyclades,  it 
finally  flashed  its  radiance  into  Hellas  Proper. 
From  this  it  will  be  seen  that  the  only  rational 
view  to  be  taken  of  the  alleged  migrations 
from  the  West  is  that  which  represents  the 
lonians  of  the  main-land,  disturbed  by  the 
movement  of  the  Dorians  from  the  North,  as 
(joing  hack  and  settling  among  their  own 
countrymen,  already  for  a  long  time  the  dom- 
inant people  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor. 
Nor  is  there  any  thing  incongruous  in  this 
view  of  the  case;  for  people,  when  driven  by 
invasion  from  their  homes,  are  just  as  likely 
to  return  to  their  kinsmen  as  to  strike  out 
into  unoccupied  regions.  Criticism,  therefore, 
simply  demands  that  the  migration  of  the 
jEolians,  lonians,  and  Dorians  shall  be  read 
the  return  of  the  ^-olians,  etc.,  which  is,  in- 
deed, the  very  language  given  by  tradition  to 
the  movement  of  the  Heraclidse  from  the 
North  into  Peloponnesus. 

The  colonies  sent  out  by  the  Greeks  in 
these  early  times  were  not  all  directed  to  the 
Cyclades  and  Asia  Minor.  Tradition  also  de- 
scribes a  migration  of  Dorians  into  Crete. 
This  island  had  been  the  scene  of  many  pre- 
historic wonders.  Here  Minos,  the  great  law- 
giver and  hero,  had  established  his  institutions 
in  the  old  mythological  dawn,  when  Zeus's  love 
for  Europa  gave  a  benefactor  to  men  before 
the  days  of  Deucalion.  For  that  fabulous 
navigator  was  the  son  of  Minos.  He,  having 
from  his  father  a  pledge  that  all  of  his 
prayers  should  be  granted,  and  aspiring  to  be 
king  of  Crete,  prayed  that  a  buU  might  come 
from  the  sea  as  a  sacrifice  for  Poseidon.  But 
when  the  animal  appeared  he  was  so  beautiful 
that  another  was  led  to  the  altar  instead  of 
that  sent.  Poseidon  was  offended,  and  as  a 
punishment  afflicted  the  wife  of  Minos  by  in- 
spiring her  with  an  insane  passion  for  ihe 
bull.  So  was  born  the  monster  Minotaur, 
whom  Minos  shut  up  in  the  Cnossian  Laby- 
rinth. He  then  obtained  the  throne  of  Crete 
and  became  famed  as  a  law-giver.  From  him 
Lycurgus  was  said  to  have  obtained  the 
models  of  those  institutions  which  he  gave  the 
Spartans.  So  into  Crete,  at  the  close  of  the 
Heroic  Age,  a  band  of  Dorians,  driven  by 
Sparta  from  the   town   of   Amyclse,   was  led 


GREECE.— THE  HELLENIC  DAWN. 


515 


ard  colonized.  There  they  founded  the  two 
cities  of  Gortyna  and  Lyttns.  The  new- 
comers represented  themselves  as  being  of  the 
same  race  with  the  primitive  Cretans,  and 
claimed  the  glories  of  Minos  as  their  own. 
There  was  thus  effected  a  solidarity  of  Dorian 
interests,  not  only  in  Southern  Peloponnesus, 
but  also  in  the  islan<ls  of  Crete,  Melos,  and 
Thera.  In  the'  political  struggles  of  after- 
times,  the  Sparfens  could  always  depend 
upon  these  island  populations  for  sympathy 
and  aid. 

These  migratory  movements  of  the  Hellenic 
tribes,  in  the  shadowy  era  just  subsequent  to 
the  Heroic  Age,  are  the  events  in  which  the 
myths  and  traditions  of  the  preceding  times 
gradually  melt  away,  and  the  daydawn  of  ac- 
tual history  is  ushered  in.  From  this  time 
forth  dates  maybe  fi.xed  with  approximate 
certainty  ;  yet  actual  certainty  is  not  attained 
until  the  establishment  of  the  Olympic  games ; 
and  since  this  event  is  the  Year  One  of  Gre- 
cian chronology,  it  will  be  proper  here  to  re- 
count the  circuriistances  of  the  establishment 
of  the  Olympiad,  and  of  the  other  great 
periodic  gatherings  of  the  Greeks. 

After  their  belief  in  a  common  descent 
and  the  possession  of  a  common  language, 
the  facts  which  most  closely  allied  the  Hellenes 
were  their  great  j)eriodic  games  and  festivals. 
To  participate  in  these  was  to  be  Greek ;  not 
to  participate  was  to  be  liarbarian.  A  spirit 
of  union  was  engendered  among  all  the  states, 
which,  though  net  always  triumphant  over 
jealousy  and  faction,  was  nevertheless  of  in- 
calculai>le  advantage  in  promoting  the  com- 
mon interests  of  the  race  in  its  competitions 
and  struggles  with  the  outside  world.  Of 
these  national  festivals,  in  which  the  predom- 
inating feature  was  the  game  or  contest,  there 
were  four  in  number:  the  Olympic,  the 
Pythian,  the  Isthmian,  and  the  Nemean. 
They  were  open  to  all  persons  of  the  Hellenic 
race,  and  were  attended  by  enormous  throngs 
gathered  from  all  parts  of  the  Grecian  world 
and  from  kingdoms  beyond  the  seas.  At 
what  lime  they  were  instituted  is  not  known  ; 
for  they  came,  like  most  of  the  other  institu- 
tions of  Greece,  out  of  the  shadows  of  the 
mvihical  ages. 

N. — Vol.  I — 32 


The  Olympian  Games,  the  most  famous 
and  popular  of  all,  took  their  name  from  the 
town  of  Olympia,  on  the  banks  of  the  river 
Alpheus,  in  Elis.  Here  stood  an  ancient 
temple  of  the  Olympian  Zeus ;  and  here,  at 
some  time  in  the  prehistoric  period,  the  games 
began  to  be  celebrated.  As  yet  they  were 
only  a  local  institution,  and  continued  such 
until  they  were  revived  and  amplified  by 
Iphitus,  king  of  the  Eleans,  and  Lycurgus, 
the  law-giver  of  Sparta.  This  important 
event  took  place  in  the  year  B.  C  77G.  So 
great  was  the  celebrity  which  the  ga  nes  under 
the  new  patronage  at  once  achii  :ed,  that 
henceforth  their  mythical  history  was  neg- 
lected and  the  celebration  above  referred  to 
was  numbered  as  the  First  Olympiad  ;  and 
from  that  were  dated  all  the  subsequent  events 
of  Grecian  history.  So  strong  a  hold  did  this 
Era  obtain  in  public  usage  throughout  all 
Greece  and  the  civilized  world,  that  the 
methotl  of  dating  by  Olympiads  was  not  aban- 
doned until  the  close  of  the  fourth  century, 
and  then  only  by  an  edict  of  the  Roman  Em- 
peror Theodosius. 

The  Olympian  games  were  celebrated 
every  fourth  year.  In  the  first  stages  of  their 
development  they  embraced  merely  a  contest 
for  the  palm  in  foot-racing,  the  celebration 
lasting  for  but  a  single  day.  In  a  short  time, 
however,  the  competition  was  extended  to 
other  sports.  Trials  of  strength,  as  well  as 
of  fleetness,  were  introduced.  Then  came  the 
competition  of  skill.  Wrestling,  boxing, 
jumping,  throwing  the  quoit,  hurling  the 
javelin,  were  the  more  common  of  the  sports. 
Afterwards,  the  exciting  horse-race  and  the 
chariot-race  were  added.  The  driver  entered 
the  coui-se  with  four  fiery  steeds,  harnessed 
abreast  to  the  car  in  which  himself  was 
mounted,  and  went  whirling  away  like  mad 
to  gain  a  jilace  in  advance  of  his  competitors. 
At  the  same  time  that  the  scope  of  the  con- 
test was  enlarged,  the  period  was  extended 
from  one  day  to  five.  During  the  festival 
almost  every  hour  witnessed  a  renewal  of  the 
sport.  The  competition,  though  of  the  keen- 
est edge,  was  always  friendly,  and  during  the 
whole  time  of  the  prevalence  of  the  institution 
fighting  with  weapons  was  forbidden. 


516 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


The  only  prize  with  which  a  victor  in  the  I 
Olympian  games  was  rewarded  was  a  wreath 
of  wild  olive ;    but  this  was   considered  the 
greatest  honor  which  a  Greek  could  achieve. 


No  other  distinction  conferred  in  peace  or  war 
was  reckoned  of  equal  honor.  The  winner 
was  gratified  with  every  mark  of  appreciative 
regard  which  it  was  possible  for  an  enthu- 
Biastic  people  to  bestow.     His  name  was  pro- 


claimed before  all  Greece,  and  applauded 
by  all  his  countrymen.  His  family  was 
ennobled  by  his  victory.  His  statue  was 
set  up  in  the  sacred  grove  of  the  Olympian 

Zeus.  On  his  re- 
turn to  his  own 
city  he  was  re- 
ceived without  the 
walls  by  a  proces- 
sion, and  was  es- 
corted to  his  home 
with  shouting  and 
the  music  of  flutes. 
The  rh  a psodists  re- 
cited his  praises. 
Rewards  were 
voted  to  him  by 
the  citizens.  His 
taxes  were  re- 
mitted, and  he 
was  given  a  dis- 
tinguished seat  in 
all  public  assem- 
blies. If  a  Spar- 
tan, he  might 
henceforth  in  bat- 
tle fight  next  to 
the  person  of  the 
king.  His  victor's 
wreath  was  hung 
up  as  a  precious 
legacy  to  his  chil- 
dren's children, 
who  were  thereby 
to  be  reminded 
of  a  glorious  an- 
cestry. 

The  attendance 
at  the  Olympic  fes- 
tival was  enor- 
mously large,  and 
embraced  the  best 
people  of  all. 
Greece.  The  gen* 
eral  management 
was  intrusted  to  a  committee  of  Eleans, 
who  appointed  a  court  of  judges,  called  the 
HellanodiccB.  These  decided  all  the  contests- 
and  made  the  awards  to  the  victors.  During 
the  continuance  of  the  festival  all   violence 


GREECE.— THE  HELLENIC  DAWN. 


517 


ceased.  No  act  of  hostility  was  permitted  in 
sJl  Greece.  The  territory  of  Elis  became 
jacred,  and  the  marching  of  any  armed  force 
mpon  it  was  an  act  of  sacrilege.  Every  thing 
that  could  add  to  the  interest  of  the  great 
celebration  was  carefully  attended  to.  With 
the  progress  of  the  contests  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
throng  rose  to  the  highest  pitch,  and  a  feeling 
of  unity  and  goodfellowship,  most  essential  to 
the  welfare  of  the  Hellenic  states,  was  gener- 
ously cultivated.  Especially  was  this  true 
after  artistic,  musical,  and  poetical  contests 
were  added  to  those  of  mere  bodily  skill  and 
endurance.  The  humanizing  tendency  of  the 
festival  was  felt  as  a  creative  force  in  all  the 
highest  branches  of  human  achievement,  and 
not  a  few  of  the  great  works  of  the  Greek 
mind  might  without  sophi.stry  be  traced  to  the 
influence  of  the  national  games. 

After  the  Cirrha;au  war,  in  B.  C.  585,  a 
new  festival  called  the  Pvtiiiax  was  instituted 
by  the  Amphictyonic  Council.  It  was  cele- 
brated once  in  three  years  in  the  Cirrhjean 
plain,  and  was  on  the  same  general  plan  as 
the  Olympic  games.  The  Amphictyons  pre- 
sided, and,  since  the  festival  was  in  honor  of 
Apollo,  music  and  poetry,  a.s  well  as  bodily 
contests,  were  from  the  first  a  part  of  the  ex- 
ercises. 80  great  was  the  success  of  the  in- 
stitution thus  established  that  the  Pythian 
games  became  second  only  to  those  at  Olympia. 

The  Nemean  festival  was,  as  indicated  by 
its  name,  celebrated  in  the  valley  of  Nemea, 
in  ArgoHs.  It  was  instituted  in  the  fifty- 
second  Olympiad,  B.  C.  572,  and  was  held  in 
each  alternate  year.  Before  this  time  there 
had  been  local  games  at  Nemea,  running 
back  in  their  origin  to  the  mythical  ages. 
The  celebration  was  in  honor  of  the  Nemean 
Zeus,  and  was  at  the  first  open  only  to  war- 
riors; but  afterwards  this  restriction  was  re- 
moved, and  all  Greeks  might  particij)ate.  In 
the  contests,  however,  some  military  features 
were  preserved,  such  as  that  between  foot- 
racers  clad  in  armor.  But  in  general  the 
competition  was  like  that  in  the  Olympic  and 
Pythian  games.  At  the  beginning,  the  victor 
in  a  Nemean  contest  was  crowned  with  a 
chaplet  of  wild  olive,  but  afterwards  the 
olive  was  replaced  with  parsley. 


The  Isthmian  games  were  celebrated  on  the 
Isthmus  of  Corinth,  in  the  month  of  April, 
on  each  second  ami  fourth  year  of  the  Olym- 
piad. They  are  said  to  have  been  first  insti- 
tuted by  Athamas,  king  of  Orchomenus. 
Afterwards  they  were  revived  by  Theseus  in 
honor  of  Poseidon,  and  finally,  in  the  sixth 
century  before  our  era,  were  made  a  national 
festival  for  all  Greeks.  The  celebration  was 
conducted  under  the  auspices  of  the  Corin- 
thians and  the  Athenians,  but  at  a  later  period 
the  Sicyonians  held  the  exclusive  right  of 
presiding  and  deciding  the  contests.  After 
Greece  had  fallen  under  the  dominion  of  the 
Romans,  gladiatorial  shows  were  introduced, 
as  were  also  contests  of  wild  beasts — a  kind 
of  sport  always  repulsive  to  the  refined  tastes 
of  the  Hellenes.  The  prize  offered  for  victory 
in  an  Isthmian  contest  was  a  garland  of  pine 
leaves,  and  to  this  a  law  of  Solon  added  a 
reward  of  a  hundred  drachmse. 

In  connection  with  these  great  games,  con- 
sidered as  institutions  calculated  to  create  and 
foster  a  pan-Hellenic  spirit,  mention  should 
also  be  made  of  the  Amphictyonic  Council. 
Its  general  character  was  that  of  a  kind  of 
sacred  congress.  It  had  a  mythical  and  re- 
ligious origin.  Amphictyon,  the  reputed 
founder,  was  one  of  the  heroes.  The  associ- 
ation was  in  the  first  place  a  religious  body, 
which  met  at  stated  intervals  to  perform  sac- 
rifices and  supervise  the  rites  of  the  country. 
Having  their  head-quarters  in  the  great  temple 
at  Delphi,  to  which  all  Greece  was  wont  to 
look  for  the  omens  of  prophecy,  the  Amphic- 
tj'ons  gradually  acquired  an  ascendency  over 
other  associations  of  like  sort  in  different  parts 
of  the  country.  Influence  grew  into  author- 
ity, and  the  Council  came  to  be  recognized 
as  a  determining  influence  in  the  weightiest 
affairs  of  the  Greeks.  It  was  the  great  court 
of  appeal  to  which  inter-state  disputes  were 
referred  for  settlement ;  but  its  power  to  reg- 
ulate and  determine  questions  of  national  im- 
portance never  rose  to  true  congressional 
proportions,  else  the  destiny  of  the  Hellenic 
communities,  resolved  into  a  Union,  might 
have  withstood  both  Philip  and  the  Romans. 

The  Council  held  two  sessions  annually, 
the  first  in  the  spring  at  the  shrine  of  A])ollo, 


518 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


in  Delphi,  and  the  other  in  the  autumn,  in 
the  temple  of  Demeter,  at  Therraopylfe.  Its 
members  were  called  Ajiphictyons,  and  were 
chosen  as  deputies  by  the  twelve  states  repre- 
sented in  the  court.  The  delegates  from  each 
state  consisted  of  a  Hieromnemon,  or  chief, 
and  several  subordinates  called  Pylagorm;  but 
each  delegation  acted  as  a  unit  in  the  Coun- 
cil, and  cast  two  votes  in  the  name  of  the 
state  represented.  The  different  tribes  who, 
by  the  appointment  of  deputies,  recognized 
the  authority  of  the  Amphictyons  were  the 
Thessalians,  the  Boeotians,  the  Dorians,  the 
lonians,  the  Perrhcebians,  the  Magnetes,  the 
Locrians,  the  CEtseans,  the  Achseans,  the  Pho- 
cians,  the  Dolopians,  and  the  Malians.  From 
the  names  of  these  constituent  peoples  it  will 
readily  be  seen  how  ancient  was  the  Amphic- 
tyonic  institution ;  for  several  of  these  tribes 
had  virtually  disappeared  before  the  classical 
age  of  Greece. 

Among  the  first  duties  of  the  great  Coun- 
cil was  to  uphold  the  influence  of  the  oracle 
and  temple  of  Delphi.  The  interests  of  the 
states  represented  were  carefully,  though  not 
always  efficiently,  guarded.  On  the  assump- 
tion of  their  duties  the  deputies  were  required 
to  take  the  following  oath:  "We  will  not 
destroy  any  Amphietyonic  town,  or  cut  it  off 
from  running  water  in  war  or  peace.  If  any 
one  shall  do  so,  we  will  march  against  him 
and  destroy  his  city.  If  any  one  shall  plun- 
der the  property  of  the  god,  or  shall  be  cogni- 
zant thereof,  or  shall  take  treacherous  counsel 
against  the  things  in  his  temple  at  Delphi, 
we  will  punish  him  with  foot  and  hand  and 
voice,  and  by  every  means  in  our  power." 

It  is  clear  from  the  tenor  of  this  obligation 
that  the  primary  objects  of  the  Council  were 
religious  rather  than  secular.  It  was  only 
in  later  developments  that  the  Amphictyons 
became  an  important  power  in  the  political 
affairs  of  Greece ;  nor  did  their  influence  ever 
become  so  great  as  to  entitle  them  to  be  con- 
sidered a  congress,  in  the  modern  sense  of  that 
■word.  Perhaps  the  most  important  general 
result  of  the  organization  was  that  it  tended 
to  the  nationality  of  Greece.  The  lino  was 
thus  drawn  more  distinctly  than  ever  between 
Greek    and    Barbarian.      The    Amphictyons 


were  themselves  united  in  one  body,  and  the 
unity  of  the  twelve  states  represented  was 
thereby  symbolized  and  stimulated.  The  name 
of  Hellenes,  applied  to  the  whole  Greek  people, 
acquired  a  new  significance  because  of  this  fed- 
eral title  adopted  by  the  Council. 

A  second  result  of  scarcely  less  importance 
was  that  of  a  fixity  of  territorial  limits  for  the 
several  Greek  states.  This  was  one  of  the 
matters  of  which  the  Amphictyony  took  spe- 
cial cognizance.  The  determination  of  borders 
which  might  not  be  disputed  was  a  matter  of 
great  moment  in  the  maintenance  of  peace 
and  the  promotion  of  civilization. 

The  early  character  of  the  Council  may  be 
inferred  from  its  relation  to  the  First  Sacred 
War,  which  occurred  between  the  years  B.  C. 
595  and  585.  The  Phocian  town  of  Crissa 
was  situated  on  the  heights  of  Parnassus,  near 
the  oracle  of  Apollo.  Its  territory  extended 
from  the  mountains  to  the  gulf  of  Corinth. 
Its  seaport  was  the  little  town  of  Cirrha. 
Having  commercial  advantages  it  grew  to  im- 
portance. The  visitors  who  came  from  all 
parts  of  the  Grecian  world  to  consult  the  ora- 
cle landed  and  embarked  at  Cirrha.  With 
the  increase  of  population  the  place  became 
ambitious.  Crissa,  not  without  cause,  grew 
jealous;  and,  when  the  Cirrhreans  proceeded 
to  enrich  themselves  by  levying  exorbitant 
contributions  upon  the  pilgrims  going  to  and 
from  the  shrine  of  Apollo,  took  cognizance  of 
the  matter  and  declared  war.  The  Thessalians 
and  Athenians  were  summoned  to  the  aid  of 
Crissa,  and  for  ten  years  Cirrha  was  invested 
by  the  forces  of  the  Council.  At  last  the 
town  was  taken  by  a  stratagem  not  very  hon- 
orable in  so  sacred  a  cause.  It  is  said  that, 
at  the  suggestion  of  Solon,  the  lawgiver  of 
Athens,  the  waters  of  the  river  Plistus,  which 
flowed  through  the  besieged  city,  were  poi- 
soned, and  the  Cirrh:eans  were  thus  driven 
to  sin-render.  The  town  was  leveled  to  the 
ground.  The  rich  plain  in  which  it  stood, 
extending  northward  towards  Delphi,  was 
consecrated  to  ApoUo,  and  curses  were  pro- 
nounced upon  him  who  hengeforth  should 
ever  attempt  its  cultivation.'     Thus,   by  the 

'  It  was  in  this  plain  that  the  P>'thian  games 
were  celebrated.    See  p.  517. 


lOOO  B.  C. 


900 


800 


700 


600 


500 


Tbe  Heroic  Affe. 

The  Trojan  War. 

Dorian  conquest  of  Pel 

Period  or  the  coloni 

Asia  Minor  by 


oponnesus. 

zation  of  tbe  Cycladesaud 

tbe  lonians. 

Are  or  Homer. 

84.  Date  of  the  legislation 

Tbe  ascendency  of  the 

Age  of  the  Oligarch! 


of  Lycurgus. 
Archonship  at  Athens, 
c  revolutions. 


GREECE. 

FROM 

The  Period  of  Myth  and 
Tradition 

TO 

the  Roman  Conquest. 


76.  Epoch  of  the  Olym 

56.  The  Decenuia 

46.  Revolution  i 

43.  Beginning 

Messe 

Messenia  i 

8par 


pi  ads. 

I  Archonship  established. 

n  Corinth. 

of  the  First 

nian  War. 

s  overrun  by  the 

tans. 


85.  Second  Messenian  War 

84.  Annual  Archonship  es 

76.  Revolution  in  Sicyo 

74.  Founding  of  Chalc 

69.  Tyranny  of  Pisis 

68.  End  of  the  Seco 

57.  Founding  of 

Beginnin- 

asceni 

24.  The  leg 

est 

20.  Sacri 


96.  Beginning  of  the  First 

sacred  War. 
M.  Solon  appointed  to  re- 
vise tne  Laws  of  At 
He  completes  his  work 
and  goes  into  exile. 
Age  of  tbe  Seven  Wise 

Greece. 
70.  Tbales  founds  the  I 
62.  Comedies  tirstex 
in  Athens. 
60.  Pisistratus   the 
Usurps  the  G 
He  patronizes  t 
34.  Thespis  intr 
Tragedy  a 
Epoch  of  Py 
27.  Accessio 
Hip 
They  are 
The  Gov 
tion 
The  Ost 
begins.  The 

tablished  at  Athens.  v 

uia.  10.  Me 

edon. 

tratus  at  Athens.  2.  R 

nd  Messeniaa  War.  1.  I 

Byzantium, 
of  the  Spartan 
eiK*y  in  Greece, 
islation  of  Draco 
ablished  at  Athens. 
lege  of  the  Alcmteonldee. 


Men 

[los  >h 
onic  it- 
hibit 

Tyra 
over  I* 

he  A  It 
oduc , 
C  At)  w 

tha:/  ■' 

n  nl 
par' 
OVt-r 
ernii  )i 
ized     ( 
raci-  i 
part    ' 
des 
gal'. 
ni\   ■■ 
evciii 
nsur  ■! 
Citi-   n 
90.    n 
Ba  e 
A  ft 
les 

X  I* 

H  T\ 

!  B 

ullin 
man  c 
ere<!  ■ 
s  to  !  I 
libyl  h 
pe  o;  lU' 
puis  I  c 
tabl'  n 
nsiil  ip 
isod"  ri 
The  R 
W.  181 
93.   le 


First  Settlement  In  9ta 

Cumse  in  Campania  foun 
Italy  colonized  by  for 


ena  Orneia. 

ded. 
eigners. 


ROME. 

FROM 

The  Earliest  Settlements  in 
Italy 

TO 

the  Christian  Era. 


53.  Rome  fouude 

The  Sabine  w 

ofRo 

Sabinia  unit 

Joint  rei^n 

35.  Naxos  in 

34.  Syracus 

Cori 

20.  Syba 

16.  Ace 

He 

10.  Cr 

8.  Ta 


d  by  Romulus. 

omen  are  seized  by  the  band 

mulus. 

ed  with  Rome. 

of  Romulus  and  Titus  Tatias. 

Sicily  founded. 

e  founded  by  a  colony  of 

nthians. 

ris  founded. 

ession  of  Numa  Pompiliua. 

gives  laws  to  primitive  Rome 

otona  founded. 

rentum  founded. 

Locrl  founded. 

73.  Accession  of  TuUus 

Episode  of  Horatii  a 

48.  Founding  of 

43.  Ancus  Mar 

He  restores 

15.  Access 

Buildi 

and 

Tarq 


78.  Accession  of  Servius  T 

Reorganization  of  Ro 

54.  Servius  is  murd 

Tarquin  accede 

The  Cumean  si 

9.  Ra 

Ex 

Es 

Co 

Ep 


Hostilius. 

nd  Curiatii. 

Himiera. 

tins  reigns. 

the  services  of  religion. 

ion  of  Tarquinius  Prisons. 

ng  of  the  Circus  Maximus 

Cloaca  Maxima. 

uln  changes  the  ConstltutioD 


Age  of  Perdleca*  I. 


[sicedonla  peopled  by  the 
Illyrlan  Tribe*. 


GHRONOLOGIGAL  CHART 
No.  11. 


The  BEairaiHGS  of  Aeym  Civilization 

TO  THE  ChRISTIAH  EeA. 


Prepared  by  JOHN  CLARK  RIDPATH,  LL.  D. 


OOr»~5rE*IOKTBID,     xasB. 


ReigD  of  ArgEeus. 
Reign  of  Philip  I. 
Keign  of  ^ropus. 
Reign  of  Alcetas. 


Beginning 


of  tl  Pf 


MACEDONIA. 

FROM 

The  Reign  of  Perdiccas 

TO 

the  Conquest  by  the  Romans. 


37.  Reign  ol  Amyntas. 


Persia  under  tbe 
Aryan 


dominion  of 
Tribes. 

Aefacemenes 
HerHian 

He  is  succeeded 
Persia  tribut 


PERSIA. 

FROM 

The  Epoch   of  Achaemenes 

TO 

the  Macedonian  Conquest. 


I 


48.  Cyrus  subdu 
prisoner, 
38.  Cj-rusinva 
founds  tbe       29.  Death  of 
Kingrdom.  Cyrus 

)y  Teispes.  Accessio 

arv  to  Media.  Camby: 

80.  Birth  of  Cyrus.  The  lat 
58.  Cyrus  over- 
throws Cyaxares  He  inva 
and  founds  the  22,  Access 
Medo-Persian  Smer 

Empire.  He  rest 

Accession  of  21.  Dariu: 

Canibyses.  volt 

He  enlarges  the  He  res 

borders  of  Reorg 

Persia.  14.  The 


esl  lU 

des  vb 
90  .11 
s  \> 
n  01 
es  I 
ter  ir: 

des  1^ 


400 


300 


200 


lOO 


A.  D. 


<t  Persian  Army  d 

mutioii  of  tbe  Co 

sfinniiig  uf  the  At 

anishment  of  Th 

i6.  Cinioii  suppres 

'A.  P.i'fjinnlng  of  t 

1  he  Atbftiian 

Kevolt  uf  H.p 

.  lieroiJdtus  II 

Ascf  iiUency 

Athena   bee 

40.  Keducti 

SI.   Declar 

■  [ices.       nesl 

30.  The  Sp 

age 

;jo.  Athens 

3  and     2*1.  Destru 

The  spa 

Rise 

?VOlU-  Siege  o 

tbenes.     21.  Peac 

>duced.         Appe 

menesla-    15.  Th 

13.  Ru 

Is  an  Ri 

race.  Re 

xoa.  7.  R 

of  the  Greek  5.  fi 

ta  Minor.         4.  L 

invades  Greece. 

Maralhon. 

icy  of  Theniisto- 

d  Aristidi-s. 

repares  tu  overw 

:^ersiaii  army  adv 

les  of  Thermopyl 


riven  out  of  Greece, 
nfederation  of  Deloa. 
henian  Ascendency, 
emistocles. 

sea  the  Nailan  Revolt, 
he  Third  Mesaenian  War. 
s  gain  Maritime  Supremacy 
otia.  94.  League  of  the  Greek 
ourishes.  Battle  of  <Jorouea. 
of  Pericles, 
omea  glorious  in  Letters  and 
on  of  the  Samiana.  [Art. 

ation  of  War  by  tbe  Pelopon 
an  League.  87.  Peace  of  Anta 
artans  Kav-      Age  of  Plato. 
Atiica.  71.  Battle  of  Le 

smitten  with  tbe  Plague, 
ctionof  Platese.  63.  Battle  of 
rtans  butcher  tbe  Plateaus. 

56.  Second  S 
f  Spbacieria.  Age  of  X 

e  of  Nicias.  38.  Tiniol 

arance  of  Alcibiades.  Battl 
e  Sicilian  Expedition  undert 
in  of  the  Athenian  army  in  S 
se  of  Pisander.  Rise  o 

volution  in  Athens.  Begin 
ecall  of  Alcibiades.  enc 

attle  of  .Egospotaml.      35.  Al 
ysander  takes  Athens. 
Rule  of  the  Thirty  Tyrants. 
99.  Death  of  Socrates. 
The  Anabasis  of  Cyrus. 
06.  Agesilaus  makes  war  ii 
lielm  ine  Greeks.  Greec 

ances.  17.  Re 

g,  Salamts.  Platese.  and  M y c 


98.  Athens  taken  by  Demetr 

Age  of  Zeno  and  Epicurus. 

81.  Formation  of  the  Achfe 

73.  Pyrrbus  slain  in  an 

51.  Renewal  of  the 

Decline  of  th 

States  against  Sparta. 


tcidas. 


Man  tinea. 

acred  War  begins, 
enophon  and  Aristotle, 
eon  conquers  Sicily, 
e  of  cheerouea. 
aken. 
icily. 

f  Demosthenes, 
ning  of  Macedonian  Intlu- 
e  in  Greece. 

exander  is  proclaimed  Gen- 
eralissimo of  the  Greeks. 


Asia  Minor. 

e  becomes  an  appanage  of  M 

ign  of  Cassander. 

ale. 


ius  PoUorceteB. 

an  League. 
attack  on  Argos. 
Achcean  League  by  Aratus. 
e  Grecian  Commonwealths. 


96.  The  Protectorate  of  Rom 

Corinth. 

91.  Sparta  joins  the  Achsea 

88.  Philopocmeii,  Genera 

46.  The  Consul 

I  ty— Greec 

nam 


e  established  over  Greece  Tby  FlaminluB  at 

n  League. 

lissimo  of  the  League. 

Metellus  extinguishes  Grecian  National- 

e  becomes  a  Roman  Province  under  tbe 

e  of  Acbaia. 


90  The  Social  War  breaks  out.  [Pontua. 

8M.  War  declared  against  Milhrldates,  of 

Tbe  Marian  proscriptions. 
Si.  Sulla  returns  from  tbe  East. 
Kl.  Massacre  of  the  partisans  of  Marlus. 
79.  War  in  Spain. 
72.  Pompey  ends  the  Rebellion. 
Insurrection  of  the  Gladiators, 
nization.  70.  Impeachment  of  Verres. 
nests  in  the  East, 
of  Macedonia  at  Cynocephalse. 

67.  Pompey  sent  to  suppress  piracy, 
educed  to  a  Roman  province, 
ifticulties  with  the  Achiean  League, 
vade  66.  Passage  of  tlie  Mamlian  Law. 

&i.  The  Cmispiracy  of  (.'atiline. 
of  the  Third    Rise  of  Julius  Ciesar. 
War.  59.  He  is  chosen  Consul.       [Ince. 

f  Corinth.        68.  He  receives  Gaul  as  his  prov- 
comesa  66.  Subjugation  of  the  Gaulish 

province.  nations.        [umvirate. 

on  of  Carthage.    Formation  of  the  First  Tri- 
h  Variathus  in  Spain. 

vile  War.  54.  Roman  invasion  of  Britain, 

s  (iracchus        48.  Outbreak  of  the  Civil  War. 
ted  Tribune.       47.  Battle  of  Pharsalia. 
Roads.  45.  Csesar  appointed  Dictator. 

us  slain.  44.  He  is  assassinated, 

lishment  of  the  province  of  Asia, 
ing  of  Cains  4.3.  The  Second  Triumvirate 

acchus.  formed  by  Octavius,An- 

.Tugurthine  War.  tbony.and  Lepidus. 

rica  reduced  by     42.  Battle  of  Philippl. 
31.  Battle  of  Actium. 

The  Republic  transform- 
ed into  the  Empire. 
Accession  of  Augustus. 
18.  War  with  Germans. 


quin  and  Tullia. 

)ne. 

e. 

la. 

le  Tariiutns  from 

,  of  the  Roman  R 

Brutus  anil  I'olla 

iennaof  tlusium 

ictatorship. 

cession  of  the  Ro 

ce  of  Tribune  oft 

)  of  the  Agrarian 

rease  of  I'lebeian 

of  \'olero. 

lent  Political  Strl 

S.  Dictatorship  of 

Preparation  of 

49.  Banishraen 

45.  Appoliitm 

I'awNage 

37.  Creation 

Aggres 

Vo 

6.  T 


96.  The  town  of  Veil  taken  b 

90.  Siege  of  Rome  by  tbe  t 

They  are  driven  away  b 

Camillus. 

82.  E.xecution  of  Marc 

69.  Abolition  of  the 

Rome.  65.  Rome  visited 

epublic.  Election  of  th 

tfnua.  43.  Outbreak  of 

40.  Conquest  of 

38.  Subjugatio 

man  Commons.       21.  Overth 

he  People.  at  t 

Law.  20.  The  Sa 

power  by  the  law  10.  Ba 

fe  in  Rome. 

Cincinnatus. 

tbe  Ten  Tables. 

t  of  the  Decemviri. 

ent  uf  Military  Tribunes. 

seviTal  popular  reforms. 

oftbH  office  of  Cen.sor, 

sioiis  of  the  ^quians  and 

Iscians. 

he  Roman  army  supported 

by  regular  pay. 


y  Camillus.  16.  Bat 

auls  under  Brennus.  Dec 

y  the  Dictator  12.  Sie 

7.  Ba 
us  Manlius.  2.  H 

Military  Tribuneship.  8i 
with  a  plague.  En 

e  First  I'lebeiau  Consul.  Ro 
the  First  Samnite  War.  R 
the  Latin  (.ities.  T 

n  of  Campania, 
row  of  the  Roman  army 
he  Caudine  Forks, 
mnites  defeated    by    the  Ro 
ttleof  the  Vadimonian  Lake, 

98.  Beginning  of  the  Third  S 

90.  Capture  of  Pontius,  and 

contiict. 

War  declared  against  Ta 

80.  King  Pyrrbus,  of  Epirn 

He  assists  the  Tarenti 

the  Romans 

74.  Pyrrhus  Is  routed  and 

66.  Coniiuest  of  all  Italy 

Epoch  of  tbe  constr 

64.  Outbreak  of  the  Fir 

41.  The  First  Punic 

27.  Conquest  of  S 

Beginning  o 

cial  s 

The  Roman: 

The  Gauls  d 

Carthaginia 

19.  Beginn 

18.  Hanni 

Battle 


9S.  Accession  of  Philip  IV. 
I.  94.  Reigu  of  Demetrius, 
r  II.  and  Perdiccas  III. 

83.  Antiochus  Soter  ml 
he  Paconians  and  the  Aleria 
b2.  Reign  of  Ptolemy  C 
ace.  78.  Reign  of  Antigo 

ed  War.       Decline  of  Macedi 
onea.  42.  Accession  of 

of  Philip.  .^.  Accession 

Alexander  the  Great, 
rder  in  Macedonia  and  Gree 
Generalissimo.      20.  Reign  o 
es  the  conquest  of  Persia. 
Granicus. 
s. 

bela. 

of  the  conquest  of  tbe  Persia 
reaches  the  Indus, 
ecomes  the  capital  of  the  Em 
lexander, 

re  divided  among  Alexander 
dacus  reigns  in  Macedonia, 
f  Cassander. 

cus  founds  the  Greek  klngdo 
ray  Lagus  reigns  in  Egypt. 
imacbus.  king  of  Thrace. 


tie  of  cannse.  [Cause 

line  of  the  (.'arthaginian 
ge  and  capture  of  Syracuse, 
ttle  of  Metaurus. 
annibal  recalled  to  Carthage, 
ipio  invades  Africa, 
dof  the  war.         [iterranean, 
man  ascendency  in  the  Med- 
ome  adopts  the  policy  of  colo 
he  Republic  begins  her  conq 
97.  Flaminius  defeats  Philip 
68.  Battle  of  Pidna, 
Macedonia  is  r 
mans.  Beginning  of  d 

The  Romans  in 
Greece. 
amniteWar.  49.  Beginning 
end  of  the  Punic 

46.  Capture  o 
rentum.  Greece  be 

s,  lands  in  Italy.  Roman 

nes  and  defeats  46.  Destructi 
43.  War  wit 
[Italy.  34.  The  Ser 
expelled  from  Tiberiu 

by  the  Romans.  elec 

uction  of  the  Great  Military 
St  Punic  War.  3.3.  Tibefi 

War  ends.         ,  29.  Estab 

ardinia.  21.  Kill 

f  the  Roman  Provin-  Gr 

ystem.  [mian  games.  The 
participate  in  tlie  Isth-  6.  Af 
efeated  at  Ariminum  M 

n  conquest  of  Spain.  1.  I 

ing  of  the  Second  Punic  War. 
bal  invades  Italy, 
s  of  the  Trebia  and  Lake  Tr 


arius  and  .Silla. 
taly  invaded  by 
the  Cimbri. 


asimenus. 


in  invasions. 
r Alexander  I. 
ador  of  the  Per- 
sians to  Athens, 
esslon  of  Perdicc 
:edonta    invaded 
of  Thrace, 
35.  Secession  of 
Physical  d 
of  Mace 


Reign  of  Orestes. 
'^"  Accession  of  Amyntas  II 
Brief  reigns  of  Alexande 
60.  Accession  of  Philip. 
He  makes  war  on  t 
66.  Birth  of  Alexander 
Philip  subdues  Thr 
39.  The  Third  Sacr 
38.  Battle  of  Chier 
36.  Assassination 
Accession  of 
He  restores  o 
as  II.  Is  appointed 
by  Sitalces,  34.  He  undertak 
Battle  of  tbe 
Achelaus.  34.  Battle  of  Issu 
evelopment  30.  Battle  of  Ar 
donla.  30.  Completion 
27.  Alexander 
Babylon  b 
23.  Death  of  A 
23.  The  Empi 
Philip  Ara 
17.  Reign  o 
12.  Seleu 
Ptole 
Ly 


es  in  Syria. 

ns. 

eraunus. 

nus  Gonatus. 

onia. 

Demetrius  II. 

of  Antigonus  Doson. 

ce. 

f  Philip  V. 

97.  The  Roraansconquer  the 

78.  Accession  of  Persus. 

68.  Battle  of  Pidna. 

Macedonia   bee 

n  Empire. 

pire. 

'8  successors. 


m  of  Syria. 


Macedonians  at  CynocepbalsB. 
omes  a  Roman  province. 


iSesCrcesus 
Of  the  war  wit 
.__, stakes  the  cap 
eflftated  at  Marat 
lion  of  Xerxes. 
inning  of  the  Gr 
jruction  of  the  P 
Smerdls. 
Vcce'ision  of  Arta 
quers  Egypt 
>  60.  Revolt  In  E 
49.  Peace  of 
3.  36.  Acces 

eads  a  re-         N 
le  throne.     7.  Ar 
R 
overnment.        B 
the  war  with  the 


h  the  (ireeks. 

ital,  and  ends  the  Later  Em 

hon. 

87.  Peace  of  Antalcidas. 

eat  Invasion. 

ersian  army  at  Salamla  and 

61.  Accession  of  ( 
xerxes.  He  invades  and 

:J6.  DiiriusCod 
■ypt.  Persia  inv 

'allias.  Battles  of 

sion  of  Darius  31.  Overth 

thus.  12.  I*er 

taxerxes  II.  takes  the  tiiron 
ehollion  of  Cyrus  the  Young 
attle  of  Cunaia. 
Scythians. 


pIre. 


48.  Founding  of 
17.  Roign 
Hem 


Platiea 

llUS. 

overruns  Egypt. 

onianus  takcis  the  throne. 

aded  by  Alexander. 

Issus  and  Arbela. 

row  of  the  Persian  Empire. 

sla  falls  to  Seleucus  Nicator. 

e. 

er. 


the  Dynasty  of  tbe  Arsacldse. 

of  Arsaces  Artabanus. 

akes  war  with  Antiochus  tbe 


56.  Restoration 

Parthi 

asc 


of  Persian  Influence  by  Mithrldates  I. 

a  remains  independent  during  the  Roman 

endency. 


GREECE.— GROWTH  AND  LAW. 


523 


diligence  of  the  great  Council  was  the  honor 
of  Phoebus  vindicated.  From  this  time  forth 
his  oracle  was  more  consulted  than  ever,  and 
richer  gifts  were  poured  into  his  treasury.  The 
influence  of  the  Amphictyons  was  extended 


throughout  all  Greece.  It  was  seen  that  in 
them  the  national  religion  and  traditions  had 
found  an  immovable  bulwark  against  aggres- 
sion— a  power  jealous  of  whatever  seemed  to 
threaten  the  unity  and  renown  of  Hellas. 


CHAPTER    XLIII.— GROW^TH    AND    LA^?V. 


!OST  notable  of  the  facts 
belonging  to  the  second 
period  of  Greek  develop- 
ment— a  period  extending 
from  the  epoch  of  the 
Dorian  migrations  to  the 
revolt  of  the  Ionian  cities 
against  the  l'ii>ian> — were  the  growth  and  pre- 
ponderance of  Sparta  anc"  Athens  as  the  two 
leading  Hellenic  states,  and  the  establishment  of 
institutions  l)y  the  legislation  of  Ijycurgusand 
Solon.  The  first  fact  unfortunately  involved 
a  rivalry  of  the  two  commonwealths  which 
became  the  bane  of  Greek  history,  but  the 
other  contained  those  legislative  germs  which, 
springing  here  and  there  in  the  soil  of  free- 
dom, have  contributed  not  a  little  to  the 
growth  of  human  liberty. 

After  the  agitations  consequent  upon  the  Re- 
turn of  the  Heraclidre  had  somewhat  subsided, 
there  appeared  in  Peloponnesus  the  three 
leading  states  of  Laconia,  Argos,  and  Mes- 
senia.  It  wa.s  in  the  first  of  these  that  the 
new  Dorian  population  from  the  North  became 
most  easily  and  completely  predominant. 
Argos  was  not  so  much  revolutionized,  and 
Messenia  was  still  less  affected  in  her  jjopula- 
tion  and  institutions  by  the  invasions.  A 
period  followed  in  which  the  new  masters  of 
Southern  Greece  had  to  struggle  and  fight  for 
the  maintenance  of  their  supremacy.  By  and 
by,  when  tliat  supremacy  was  fully  established 
and  acknowledged,  the  two  leading  states  of 
Peloponnesus — Sparta  and  Argolis — fell  into 
quarrels  and  went  to  war.  After  the  Dorian 
invasion  of  Argolis,  that  state  still  remained 
for  a  while  a  confederacy  of  free  cities.  Such 
were  Argos  —  the  capital — Cleonte,  Phlir.s, 
Sicyon,     Kpi(huiriis,     Tnezeii,     and      AZglna,. 


These  were  leagued  together  in  the  common 
worship  of  Apollo,  and  each  of  the  cities 
maintained  a  temple  in  his  honor.  The  cen- 
tral shrine  was  in  Argos,  and  from  this  place 
the  authority  of  the  confederacy  was  exer- 
cised. Her  privileges  increased  until  the  time 
of  Phidon,  who  was  king  of  Argos,  and  who, 
about  B.  C  747,  reduced  the  free  cities  and 
established  himself  in  a  despotism. 

It  seemed  that  Argolis  under  his  leader- 
ship was  going  to  win  an  easy  supremacy 
over  all  the  Dorian  states.  He  made  a  con- 
quest of  Corinth.  He  claimed  to  be  par  ex- 
cellence the  representative  of  the  great  ancestor, 
Heracles,  and  in  his  name  demanded  the  sub- 
.  mission  of  his  kinsmen,  the  leaders  of  the 
Heraclidse.  In  the  Eighth  Olympiad  he  in- 
terfered with  the  presidency  of  the  games, 
deprived  the  Eleans  of  their  privileges,  took 
the  presidency  himself,  and  then  set  up  the 
Pisatans  instead  of  their  deposed  rivals. 

This  act,  however,  soon  led  to  his  down- 
fall. For  the  Eleans,  unwilling  to  lose  the 
honorable  prerogative  of  presiding  over  the 
Olympic  festival,  rippealed  to  Sparta  to  aid  in 
the  maintenance  of  their  rights.  The  appeal 
was  favorably  heard.  The  Spartans  espoused 
the  cause  of  the  petitioners,  went  to  war  with 
Phidon,  defeated  him  in  battle,  and  destroyed 
the  pretensions  of  Argolis  to  the  leadership  of 
Southern  Greece.  From  this  time  fortli  there 
was  never  any  doubt  that  Sparta  was  destined 
to  the  first  place  among  the  Pelopounesian 
states. 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  when  the 
Heraclidse  drew  lots  for  the  distribution  of 
territories,  Laconia  fell  to  the  two  sons 
of  Aristodemus.  This  fact  remained  a  pre- 
cedent     in      S])artan      institutions,      and      a 


524 


L'XIVERSAL  HISTORY.^THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


double,  instead  of  a  single,  royal  house  was  a 
part  of  the  primitive  constitution  of  the  coun- 
try. Up  to  the  time  of  the  war  with  Argolis 
and  the  establishment  of  the  supremacy  of 
Sparta,  that  state  had  had  the  same  general 
type  of  civilization  and  development  as  the 
other  Doriau  communities  and  cities;  but 
from  this  time  onward  a  separation  took  filace 
between  Sparta  and  all  the  other  Hellenic 
commonwealths,  untd  she  was  almost  as  much 
distinguished  in  her  institutions  and  popular 
characteristics  from  her  sister  Doric  states  of 
Argos  and  Corinth  as  she  was  from  Thebes 
and  Athens.  Only  with  Crete  did  the  cus- 
toms, manners,  and  laws  of  the  Spartans  hold 
them  in  fellowship  and  sympathy.  This  sepa- 
ration— amounting  to  an  isolation — of  Sparta 
from  the  other  Grecian  states,  and  her  conse- 
quent assumption  of  an  independent  career, 
were  traceable  to  the  work  of  her  great  law- 
giver, Lycurgus. 

The  dissensions  in  Laconia  between  the  old 
and  the  new  populations  constituted  a  serious 
drawback  to  the  progress  of  that  state.  The 
Dorian  warriors,  who  had  taken  possession  of 
the  country,  were  too  strong  to  be  displaced, 
but  the  mass  of  the  people  smarted  under 
their  exactions,  and  would  have  rebelled  but 
for  fear  of  the  consequences.  Besides  this 
source  of  trouble,  the  evil  of  a  double  royal 
house,  involving  the  reigu  of  two  kings 
simultaneously,  was  felt  as  a  dangerous  ob- 
stacle to  the  public  welfare.  The  Spartans, 
moreover,  were  by  nature  and  previous  his- 
tory a  lawless  tribe,  little  disposed  to  accept 
the  restraints  of  civilized  society.  All  of 
these  embarrassments  combined  in  producing 
a  necessity  for  a  complete  revision  of  existing 
laws,  and  in  short  for  the  establishment  of  a 
fixed  constitution  of  government. 

The  preparation  of  such  a  constitution  was 
committed  to  Lycurgus.  Tradition,  makes 
him  to  have  been  of  the  Heraclidse.  He  was 
the  son  of  Eunomus,  a  brother  of  the  King 
Polydectes.  When  the  latter  died,  Lycurgus 
became  guardian  of  his  son  Charilaiis,  who 
was  heir  to  the  throne.  In  spite  of  the  tempta- 
tion to  which  he  was  subjected  by  the  widow 
of  the  late  king,  who  wished  Lycurgus  to 
murder  the  child  and  marry  her,  he  remained 


true  to  the  state,  and,  taking  Chardaiis  into 
the  agora,  had  him  j)roclalmed  as  king.  He 
himself    left    Sparta    and    went    into   Crete. 

Here  he  became  a  student  of  the  laws  and 
institutions  of  Minos,  and  them  he  is  said  to 
have  made  the  basis  of  the  code  which  he 
afterwards  reported  to  his  countrymen.  From 
Crete  he  traveled  into  Egypt  and  Ionia,  and 
even — if  the  tradition  may  be  trusted — as  far 
as  India.  While  abroad  he  became  acquainted 
with  the  Homeric  poems,  which  had  not 
hitherto  been  recited  in  Peloponnesus.  On 
his  return  to  his  own  people  he  found  the 
state  in  anarchy,  and  a  common  belief  that  he 
was  to  be  the  agent  of  the  resciie  of  his  coun- 
try. He  accordingly  yielded  to  public  solici- 
tation, consulted  the  oracle  at  Delphi,  and 
undertook  the  preparation  of  a  new  frame  of 
government.  The  oracle  itself  furnished  the 
fundamental  articles  of  the  constitution,  so 
that  Lycurgus  returned  trom  Delphi  with  the 
sanction  of  Apollo.  Appearing  in  the  agora 
with  thirty  leading  citizens,  he  made  known 
his  mission,  which  was  gladly  accepted  by  a 
majority  of  the  people ;  but  Charilaiis  and  a 
few  of  his  partisans  yielded  with  reluctance, 
and  were  overawed  by  the  popular  voice. 

Lycurgus  thus  came  to  his  countrymen  in 
the  double  character  of  a  law-giver  and  a 
messenger  fiom  Delphi.  Necessity  and  Phoe- 
bus Apoi.o  were  the  joint  sponsors  of  his 
lecrislation.  After  a  season  the  new  constitu- 
tion  wafj  prepared  and  given  to  the  state.  It 
was  wisely  based  upon  the  fundamental  con- 
ditions which  were  present  in  the  country. 
The  Doric  race  was  recognized  as  in  every  re- 
?t)ect  predominant.  The  whole  body  of  the 
population  was  divided  into  three  classes' 
first,  the  Spartans  of  Dorian  descent,  who  con- 
stituted the  ruling  caste  ;  second,  the  Perioecae, 
or  Laconians,  who  far  outnumbered  the  Spar- 
tans;   and  third,  the   Helots  or  slaves. 

The  Dorians  had  taken  the  land  by  conquest. 
They  were  accordingly  retained  as  the  soldier- 
class  forever.  No  work,  no  business,  was  evei 
to  interfere  with  their  profession  of  arms. 
Estimating  their  numbers  at  nine  thousand, 
Lycurgus  divided  the  fruitful  valley  and 
plain  of  the  Eurotas  into  nine  thousand  equal 
parts,   and  to  each   soldier   one  part  was  as- 


GREECE.— GROWTH  AND  LAW. 


525 


signed  for  his  support.  But  the  tillage  of  the 
land  was  reserved  for  the  servile  class,  -the 
Helots,  who  were  bound  to  the  soil  by  a  sys- 
tem of  serfdom.  The  remaining  lauds  of 
Laconia,  chiefly  eousisting  of  mountainous 
districts  in  the  interior,  were  dividt'il  into 
thirty  thousand  parts  and  distributed  to  the 
original  inhabitants  of  the  country,  thence- 
forth called  Perioecse,  or  "dwellers  around." 
The  Perioecse  were  to  remain  free,  but  were  to 
devote  themselves  to  agriculture,  trade,  and 
commerce.  They  were  also  subject  to  mili- 
tary service  at  the  call  of  the  dominant  class 
of  Spartans.  There  was  thus,  as  nearly  as 
practicable,  an  adaptation  of  all  classes  to  the 
previous  conditions  existing  in  the  state. 

As  another  conservative  measure,  the  two 
kings  were  left  undisturbed,  but  their  preroga- 
tives were  reduced  to  a  mere  dignity  and  to 
leadership  in  war.  The  legislative  power  was 
given  to  two  assemblies.  The  first  and  high- 
est consisted  of  thirty  members  called  the 
Geroyifes,  or  "  old  men,"  of  whom  the  kings 
were  two,  whatever  might  be  their  ages.  The 
remaining  twenty-eight  must  be  over  sixty 
years  old.  The  right  to  originate  all  laws 
and  measures  of  state  polity  belonged  to  this 
body.  The  other  assembly  embraced  as  mem- 
bers all  male  Spartans  over  the  age  of  thirty. 
These  met  once  a  month  and  voted  upon  the 
measures  proposed  by  the  Gerontes.  The 
voting  was  to  be  by  acclamation,  aye  or  7w; 
and  no  debate  was  permissible.  From  the 
first  all  discussions  and  wrangling  were  odious 
to  the  Spartan  sj)irit. 

The  constitution  of  Lycurgus  also  estab- 
lished an  overseership  of  six  Ephors,  or  magis- 
trates. To  them  was  intrusted  a  supervisory 
power  over  the  laws  passed  by  the  assembly, 
and  a  final  voice  in  all  public  matters.  Even 
the  kings  were  accountable  to  the  Ephors  for 
their  conduct.  The  kingly  ofhce  was  thus  so 
greatly  hedged  with  restrictions  as  to  be  re- 
duced to  a  minimum  of  influence,  and  in  this 
shorn  condition  was  permitteil  to  survive  in 
Sparta  long  after  the  complete  destruction  of 
royal  jtrerogative  in  the  other  states  of  Greece. 

The  Lycurgian  statutes  next  proceeded  to 
the  education  of  the  Spartans.  The  theory 
of  the  government  was  that  all  cla.sses  existed 


for  the  benefit  of  the  state.  The  individual 
was  for  the  commonwealth — nothing  else. 
There  has,  perhaps,  never  been  in  all  history 
another  instance  in  which  the  idea  of  indi- 
vidual subordination  to  the  public  good  was 
carried  to  such  lengths  as  in  Sparta.  The 
principle  lay  at  the  very  bottom  of  Spartan 
society,  and  explained  many  otherwise  inex- 
plicable circumstances  and  peculiarities  of  the 
national  character.  It  followed  naturally 
from  this  theory  that  the  citizenship  should 
be  atlapted  by  proper  training  to  the  uses  of 
the  state.  Of  the  dominant  Spartans  this 
would  be  true  in  the  highest  measure. 

The  system  contemplated  simply  the  mak- 
ing of  soldiers.  At  birth  the  child  was  in- 
spected to  determine  itg  fitness  to  live.  There 
was  no  compunction.  It  was  simply  business. 
The  Ephors  decided  the  question.  If  weak  or 
deformed  the  babe  was  exposed  in  the  hills  of 
Taygetus  to  perish.  If  robust  and  promising 
it  was  given  to  the  mother  for  the  first  seven 
years  and  then  taken  from  her.  Henceforth 
the  lad  belonged  to  the  state.  He  was  put  to 
school.  The  school  was  a  gymnasium.  No 
metaphysical  nonsense  was  allowed  about  the 
establishment.  It  was  for  the  development 
and  hardening  of  the  body.  A  course  of 
rigid  discipline  and  athletic  exercises  was  pre- 
scribed, so  severe  and  heartless  as  to  defy  a 
parallel.  The  youth  must  wear  the  same  gar- 
ment winter  and  summer.  Hunger,  thirst, 
and  exposure  must  be  endured  without  a 
murmur.  When  starving  for  food  the  lad 
might  steal,  but  if  caught  in  the  act  he  was 
punished  for  that.  One  boy  stole  a  fox,  hid 
it  under  his  garment,  and  suffered  the  beast 
to  tear  out  his  bowels  rather  than  betray  the 
theft.  Once  in  his  life  each  youth  was  taken 
before  the  altar  of  Artemis  and  scourged  till 
his  back  ran  gore.  The  boy  was  <5bliged  to  be 
silent  or  to  say  ye.-i  and  no — no  more.  Whatever 
was  more  than  these  came  of  evil.  He  must 
be  laconic,  impa.ssive.  He  must  endure  pain 
and  smile.  So  must  the  Spartan  girl ;  for  the 
discipline  was  nearly  alike  for  both  sexes. 
All  feeling  must  be  eliminated.  She  who 
must  presently  give  uj)  her  own  babe  to  fill 
the  belly  of  a  Laconian  wolf  must  do  so 
smiling.     At  the  age  of  thirtv  the  boy  was 


526 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— TME  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


promoted  to  manhood.  He  might  then  marry 
and  engage  in  public  affairs.  He  still,  how- 
ever, belonged  to  the  state  in  the  same  sense 
as  before.  He  slept  in  the  public  barracks, 
and  was  not  released  from  military  service 
until  he  reached  the  age  of  sixty. 

One  feature  of  the  Lycurgian  system  is  de- 
serving of  special  mention,  and  that  is  the 
public  mess.  A  table  was  spread,  at  which 
every  male  citizen  was  obliged  to  take  his 
meals.  The  institution  was  called  SyssiUa, 
that  is,  "eating  together."  Each  table  was 
arranged  for  the  accommodation  of  fifteen 
persons,  and  no  others  than  those  eating 
regularly  at  this  bench  could  be  admitted  ex- 
cept by  unanimous  consent,  she  system  was 
communistic.  Each  eater  sent  to  the  table 
monthly  his  quantum  of  provisions,  consisting 
of  a  little  barley-meal,  wine,  cheese,  and  figs. 
A  small  money  contribution  was  also  levied 
for  the  purchase  of  meats  and  fish.  These 
articles,  however,  were  only  eaten  on  occasion. 
At  the  common  meal  the  principal  dish  was  a 
kind  of  blacK:  broth,  which  was  unsavory  ex- 
cept to  the  half-starved  whose  ravenous  stom- 
achs craved  filling,  no  matter  with  what. 

As  to  intellectual  accomplishments,  the 
Lycurgian  system  provided  for  two — singing 
and  plaj'iug  on  the  lyre.  But  the  idea  in 
both  was  warlike.  The  song  was  a  psean  for 
battle.  The  lyre  was  merely  to  waken  martial 
enthusiasm.  The  poets  of  Sparta  were  the 
bards  of  the  barracks.  They  sang  and  shouted 
nothing  but  war.  In  the  times  of  Spartan 
greatness  Homer  was  the  favorite.  Tj'rtseus 
was  a  popular  hero.  ArchUochus,  who  in  one 
of  his  poems  chanced  to  mention  his  own 
flight  from  the  battle-field,  was  banished  from 
the  country! 

What  the  Greeks  of  Central  Hellas  re- 
garded as  civilization  was  abhorred  on  the 
banks  of  the  Eurotas.  Elaborate  speech,  po- 
liteness, affable  companionship,  lively  man- 
ners, these  were  frivolities  of  which  a  Spartan 
would  not  be  guUty.  Luxury  was  more  to 
be  dreaded  than  the  plague.  Riches  meant 
inequality.  Money  was  a  necessary  evil.  To 
make  it  as  little  desirable  as  possible  Lycur- 
gus  decreed  that  the  coin  of  Sparta  should  be 
of  irrni.     So  should  he  be  satirized  and  pun- 


ished who  traded,  and  he  who  took  valuables 
to  market  would  require  a  cart  and  oxen  to 
bring  home  his  money.'  In  such  a  school  of 
roughness  and  austerity  were  the  warlike  vir- 
tues of  the   Dorians  nursed  into  full   vigor. 

The  system  bore  its  fruits.  The  man  be- 
came a  soldier,  utterly  indifferent  to  hardship, 
exposure,  death.  The  woman  became  the 
mother  of  such  men,  and  was  proud  of  it. 
She  gave  her  son  a  shield  with  the  injunc- 
tion, "  Return  with  it  or  on  it."  When  he  was 
brought  home  stark  from  the  battle-field,  she 
said  no  word.  The  Spartan  mother  must  not 
disgrace  herself!  She  had  only  given  her  son 
to  the  state.  It  was  for  that  she  bore  him. 
He  had  died  on  his  shield.  Why  grieve  for 
one  who  had  served  his  country  ? — Thus  it 
was  that  the  Spartans  became  a  race  of  sol- 
diers ;  and  such  were  their  valor  and  stoicism 
in  fight  that  there  was  just  one  way  to  defeat 
them,  and  that  was  to  destroy  the  last  man  I 
As  long  as  one  remained,  Sparta  was  in- 
vincible. 

All  of  the  early  history  of  PeloponnesuB 
is  involved  with  that  of  Sparta.  Two-thirds 
of  the  peninsula  was  completely  under  her 
control ;  and  the  rest  acknowledged  her  lead- 
ership. With  one  state,  however,  she  had  a 
protracted  and  obstinate  contest.  This  was 
Messenia,  on  the  west,  a  commonwealth  in 
which  the  supremacy  of  the  Dorians  had 
never  been  fuUy  established  or  quietly  ac- 
cepted. It  was  only  a  question  of  time  when 
the  domination  of  Sparta  would  lead  to  an 
outbreak.  The  date  assigned  for  the  begin- 
ning of  the  first  confiict  is  B.  C.  743.  Before 
this,  one  of  the  Spartan  kings  had  been  killed 
by  the  Messenians  at  the  temple  of  Artemis, 
on  Mount  Taygetus,  but  the  murderers  gave 
such  an  account  of  the  affair  as  justified  the 
killing.  Shortly  afterwards,  however,  a  pri- 
vate quarrel  led  to  open  war.  Polychares,  a 
leading  Messenian,  who  had  won  a  crown  at 
an  Olympic  festival,  was  robbed  of  his  cattle 

'  It  has  been  urged  with  some  plausibility  that 
the  statute  for  iron  money  did  not  properly  be- 
long to  the  laws  of  Lycurgus,  but  to  a  later  date. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  no  gold  or  silver  money  had 
as  yet  been  coined  in  Greece ;  and  the  practical 
satire  of  the  Lycurgian  system  would,  under  the 
circumstances,  be  no  satire  at  all. 


GREECE.— GROWTH  AXD  LAW. 


527 


by  a  Spartan,  Eujephnus,  who  added  to  the 
crime  by  murderiug  the  son  of  Polychares, 
who  was  sent  for  redress.  The  father  ap- 
pealed to  the  Spartan  Epliors  for  justice,  but 
was  turned  away.  He  then  took  matters  into 
his  own  hands,  and  gave  his  herdsmen  orders 
to  kill  all  the  Lacediemonians  whom  they 
should  meet.  The  Spartans,  who  were  prob- 
ably not  displeased,  secretly  prepared  for  rios- 
tilities,  marched  across  the  frontier,  took  the 
fortress  of  Aniphia,  and   killed  the  garrison. 

War  broke  out  in  earnest.  For  four  yeai's 
the  Messenians  defended  themselves  with 
vigor,  but  in  the  fifth  they  were  defeated  and 
driven  into  their  stronghold,  the  old  fortress 
of  Ithorae.  They  appealed  to  the  Delphic 
oracle,  and  answer  was  given  that  the  king's 
daughter  would  have  to  be  sacrificed  to  Hades 
in  order  to  secure  victory.  The  king  was 
about  to  comply  when  the  girl's  lover  inter- 
fered, and  she  was  killed  in  a  scandalous  man- 
ner. Although  this  was  no  sacrifice,  the 
superstitious  Spartans  were  kept  at  bay  by 
the  news  for  several  seasons.  In  the  thir- 
teenth year  of  the  war,  however,  the  struggle 
was  renewed.  The  king  of  Messenia  was 
killed  in  battle,  and  was  succeeded  by  Aris- 
todenius,  who  fought  bravely  for  his  country. 
Theopompus,  king  of  Sparta,  marched  against 
him,  and  his  forces  were  augmented  by  a  large 
band  of  Corinthians.  The  Messenians  were 
aided  by  the  Arcadians  and  Sieyonians.  In 
the  eighteenth  year  of  the  struggle  a  great 
battle  was  fought  in  which  the  Spartans  were 
defeated  and  driven  into  their  own  territories. 

It  was  now  their  turn  to  apply  to  the  ora- 
cle. An  answer  was  returned  which  promised 
success  on  condition  of  a  stratagem.  Mean- 
while, however,  Ari.stodemus  was  dismayed  by 
dreams.  His  murdered  daughter  appeared 
and  beckoned  him  to  follow.  In  despair  he 
went  to  her  tomb  and  killed  himself.  The 
Messenians  were  disheartened,  and  abandoned 
Ithome.  The  Spartans  thereupon  gained  jios- 
session  and  leveled  the  fortress  to  the  ground. 
The  whole  of  Me.ssenia  was  quickly  overrun. 
Some  of  the  inhabitants  fled  into  Arcadia; 
others  to  Eleusis  and  Athens.  Those  who  re- 
mained were  reduced  to  a  condition  of  servi- 
tude   like    that    of   the    Helots.     They    were 


obliged  by  the  conquerors  to  pay  them  one- 
half  of  the  produce  of  their  lands  and  to 
submit  to  intolerable  marks  of  degradation. 

After  thirty-nine  years,  however,  the  spirit 
of  the  Messenians  revived.  In  B.  C.  6S5' 
Aristomenes  claimed  the  kingdom,  and  soon 
showed  himself  to  be  a  warrior  worthy  to  lead 
his  people  to  freedom.  A  revolt  broke  out, 
which,  before  it  was  quelled,  drew  into  the 
vortex  of  war  nearly  all  the  states  of  Pelopon- 
nesus. The  haughty  conduct  of  Sparta  had 
borne  the  natural  fruits  of  disloyalty,  and  thfr 
Argives,  Arcadians,  Sieyonians,  and  Pisatans- 
all  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Messenians 
against  their  oppressors.  As  in  the  previous- 
war,  however,  the  Corinthians  sided  with 
Sparta  and  sent  her  a  contingent  of  troops. 

The  first  conflict  was  indecisive,  but  the 
advantage  was  with  Aristomenes.  As  a  piece 
of  effrontery  he  crossed  the  Spartan  frontier 
by  night,  went  to  the  temple  of  Athena  of 
the  Brazen  Horse,  and  hung  up  a  shield  with 
this  inscription  :  "  Dedicated  by  Aristomenes  to- 
the  goddess  from  the  Spartan  spoils."  Such, 
was  the  efiect  of  this  piece  of  audacity  that 
the  Spartans  again  cried  to  the  Delphic  oracle 
for  advice.  The  answer  was  returned  that 
they  should  apply  to  the  Athenians  for  a 
leader.  This  was  wormwood  to  both  the 
parties ;  but  the  Athenians,  fearing  to  dis- 
obey the  voice  of  Phoebus,  selected  a  lame 
schoolmaster  and  poet  named  Tyrtfeus,  and 
sent  him  to  lead  the  warrior  Spartans  to  vic- 
tory !  The  latter  received  him  with  honor, 
and  he  .soon  showed  both  them  and  the  senders 
what  a  bard  may  do  in  war.  He  began  to- 
compose  martial  songs  so  inspired  with  the 
spirit  of  battle  that  the  courage  of  the  Spar- 
tans was  revived  and  themselves  fired  with 
the  greatest  zeal  for  the  conflict.  Tyrtieu* 
was  made  a  citizen  of  the  state,  and  the  war 
was  renewed  with  vigor. 

At  the  first  battle,  however,  fought  at  the 
Boar's  Grave,  in  the  plain  of  Stenyclerus,  the 
Spartans  and  Corinthians  were  defeated  with 
great  losses.  During  the  second  year  Aristo- 
menes still  kept  his  foe  at  bay,  but  in  the 
third  a  decisive  battle  was  fought  which, 
through  the  treachery  of  one  of  the  allied 
chiefs,   resulted    in    a   signal   disaster   to    the 


528 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Messenians.  Aristomenes  was  obliged  to  re- 
tire from  the  opeu  field  to  the  mountain 
fortress  of  Ira,  where  for  eleven  years  he 
maintained  the  cause  of  his  country.  From 
this  stronghold  he  would  as  occasion  offered 
sally  forth  in  successful  raids  against  the  foe. 

Such  was  his  prowess  that  three  times  he 
celebrated  the  sacrifice  of  Hecatomphonia  for 
having  in  each  instance  slain  with  his  own 
hand  a  hundred  of  the  enemy.  Three  times 
he  was  taken.  Twice  he  broke  away  from 
his  captors,  but  in  the  third  case  he  was  car- 
ried with  fifty  others  to  Sparta  and  thrown 
into  a  deep  pit.  All  the  rest  were  killed,  but 
he  fell'  to  the  bottom  unhurt.  The  next  day 
he  saw  a  live  fox  in  the  pit,  and  seizing  the 
beast  by  the  tail,  he  followed  it  through  the 
fissures  in  the  rocks  till  he  found  an  exit  and 
escaped.  Equal  was  the  surprise  both  to  his 
own  friends  and  the  enemy  when  he  reap- 
peared at  Ira. 

Nevertheless,  the  indomitable  energy  of 
the  Spartans  gradually  gained  the  ascendency. 
Aristomenes  was  said  to  have  forfeited  the 
favor  of  the  gods.  He  was  wounded,  and, 
while  in  a  disabled  condition,  was  attacked  by 
the  Lacedfemonians,  who  succeeded  in  captur- 
ing Ira.  Aristomenes  escaped  with  a  band  of 
followers.  They  fled  first  into  Arcadia,  and 
afterwards  into  Rhodes,  where  the  hero  passed 
the  rest  of  his  days.  iNIany  others  of  his 
countrymen,  led  by  his  sons,  left  Messeuia  and 
found  refuge  in  Rhegium  in  Southern  Italy. 
The  memory  of  their  brave  king  was  long 
cherished  by  the  Messenians,  whose  bards  re- 
cited his  heroism  and  recounted  his  reappear- 
ance in  battle. 

Thus,  in  the  year  B.  C.  668,  ended  the 
Second  Messenian  War.  The  people  were  again 
reduced  to  serfdom.  For  three  hundred  years 
they  remained  in  a  .state  of  abject  dependence 
upon  the  wills  of  their  conquerors.  Their 
history  during  this  long  period  is  known  only 
in  connection  with  that  of  the  dominant  state. 
Their  territory  was  annexed  to  Laconia, 
whose  limits  were  thus  extended  across  Pelo- 
ponnesus from  sea  to  sea.  The  supremacy  of 
the  Spartan  oligarchy  was  thus  completely 
established  in  all  the  southern  portion  of  the 
peninsula.      The   adjacent    parts   of    Arcadia 


were  also  brought  under  their  sway,  and  as 
far  north  as  the  gulf  of  Corinth  there  were 
none  left,  except  the  Tegeans,  courageous 
enough  to  dispute  their  leadership. 

The  city  of  Tegea,  however,  situated  in 
the  south-eastern  portion  of  Arcadia,  deter- 
mined to  fight  for  independence.  The  people 
were  brave  and  had  a  warlike  history.  Twice 
they  had  already  measured  spears  successfully 
with  the  Spartans.  In  the  reign  of  Charilaiis, 
nephew  of  Lycurgus,  the  Lacedaemonians  had 
marched  against  Tegea,  but  were  disastrously 
defeated.  Their  king  and  all  the  survivors 
of  the  battle  were  captured.  In  B.  C.  580, 
the  Spartans  again  invaded  the  territory  and 
were  again  routed.  The  prisoners  were  taken 
and  enslaved,  being  obliged  to  toil  in  the  very 
chains  which  they  had  brought  for  the  Te- 
geans. The  latter  thus  maintained  their  in- 
dependence for  thirty  years.  In  B.  C.  560, 
however,  the  struggle  was  renewed  by  the 
Spartan  kings,  Anaxandrides  and  Ariston. 
The  Delphic  oracle  sent  the  Spartans  a  mes* 
sage  that  they  should  be  successful  when  they 
secured  the  bones  of  Orestes,  son  of  Agamem- 
non, now  buried  at  Tegea.  This  feat  was  ac- 
complished by  a  stratagem,  and  the  relics 
were  carried  in  triumph  to  Sparta.  Then  the 
tide  turned  against  the  Tegeans.  They  were 
defeated  in  several  engagements,  their  city 
was  taken,  and  themselves  reduced  to  depend- 
ency. In  this  case,  however,  the  conquering 
state  preferred  the  alliance  rather  than  the 
enslavement  of  the  people,  and  Tegea  was 
spared  the  fate  of  Ira  and  Ithome. 

The  Spartans  also  succeeded  in  annexing 
the  district  of  Cynuria  to  their  territories. 
This  province  had  belonged  to  Argos,  and  the 
attempt  of  that  city  to  recover  their  possession 
brought  on  war.  It  was  agreed  between  the 
two  states  that  the  question  should  be  decided 
in  a  single  combat  between  three  hundred 
chosen  warriors  on  each  side.  The  picked 
force  of  Argives  and  Spartans  went  into  bat 
tie,  and  so  fierce  was  the  fight  that  only  two 
of  the  former  and  one  of  the  latter  were  left 
alive.  The  two  Argives,  believing  themselves 
victorious,  bore  the  news  to  Argos,  but  the 
Spartan  remained  on  the  field,  stripped  the 
bodies  of  the  dead,  and  claimed  the  victory. 


GREECE.— GROWTH  AND  LAW. 


529 


Thereupon  the  armies  of  the  two  states 
marc'hetl  out  aud  fought  a  decisive  battle,  in 
which  the  Argives  were  defeated.  Othryades, 
the  Spartan  who  had  survived  from  the  pre- 
vious conflict,  slew  liimsclf  in  despair  because 
he  was  left  alive.  Cyuuria  remained  to 
Sparta,  and  Argos  no  longer  dared  to  oppose 
any  inijipdiiiient  to  the  will  of  the  confjueror. 

Meanwhile,  in'  other  parts  of  Greece,  im- 
portant political  changes  had  taken  place,  by 
which  the  form  of  the  government  in  most  of 
the  states  had  been  altered  to  what  is  known 
as  a  despotism.  In  all  of  the  commonwealths 
except  Sparta  the  kingly  office  had  been 
abolished.  Indeed,  in  such  small  states  the 
institution  of  royalty  could  not  flourish,  for 
the  king  was  seen  and  known  as  a  man  rather 
than  as  a  ruler.  At  his  death  his  son  some- 
times succeeded  to  his  power,  but  was  fre- 
quently limited  to  a  term  of  years.  The  next 
step  was  the  choice  of  some  nobleman  or 
chief,  who,  with  the  title  of  Archon,  exercised 
the  same  authority  hitherto  possessed  by 
the  king;  but  the  officer  so  chosen  was  not 
recognized  as  having  a  dignity  much  above 
that  of  his  fellow  nobles.  So  the  government 
virtually  rested,  after  the  abolition  of  royalty, 
in  the  hands  of  the  few,  and  was  designated 
as  an  olujnrvhij,  distinguished  on  the  one  side 
from  kingly  prerogative,  aud  on  the  other 
from  democracy. 

Such  was  the  general  political  condition  at 
the  middle  of  the  seventh  century  B.  C, 
when  a  new  factor  appeared  in  Greek  politics. 
This  was  the  despot.  He  generally  came  in 
the  character  of  some  leading  citizen,  who  by 
espousing  the  cause  of  the  jjcople  gained  suf- 
ficient ])ower  to  overthrow  the  oligarchv  and 
make  himself  ruler  of  the  city.  He  was  gen- 
erally designated  by  the  Greeks  themselves  by 
the  name  of  Tyrant,  but  the  Greek  sense  of 
that  word  is  so  diftbreut  from  the  English 
equivalent  as  to  make  the  word  De»pot,  or 
Master,  a  better  translation.  As  a  rule  the 
despot  arose  from  the  ranks  of  the  artisans, 
but  sometimes  a  noble  would  take  advantage 
of  his  position  to  become  a  popular  leader. 
The  authorit)'  of  such  a  ruler  when  once 
established  was  generally  exercised  in  an  ar- 
bitrarv  and  tvrannical  manner,  and  not  infre- 


quently the  Greeks  had  cause  to  deplore  the 
revolution  by  which  such  a  system  of  govern- 
ment had  been  substituted  for  the  oligarchy. 
In  such  cases  the  hatred  of  the  people  for 
their  own  tool  who  had  now  become  their 
master  was  intense,  and  this  led  to  the  next 
step  in  the  political  evolution,  namely  the 
substitution  of  democracy  for  the  despotism. 

It  will  readily  ajjpear  that  Sjjarta,  wherein 
the  old  form  of  kingship  had  been  retained 
by  the  Lyeurgian  statutes,  was  naturally  thrown 
in  her  sympathies  on  the  side  of  the  oligar- 
chies of  Greece,  as  against  the  despotisms  and 
the  growing  tendencies  towards  democracy. 
The  oligarchy  stood  next  to  royalty,  and  in 
the  light  of  this  fact  the  conduct  of  the  Spar- 
tan government  in  its  numerous  interferences 
in  the  affairs  of  other  Greek  states  must  be 
interpreted.  Such  interference  became  a  ne- 
cessity of  the  situation,  made  so  by  the  natu- 
ral desire  of  the  Spartans  to  maintain  a  pre- 
pondera!ting  influence  throughout  Greece. 

Just  west  of  the  isthmus  of  Corinth  was 
the  city  of  Sicyon.  Like  the  other  states, 
Sicyonia  had  been  under  the  oligarchical  form 
of  government;  but  in  B.  C.  676,  a  popular 
leader  named  Orthagoras  arose,  and  a  despot- 
ism was  established  instead.  The  primitive 
population  of  the  country,  who  had  never  been 
exterminated  by  the  Dorian  conquerors,  sup- 
ported Orthagoras,  and  he  was  thus  enabled 
to  fix  liis  tyranny  so  firmly  that  the  dynasty 
lasted  for  a  hundred  years.  The  last  of  the 
line  was  Clisthenes,  who  was  famed  in  his 
time  for  a  victory  won  in  a  chariot  race  at 
the  Olympic  games.  He  died  in  B.  C.  560, 
and  leaving  no  son  the  despotism  became 
extinct. 

A  similar  tyranny  flourished  in  Corinth  for 
seventy-four  years.  It  began  its  career  with 
the  overthrow  of  the  Baechiadiu  in  li.  C.  655, 
and  was  established  by  Cypselus.  He  was 
himself  descended  from  the  nobles,  but  es- 
poused the  cause  of  the  poinilar  party.  After 
conducting  the  government  well  for  thirty 
years,  he  left  it  to  his  son  Periander,  who  was 
greatly  detested  for  his  cruelty  and  exactions. 
Nevertheless,  it  was  under  his  iron  rule  that 
Corinth  became  one  of  the  leading  cities  of 
Greece — a  place   which   she   held   for  several 


530 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


centuries.  The  tyrant  patronized  art  and 
letters,  and  invited  the  most  learned  men  of 
his  times  to  his  court.  After  reigning  for 
forty  years  he  was  succeeded  by  a  relative, 
Psammetichus,  who  reigned  four  years,  and 
with  him  the  dynasty  perished. 

The  despotism  in  Megara  was  established 
by  Theagenes,  in  B.  C.  630.  He  appeared  in 
the  usual  way  as  a  leader  of  the  people,  over- 
threw the  oligarchy,  and  made  himself  master 
of  the  state.  After  holding  authority  for 
thirty  years,  he  was  driven  from  the  govern- 


tion  to  the  close  of  the  sixth  century  B.  C. 
Meanwhile  a  state  had  arisen  in  Central 
Greece  whose  fame  was  destined  to  be  ever- 
lasting. 

The  story  of  the  founding  of  Athens  by 
Cecrops  has  already  been  given.  From  that 
time  until  the  age  of  Solon,  who  gave  to  the 
state  its  constitution,  the  history  of  Attica 
contains  only  traditions.  One  of  the  principal 
of  these  is  the  consolidation  by  Theseus  of  the 
twelve  districts  into  which  Cecrops  had  di- 
vided the  peninsula.     Another  is  that  of  the 


DE.\TH  OF  CODRUS— Drawn  by  H.  Vogel. 


ment,  but  his  party  punished  the  offense  by 
despoiling  the  homes  of  the  nobles.  An  edict 
was  passed  by  which  all  existing  debts  were 
canceled,  and  the  rich  made  to  refund  the 
j  iterest  which  they  had  received  on  loans. 
These  actions,  however,  so  exasperated  the 
party  of  the  nobles  that  the  latter  rallied  a 
strong  force  and  the  party  of  Theagenes  was 
suppressed.  The  oligarchy  was  reestablished, 
and  remained  as  the  fixed  form  of  government 
for  several  generations.  Such,  then,  was  the 
general  course  of  events  in  Peloponnesus  from 
the  establishment  of  the  Lycurgian  eonstitu- 


abolition  of  royalty.  In  the  time  of  the  Do- 
rian invasion  of  Attica  the  Delphic  oracle 
gave  answer  to  the  invaders  that  they  would 
be  successful  if  the  life  of  the  Athenian  king 
was  spared.  The  name  of  that  ruler  was 
CoDRUS.  Hearing  the  report  of  the  oracle,  he 
disguised  himself,  went  before  the  walls  of 
Athens,  provoked  a  quarrel  with  the  Dorian 
soldiers,  and  permitted  himself  to  be  killed. 
Learning  what  they  had  done  the  Dorians 
broke  up  their  camp  and  retired  from  Attica. 
The  Athenians,  in  joy  for  their  deliverance, 
declared  that  no  one  was  worthv  to  succeed 


GREECE.— GROWTH  AND  LAW. 


631 


Codrus  in  the  government,  and  accordingly  abol- 
ished the  office  of  royalty,  siiijHtitutiiig  there- 
for the  archonship.  The  right  to  l)e  Arclion, 
however,  was  for  the  time  limited  to  the  fam- 
ily of  Codriis.  Eleven  members  of  that  family 
succeeded  one  another  in  the  goverumeut, 
and  then,  in  B.  C.  752,  the  office  was  limited 
to  a  period  of  ten  years.  Thirty-eight  years 
later  the  restriction  to  the  family  of  Codrus 
was  removed  and  the  archonship  thrown  open 
to  all  the  nobles.  The  next  step  in  the  road 
to  democracy  was  taken  in  B.  C.  683,  when 
the  office  was  limited  to  one  year's  duration, 
and  distributed  to  nine  persons  instead  of  one. 
Of  these  nine,  however,  one  continued  to  be 
the  chief  archon  and  the  rest  associates.  None 
but  the  nobles  were  eligible  to  the  archonship; 
80  that  the  government  of  Athens  was  j)cace- 
ably  transferred  fmni  royalty  to  oligarchy  in 
the  same  manner  as  in  the  states  of  Pelopon- 
nesus. As  yet  the  people  had  no  voice  in 
the  direction  of  public  affairs. 

The  cla-ss-distinctions  of  the  Athenian  pop- 
ulace were  arranged — so  says  tradition — by 
Theseus.  There  were  three  castes:  the  Eupor 
trida;,  or  nobles ;  the  Geomori,  or  husband- 
men ;  and  the  Demiurgi,  or  artisans.  The 
first  exercised  all  the  political  and  religious 
rites  of  the  people ;  the  husbandmen  tilled 
the  soil ;  the  artisans  plied  their  respective 
crafls ;  but  neither  wielded  any  considerable 
influence  in  the  affairs  of  state. 

1'  rom  the  institution  of  the  annual  archon- 
ship, in  B.  C.  683,  the  more  authentic  history 
of  Athens  begins.  Of  the  nine  archons  who 
were  then  appointed  instead  of  the  one  who 
had  held  authority  p.aviously,  one  was  the 
President,  called  Archon  Epomjmm ;  for  the 
year  took  its  name  from  him.  He  was  the 
representative  of  the  Stnte,  and  decided  all 
matters  of  j)ublic  importance.  The  second 
archon  was  called  Bii.^!l('u.<i ;  and  to  him  was 
committed  the  oversight  of  Religion.  The 
third  bore  the  title  of  Polemarch,  and  com- 
manded the  army.  The  remaining  six  were 
called  Thmmothekc,  or  legislators.  The  con- 
stitution of  the  Court  of  Areopagus,  or  Sen- 
ate of  Athens,  has  already  bee;>  described.  Such 
was  the  character  of  Athenian  political  society 
in  the  times  preceding  the  legislation  of  Solon. 


The  government  of  the  oligarchy  was  se- 
vere and  arbitrary.  There  were  no  written 
laws,  and  the  precedents  of  the  state  were 
not  well  established.  It  was  withal  a  govern- 
ment of  partiality,  administered  by  the  nobles 
for  the  nobles.  After  about  a  half  a  century 
the  pul)lic  discontent  became  so  great  that  a 
nobleman  named  Draco,  of  whose  previous 
history  l)ut  little  is  known,  was  appointed  to 
draft  a  code  of  written  laws.  The  work  was 
undertaken  in  B.  C.  624.  The  lawgiver 
adopted  the  constitution  of  Athenian  society 
as  it  was,  and  gave  his  attention  almost 
wholly  to  the  question  of  crime  and  its  pun- 
ishment. His  laws  were  characterized  by  ex- 
trelne  severity.  All  crimes  were  punishable 
with  death !  The  theory  was  that  a  petty 
theft  deserved  death,  and  for  murder  no 
greater  penalty  could  be  affixed.  It  was  said 
that  his  statutes  were  written  in  blood.  Per- 
haps, however,  the  code  was  as  merciful  as 
the  spirit  of  the  age  ;  for  the  age  cared  noth- 
ing for  the  sacredne.ss  of  human  life. 

The  code  of  Draco  was  of  little  utUity. 
Violence  and  discontent  continued  to  prevail 
to  such  an  extent  as  to  prevent  the  growth 
and  endanger  the  stability  of  the  state.  After 
a  few  years  of  trouble  a  revolution  was  un- 
dertaken by  the  malcontents  headed  by  Cy- 
lon,  one  of  the  Eupatridse.  He  was  the  son- 
in-law  of  Theagenes,  the  tyrant  of  Megara, 
from  whom  he  learned  the  lesson  of  despot- 
ism as  a  cure  for  pul)lic  troubles.  Obtaining 
fniin  the  Deli)hie  oracle  an  answer  which  he 
regarded  as  favorable,  he  seized  the  Acropolis 
and  undertook  to  maintain  himself  against  the 
authorities  of  the  city,  but  he  was  soon  over- 
thrown and  driven  from  the  country.  Many 
of  his  adherents  were  hunted  down  and  were 
slain  even  at  the  very  altars  of  the  gods  where 
they  had  taken  refuge. 

This  act  of  sacrilege,  however — done  as  it 
was  by  the  orders  of  Megacles,  one  of  the 
archons — terrilied  the  people  to  such  a  degree 
that  the  family  to  which  Jlegacles  belonged 
was  ])ut  under  the  ban  unci  their  trial  de- 
manded by  the  court,  liut  the  ofleuding 
nobles  could  not  for  the  time  be  brought  to 
justice,  and  the  confusion  in  the  state  grew 
from  bad  to  dangerous,  until  Solon  persuaded 


532 


UIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


the  family  of  the  AlcmEeonidse,  to  which  Me- 
gacles  belonged,  to  submit  their  cause  to  trial. 
The  court  adjudged  them  guilty,  and  they 
were  banished  from  Attica.  StUl  the  Athe- 
nians were  terrified  at  the  imagined  anger  of 
the  gods,  and  a  plague  in  the  city  was  attrib-  ■ 
uted  to  the  vengeance  of  those  whose  altars 
had  been  profaned  by  the  shedding  thereat 
of  human  blood.  Nor  could  the  public  mind 
be  quieted  until,  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
Delphic  oracle,  the  Cretan  sage  Epimenides 
was  brought  to  Athens  to  purify  her  from 
pollution. 

In  this  business,  which  resulted  in  produc- 
ing comparative  quiet,  the  guiding  hand  of 
Solon  again  appeared.  To  him  the  people  of 
the  city  began  to  look  as  to  one  who  by  his 
wisdom  and  prudence  was  able  to  save  the 
state  from  anarchy.  This  remarkable  man 
was  born  in  the  year  B.  C.  638.  He  was  on 
his  father's  side  descended  from  Codrus,  and 
by  his  mother  was  related  to  Pisistratus.  In 
youth  he  learned  a  trade,  and  afterwards 
traveled  as  a  merchant  in  Greece  and  Asia. 
He  was  a  poet  of  no  mean  ability,  and  while 
yet  comparatively  young  was  reckoned  as  one 
of  the  Seven  Wise  Men  of  his  country.  Re- 
turning from  his  travels,  he  became  interested 
in  public  affairs,  and  soon  acquired  a  great 
reputation  for  probity  and  learning.  In  B.  C. 
600  he  rendered  the  state  most  valuable  ser- 
vice by  commanding  the  Athenian  expedition 
for  the  recovery  of  Salamis,  which  had  re- 
volted to  Megara.  After  a  tedious  struggle 
the  decision  of  the  question  was  left  to  the 
arbitration  of  Sparta.  Solon  went  thither  as 
the  ambassador  of  Athens,  and  managed  the 
cause  so  skillfully  as  to  obtain  a  judgment  in 
favor  of  his  country.  Soon  afterwards  his 
fame  was  further  heightened  by  the  influence 
which  he  wielded  over  the  Amphictyonic 
Council  in  inducing  that  body  to  declare  war 
against  the  town  of  Cirrha,  thus  precipitating 
the  Sacred  War. 

At  the  age  of  Solon  the  Athenian  common- 
wealth embraced  three  classes  of  citizens. 
These  were  first  the  Pedim,  or  wealthy  class, 
who,  living  mostly  in  the  open  country  in 
and  about  Athens,  were  designated  as  The 
Plain;    second,  the  Diacrii,   or  poor  people 


of  the  hilly  districts,  who  were  called  The' 
Mountain;  third,  the  Parali,  or  mercantile 
class,  living  mostly  on  the  sea-coast,  and 
known  as  The  Shore.  These  classes  were 
arrayed  against  each  other  politically,  and  a 
reconciliation  of  their  interests  seemed  impos- 
sible. The  poor  were  in  great  distress.  The 
rich  had  loaned  them  money,  and  had  charged 
exorbitant  rates  of  interest.  Both  the  prop- 
erty and  the  person  of  the  debtor  were  mort- 
gaged to  the  rapacious  creditor.  Payment 
was  in  most  instances  impossible.  Many  of 
those  who  had  been  bankrupted  had  become 
the  slaves  of  those  whom  they  owed.  Others 
had  been  actually  sold  to  barbarians.  The 
materials  of  a  disastrous  insurrection  were 
ready  to  be  fired  by  the  first  spark  of  agitation. 

The  oligarchs  became  alarmed,  and  ap- 
pealed to  Solon  for  aid.  They  knew  that  he 
had  the  confidence  of  the  Mountain  and  the 
Shore,  as  well  as  their  own.  In  B.  C.  594 
he  was  chosen  archon,  and  was  authorized  to 
exercise  unlimited  powers  in  remodeling  the 
constitution  of  the  state.  AU  parties  accepted 
his  appointment  as  an  earnest  of  reform. 
Such  was  the  universality  of  his  influence 
that  he  might  easily  have  usurped  all  the 
functions  of  the  government,  overthrown  the 
oligarchy,  and  made  himself  master  of  Athens ; 
but  his  virtue  was  equal  to  his  abUity,  and  he 
rebuked  those  who  tempted  him  to  such  a 
course.  He  entered  upon  his  work  without 
the  least  bias  of  personal  ambition. 

As  a  preliminary  measure  he  abolished  all 
the  laws  of  Draco  except  that  relating  to 
murder.  He  then  divided  the  people  into 
classes,  according  to  their  property  assessment. 
This  division  was  made  the  basis  of  the  new 
political  system  ;  for  a  man's  right  to  political 
preferment  rested  henceforth  on  the  amount 
of  property  of  which  he  was  possessed.  As  a 
measure  of  present  relief,  he  canceled  all 
mortgages  which  had  been  given  on  the  score 
of  interest.  Debtors  sold  into  slavery  were 
set  free.  The  lands  of  the  state  were  freed 
from  encumbrances.  The  power  to  mortgage 
the  person  for  debt  was  annulled.  No  geneial 
abolition  of  debt  was  attempted ;  but,  as  a 
measure  of  relief,  the  standard  of  the  coinage 
was  lowered  about  one-fourth,  so  that  the  new 


GREECE.— GROWTH  ANB  LAW. 


533 


silver  raina  contained  but  seventy-three  parts 
in  a  hundred  of  its  I'ormer  value.  It  was 
found  that  Solon  himself  was  a  loser  by  this 
measure ;  for  he  hud  loaned  five  talents, 
which  were  paid  back  in  units  of  the  lower 
standard. 

In  the  {)roperty  division  of  the  citizens  the 
first  class  was  made  to  consist  of  those  whose 
annual  incomes  were  in  excess  of  five  hun- 
dred measures  of  corn.  These  were  called  the 
Pentacodomedimni.    The  second  class  embraced 


other  classes  in  numbers,  being  the  common 
people  of  Attica. 

As  to  public  honors,  all  the  higher  offices, 
including  the  archonship,  were  reserved  for 
citizens  of  the  first  class.  The  inferior  offices, 
however,  might  be  held  by  persons  of  the 
second  and  third  classes.  Citizens  of  the 
fourth  rank  might  hold  no  public  trust  what/- 
ever.  But  these  discriminations  were  counter- 
balanced by  a  just  distribution  of  burdens. 
An  income-tax  was  levied  on  the  first  three 


i^^^ 


50LO.N  Din  ATING  HIS  LAWS. 
Drawn  by  H.  X'ogol. 


all  whose  incomes  ranged  between  three  hun- 
dred iiiid  five  hun<lri-d  mciisures.  They  were 
callod  the  Knights,  from  the  fact  that  each  in 
this  rank  was  considered  able  to  furnish  a 
war-horse  to  the  sUile.  The  third  class  was 
made  of  tlioso  whose  annual  revenues  were 
between  two  hundred  aii<l  three  hundred 
measure.-  of  corn.  Tliose  belon<ring  to  this 
class  were  called  ZeufiiUr,  from  the  fact  that 
each  was  reckoned  able  to  own  a  yoke  of 
oxen.  The  fourth  rank  eintiracod  all  wlio.<e 
incomes  amoimuMi  m  kss  than  two  hundred 
measures.  The  members  of  this  class  were 
designated  as  TItetee,  and  were  in  excess  of  the 


clas!5es,  but  the  fourth  class  was  exempt. 
Citizens  of  the  second  and  third  ranks  we'e 
subject,  as  well  as  the  first,  to  military  service, 
the  second  furui.<hiiig  the  cavalry  and  the 
third  the  heavy-armed  foot.  The  light-armed 
troops  Avere  furnished  by  the  fourth  rank. 
The  disqualification  of  the  comnicn  people  for 
holding  office  was  compensated  by  the  right 
of  suffrage.  The  right  to  vote  in  the  public 
assembly  was  conceded  to  the  Thctes,  who, 
being  in  the  majority,  migirt  control  the  elec- 
tion of  the  archons  and  other  officers;  and 
since  the  archon,  at  the  end  of  his  year  of 
office,  was  subject  to  prosecution  before  the 


534 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


assembly  foi  his  public  acts,  the  check  of  the 
Fourth  Estate  upon  the  administration  of 
afiairs  was  very  salutary. 

As  a  counterpoise  to  this  enlargement  of 
the  Assembly,  Solon  instituted  a  Senate,  or 
Council  of  Four  Hundred,  with  whom  all 
matters  of  discussion  in  the  popular  body 
must  originate.  The  senators  were  elected  by 
the  Assembly,  and  in  turn  presided  over  its 
deliberations.  Like  the  archons,  they  held 
office  for  a  year,  and  were  amenable  at  the 
end  of  the  term  for  their  conduct.  The  old 
Court  of  Areopagus  was  retained  by  Solon, 
but  additional  duties  were  imposed  upon  it. 
Besides  its  ancient  powers,  it  was  given  a  gen- 
eral supervision  of  the  laws  and  the  duty  of 
supervising  the  lives  and  occupations  of  the 
people. 

In  the  punishment  of  crime  the  legislation 
of  Solon  ,was  merciful.  The  thief  must  re- 
turn double  the  value  of  the  thing  stolen. 
Slander  of  either  the  living  or  the  dead  was 
prohibited.  Foreigners  were  invited  to  settle 
in  Attica.  The  father  must  teach  his  son 
some  useful  traile  or  run  the  risk  of  being 
left  uncared  for  in  his  old  age.  He  who  took 
a  prize  in  the  Olympic  or  Isthmian  games 
should  be  rewarded  and  honored.  He  who  in 
case  of  a  civil  sedition  stood  aloof  and  took 
no  sides  was  devoid  of  public  spirit  and  should 
be  disfranchised. 

When  the  Constitution  was  completed  it 
■was  inscribed  in  rollers  and  tablets  and  depos- 
ited in  the  Acropolis.  Solon  acknowledged 
that  the  work  was  imperfect,  but  held  it  to  be 
the  best  that  the  Athenians  were  able  to  bear. 
When  the  task  was  completed,  he  bound  the 
Athenians  by  an  oath  to  keep  his  statutes  for 
ten  years,  and  then,  to  avoid  the  annoyance 
of  those  who  were  sure  to  want  alterations 
and  amendments,  he  went  abroad  as  a  trav- 
eler. He  visited  Egypt  and  Cyprus,  and  in 
the  latter  place  was  honored  with  the  found- 
ing of  a  new  town  named  Soli,  in  his  honor. 
Afterwards  he  went  to  Sardis  and  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Croesus.  It  was  on  this  occa- 
sion that  the  celebrated  interview  occurred 
which  has  been  so  much  repeated  for  its  lesson. 
Croesus,  desiring  to  make  an  impression  on  his 
visitor,  took  him  into  his  treasury  and  showed 


him  his  riches.  He  then  inquired  of  the  im- 
passive  philosopher  whom  he  considered  the 
happiest  man  he  had  ever  seen.  Solon  after 
some  little  reflection,  named  two  obscure 
Greeks  whom  the  Lydian  had  never  heard  of. 
Mortified  at  being  unable  to  extort  a  compli- 
ment, Croesus  expressed  his  disgust,  but  Solon 
explained  that  no  man  can  well  be  accounted 
happy  until  his  life  is  ended,  since  the  vicissi- 
tudes of  human  affairs  may  soon  bring  even 
the  proudest  to  the  level  of  the  beggar.  For 
the  time  the  lesson  made  no  impression  on  the 
proud  monarch ;  but  in  after  years,  when  his 
kingdom  was  overturned  and  himself,  a  prig- 
oner,  was  about  to  be  burned  to  death  by  the 
orders  of  Cyrus  the  Great,  Croesus  in  his  an- 
guish cried  out  the  name  of  Solon.  Cyrus 
inquired  upon  what  god  the  condemned  was 
calling,  and  was  told  the  story  of  the  philoso- 
pher's interview  and  saying.  The  lesson  was 
so  well  suited  to  the  Persian  king  that  he  or- 
dered Croesus  to  be  liberated  and  made  him 
his  friend. — It  is  unfortunate  that  this  story 
is  mythical  rather  than  authentic. 

After  ten  years  Solon,  in  B.  C.  562,  re- 
turned to  Athens.  He  found  a  very  un- 
happy state  of  circumstances.  The  Shore,  the 
Mountain,  and  the  Plain  could  not  be  recon- 
ciled. At  the  head  of  the  three  parties  stood 
Megacles,  one  of  the  Alcmseonidse ;  Pisistratus, 
a  cousin  of  Solon ;  and  Lycurgus,  a  wealthy 
Athenian.  The  second  of  these  partisan  chiefs 
had  by  far  the  greatest  influence.  He  was 
an  able  general,  an  accomplished  orator,  and 
a  demagogue.  He  espoused  the  cause  of  the 
Mountain,  not  for  the  Mountain's  sake,  but 
for  his  own ;  for  he  was  ambitious  to  become 
master  of  Athens.  His  plans  were  already 
well  matured  when  Solon  returned  to  Athens. 
The  latter  attempted  to  dissuade  Pisistratus 
to  desist  from  his  ambitious  schemes,  but  fail- 
ing to  influence  him,  he  next  addressed  the 
people  of  the  city  in  poems,  directed  to  the 
political  dangers  which  menaced  the  state. 
These  also  were  ineff'ectual.  Meanwhile,  a 
crisis  was  precipitated  by  Pisistratus.  Hav- 
ing wounded  himself  and  hacked  his  chariot 
mules  until  they  were  bloody,  he  drove  to 
the  market-square  and  showed  himself  bleed- 
ing to  the  people,  whom  he  told  that  the  Plain 


GREECE.— GROWTH  AND  LAW. 


535 


had  attempted  to  kill  him  for  defeudiiig  pop- 
ular liberty.  A  tumult  followed.  The  strat- 
agem was  successful.  The  peoi)le  ran  to- 
gether in  an  assembly,  aud  against  the  protest 
of  Solon,  voted  Pisistratus  a  body-guard  of 
fifty  men.  He  gradunlly  increased  the  num- 
ber, and  when  suthciontly  strong  seized  the 
Acropolis  and  made  himself  master  of  the 
city.  It  was  expected  that  Solon  would  be 
banished    or    put    to    death,    but    Pisistratus 


tures  to  Pisistratus,  to  whom  he  proposed  to 
give  his  daughter  in  marriage.  A  scheme 
was  concocted  for  the  return  of  the  exiled 
tyrant.  It  was  arranged  that  a  tall  and  beau- 
tiful WDinun,  named  Phya,  should  go  to  him 
aud  accompany  his  return  in  the  character  of 
Pallas  Athene !  So  the  factitious  goddess 
mounted  the  chariot  beside  the  despot  and 
rode  into  Athens,  the  awe-struck  people 
looking  on   in    wonder   at    the    prodigy,  and 


iJl:'Ji-rs  SHOWING  SOLON  IlL-  TKKA-UUES. 
Drawn  by  H.  Leutemann. 


treated  him  with  kindness,  and  even  solicited 
his  a.lvi"f  in  matters  of  administration.  But 
the  old  sage  did  not  long  survive.  He  died 
in  B.  C  558,  and  his  ashes  were,  according 
to  his  will,  sowTj  in  the  island  of  Salamis,  which 
he  had  won  iu  his  ymith  for  Athens. 

After  the  usur|i;itioii  of  Pisistratus  the 
other  leaders,  Lycur^rus  and  Megacles,  were 
for  a  time  driven  from  the  city.  Soon,  how- 
ever, they  combined  against  him,  and  he  in 
turn  was  driven  into  exile.  Rut  the  Shore 
and    the    Plain    could   not    long    agree.     The 

leaders  quarreled,  and   Megacles  made  over- 
N. — Vol.  I — ,^3 


quietly    permitting   Pisistratus  a  second  time 
to  usurp  the  ])owers  of  the  state. 

The  tyrant  nuirried  the  daughter  of  Jlega- 
cles,  but  soon  treated  her  with  contempt.  He, 
ofTended  at  this,  abandoned  Pisistratus,  and 
again  made  common  cause  with  Lycurgus. 
After  a  brief  struggle  the  despot  was  again 
driven  off.  His  exile  in  Eubwa  lasted  for  ten 
years,  but  at  the  end  of  that  time  he  crossed 
over  into  Attica,  collected  his  partisans  at 
^raratlioii,  defeate<l  the  forces  of  his  rivals, 
j  anil  a  tliird  time  made  hini.*elf  supreme  in  the 
1  city.     The  ]iardon  which  he  offered  to  those 


536 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


■who  had  opposed  him  was  generally  accepted, 
and  those  who  did  not  accept  were  exiled. 

The  government  of  Pisistratus  during  the 
Third  Tyranny  was  firm  and  severe.  He 
maintained  his  authority  by  means  of  a  band 
of  Thracian  mercenaries.  The  children  of 
those  who  were  suspected  of  plotting  against 
him  were  seized  and  sent  to  Naxos.  But  in 
the  matter  of  exactions  his  rule  was  milder 
than  that  of  the  oligarchy.  He  kept  the  stat- 
tutes  of  Solon  without  alteration,  and  was 
himself  obedient  to  the  law.  He  won  the 
applause  of  the  Fourth  Estate  by  throwing 
open  his  gardens  to  the  poor  of  the  city.  He 
adorned  Athens  with  public  buildings.  He 
encouraged  art  and  literature.  He  established 
the  first  pulilie  library  in  Greece,  and  laid  aU 
the  world  under  obligation  by  the  collection 
of  the  Homeric  poems.  For  thirty-three 
years  he  kept  Athens  in  a  state  of  tranquillity 
which  she  had  never  known  before.  Dying, 
he  bequeathed  the  government  to  his  two 
Bons,  Hippias  and  Hipparchus,  and  they,  in 
B.  C.  527,  began  an  administration  of  the 
same  character  as  that  of  their  father.  Hip- 
parchus was  tlie  more  noted  of  the  two.  He 
promoted  literature  by  maintaining  at  his 
court  the  poets  Anacreon  and  Simonides.  To 
his  time  belongs  the  setting  up  of  the  Hermce, 
or  small  statues  of  Hermes,  which  were  placed 
along  the  streets  and  in  other  places  to  denote 
boundaries,  and  by  the  inscriptions  which 
they  bore  to  remind  the  people  of  moral  obli- 
gations. 

Matters  were  going  well  in  the  government 
until  a  private  feud  led  to  ,  '.  assassination 
ot  Hipparchus.  A  certain  Harmodius,  hav- 
ing given  offense  to  the  two  rulers,  Hippias 
sought  revenge  by  a  public  insult  to  his  sister. 
Harmodius  and  his  friend  Aristogiton  deter- 
mined to  appease  their  anger  by  killing  both 
of  the  governors.  At  the  festival  of  the 
Panathensea  they  stood  with  daggers  hid  in 
their  myrtle  leaves  waiting  their  opportunity. 
But  Hippias  was  seen  conversing  with  one 
who  was  in  the  secret,  and  the  conspirators 
believed  themselves  betrayed.  They,  how- 
ever, made  a  rush  on  Hipparchus  and  cut  him 
down  ;  but  Hippias  escaped.  He  immediately 
arrested   those  who  were  found  to  be  in  the 


conspiracy,  and  they  were  either  executed  or 
banished.  This  was  but  the  beginning  of  a 
career  of  cruelty.  Many  citizens  were  con- 
demned on  mere  suspicion.  The  taxes  were 
increased,  and  the  whole  body  of  the  people 
grievously  oppressed.  There  were  loud  mut- 
terings  of  discontent,  and  the  exiled  family 
of  the  Alcmteonidse  made  an  eilbrt,  though 
without  success,  to  overthrow  the  government 
of  Hippias.  Finally,  however,  through  the 
influence  of  the  Delphic  oracle,  the  Spartans, 
though  hitherto  friendly  to  the  family  of 
Pisistratus,  were  induced  to  interfere  against 
the  Athenian  tyrant.  Their  first  attempt 
ended  in  failure,  but  in  a  second  invasion  of 
Attica,  Hippias  was  defeated  and  obliged  to 
go  into  exile.  He  fled  to  Sigeum,  on  the 
coast  ef  Asia  Minor,  and  became  a  fruitful 
source  of  disturbance  in  the  relations  between 
the  Greeks  and  the  Persians.  The  expulsion 
of  the  tyrant  was  regarded  by  his  countrymen 
as  a  deliverance  from  thralldom  and  oppression. 

At  this  time  Clkthenes,  the  son  of  ^lega- 
cies, appeared  in  the  theater  of  Athenian  poli- 
tics. The  Spartans,  after  expelling  Hippias, 
had  left  the  people  to  their  own  ways.  It  was 
Clisthenes  who  had  by  his  strategy  won  over 
the  oracle  to  declare  against  the  family  of 
Pisistratus.  To  him  Athens  now  looked  for 
further  assistance.  He  came  as  the  leader  of 
the  popular  partj,  and  was  opposed  by  Isag- 
ORAs,  who  was  backed  by  the  nobles.  Ac- 
cording to  the  statutes  of  Solon  the  First 
Estate  had  a  monopoly  of  the  highest  offices, 
and  this  fact  gave  the  advantage  to  Isagoras. 
But  Clisthenes  laid  the  axe  at  the  root  of  the 
tree  by  proposing  a  change  in  the  constitu- 
tion, by  which  the  Thii'd  Estate  should  be 
admitted  to  a  share  in  the  government.  It 
was  the  beginning  of  the  Athenian  democracy. 

As  a  measure  precedent  to  the  contemplated 
change,  the  four  classes,  or  castes,  into  which 
the  Athenians  had  been  divided  were  abol- 
ished, and  the  whole  body  of  the  populace 
distributed  into  ten  new  tribes.  Until  this 
time  great  numbers  of  residents  in  Attica  had 
not  had  the  rights  of  citizenship,  from  the 
fact  that  they  had  never  been  classified  with 
either  of  the  four  estates.  The  Clisthenian 
plan  proposed  that  all  should  be  included  in 


GREECE.— GROWTH  AND  LAW. 


537 


the  redistribution  of  the  population.  By  this 
plan  the  aggregate  citizenship  of  the  state  was 
vastly  increased  in  numbers,  and  the  increase 
nearly  all  went  to  the  credit  of  the  democracy. 
The  new  distribution  was  not  based  upon 
class-distinctions,  but  on  territory,  the  only 
true  ba^is  of  political  division.  The  territory 
of  each  tribe  was  called  a  deme,  and  every 
person  living  within  the  district  was  obliged 
to  enroll  himself  as  a  citizen.  Each  deme 
managed    its  local    aflairs    in    its    own    way. 


transfer  the  government  from  archons,  or 
governors,  to  the  people,  and  to  substitute  for 
the  close  and  arbitrary  methods  of  the  oligarchy 
the  open  discussions  of  a  public  assembly, 
thus  preparing  the  way  for  the  age  of  Pericles. 
The  military  arrangement  was  based  upon 
the  tribal  distrilmtiun.  Each  tribe  elected  its 
own  general,  so  that  an  Athenian  army  was 
generally  comniiinded  by  ten  officers  of  equal 
rank.  The  old  rank  of  poleniarch,  however 
was  retained  from  the  times  of  the  archonship 


CLISTHENES  IN  THE  OLYMPIC  GAMKb. 


and    had     its     own     magistrate,     called     the 
Demarchus. 

Another  change  introduced  by  Clisthenes 
was  the  enlargement  of  the  senate  to  five 
hundred  members,  or  fifty  from  each  tribe. 
The  powers  of  the  body  were  also  multiplied, 
80  that  a  gowl  share  of  the  administration  of 
the  state  was  included  in  its  functions.  It 
sat  the  year  around,  and  was  presided  over 
by  the  senators  in  turn.  The  Ecclesia,  or 
Assembly,  met  forty  times  a  year,  and  was 
also  presided  ever  by  certain  senators  detailed 
for  that  duty-  The  genoral  eflect  of  the 
whole  movement  directed  bv  Clisthenes  was  to 


to  the  date  of  the  Persian  wars.  It  will 
readily  be  seen  that  the  efficiency  of  an 
Athenian  army  would  depend  rather  upon 
valor  and  discipline  than  upon  generalship, 
for  no  generalship  could  well  be  developed 
under  a  system  which  required  each  command- 
ing, officer  to  be  general  for  a  day  and  to  give 
place  to  another  on  the  morrow. 

The  condition  of  affairs  in  Athens  was  now 
such  as  to  afford  unusual  opportunities  for  the 
ambitious  citizen  to  become  first  a  demagogue 
and  then  a  despot.  As  a  counterpoise  against 
this  danger,  Clisthenes  introduced  the  Ogtra- 
cism.     The  plan  was,  in  brief,  to  banish  by  a 


53» 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


popular  vote  for  a  jjeriod  of  ten  years  any 
one  who  might  be  considered  dangerous  to  the 
state.  The  method  was  this.  If  the  Senate 
and  Ecclesia  should  first  decide  that  the  state 
was  menaced  by  a  citizen,  the  question  was 
submitted  to  the  people.  Each  citizen  who 
iesired  to  vote  wrote  the  name  of  the  person 
whom  he  wished  to  have  banished  on  anostracon, 
or  oyster-shell,  and  dropped  it  into  the  urn. 
If,  when  the  shells  were  counted,  it  was  found 
that  six  thousand  votes  had  been  cast  against 
any  person,  the  measure  was  carried  as  to  him. 
No  special  charge  need  be  preferred  against 
the  person  considered  dangerous.  He  was 
allowed  no  opportunity'  of  trial  or  defense. 
The  only  cheering  symptom  of  his  case  was 
that  he  might  return  without  serious  dispar- 
agement at  the  end  of  his  term  of  condemna- 
tion, or  might  be  recalled  at  any  time  by  the 
same  power  which  had  condemned  him  to 
banishment.  None  the  less,  the  abuses  of 
such  an  arbitrary  and  extraordinary  system 
were  fewer  than  might  have  been  expected. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  was  not  easy  to  get  six 
thousand  free  citizens  to  vote  for  the  exile  of 
another  free  citizen  unless  they  thought  that 
there  were  good  grounds  to  suspect  his  pa- 
triotism. 

The  constitution  proposed  by  Clisthenes 
greatly  heightened  his  reputation  with  his 
countrymen.  His  rival,  Isagoras,  was  driven 
to  the  unwise  extreme  of  inviting  foreign  in- 
fluence to  counteract  what  he  himself  could 
not  successfully  oppose.  So  he  sent  w<ird  to 
the  Spartan  king  Cleomenes  that  one  of  the 
Bccursed  family  of  the  Alcmseonidte  was  mas- 
ter of  Athens,  and  iuroklng  his  aid  to  secure 
the  expulsion  of  Clisthenes.  The  Spartan 
accepted  the  invitation  and  marched  a  force 
into  Attica.  But  Clisthenes,  seeing  himself 
the  cause  of  trouble  to  his  country,  retired 
from  Athens  before  the  arrival  of  Cleomenes. 
The  latter,  however,  attempted  to  undo  the 
new  constitution.  He  reduced  the  Senate  to 
three  hundred  men,  and  then  expelled  seven 
hundred  families  of  those  who  were  the  prin- 
cipal supporters  of  the  recent  statutes.  These 
proceedings  so  angered  the  people  that  they 
took  up  arms,  drove  Cleomenes  and  Isagoras 
into  the  citadel,  and  compelled  them  to  sur- 


render. Clisthenes  came  back  on  the  rising 
tide,  and  the  Spartan  king  was  allowed  to  re- 
tire in  disgrace.  Isagoras  went  into  exile, 
but  many  of  his  leading  adherents  in  Athens 
were  put  to  death.  The  reaction  was  so 
strong  as  to  secure  the  complete  establishment 
of  the  new  constitution  as  the  fundamental 
law  of  the  state. 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  Sparta  would 
tamely  bear  the  recent  humiliation  of  her  king 
by  the  Athenian  democrats.  Clisthenes  clearly 
foresaw  that  Cleomenes  would  renew  the  con- 
flict at  the  earliest  practicable  moment.  He 
accordingly  determined  to  strengthen  himself 
by  a  foreign  alliance.  Messengers  were  sent 
to  Tissaphernes,  satrap  of  Lydia,  requesting 
his  support  for  Athens  in  the  expected  struggle 
w'ith  the  Spartans.  The  message  was  kindly 
received  by  the  Persian  governor,  who  re- 
turned answer  that  if  the  Athenians  would 
send  earth  and  water  as  tokens  of  submission 
to  the  Great  King  he  would  defend  them 
against  their  enemies.  The  messengers  ac- 
cepted the  terms,  but  on  their  return  to 
Athens  the  conditions  were  repudiated  with 
proper  disgust. 

Meanwhile,  Cleomenes  called  together  hia 
allies  from  Peloponnesus,  and  marched  a  large 
force  into  Attica  to  Eulusis.  The  Spartan 
kept  to  himself  as  long  as  possible  the  des- 
tination of  the  expedition,  and  when  he  was 
finally  obliged  to  divulge  his  purpose  the 
Corinthians  refused  to  proceed.  His  colleague 
Demaratus  also  opposed  the  further  prosecution 
of  the  campaign.  So  the  whole  movement 
fell  to  pieces.  Unfortunately  for  themselves, 
the  Thebans  and  Chalcidians  of  Euboea  had 
been  induced  by  Cleomenes  to  join  in  the 
movement  against  Athens.  That  city  now 
found  herself  free  to  punish  the  defection  of 
those  from  whom  she  had  a  right  to  expect 
friendship  and  had  received  enmity.  She  ac- 
cordingly sent  a  force  against  Thebes  and  in- 
flicted upon  her  a  severe  defeat.  Thence 
marching  into  Euboea,  the  Chalcidians  were 
still  more  severely  dealt  with.  Their  estates 
were  confiscated  and  divided  among  four 
thousand  of  the  Athenian  poor. 

These  marked  successes  of  Athens  so  fired 
the  jealous^'  of  the  Spartans  that  they  deter- 


GREECE.— THE  PERSIAN  WARS. 


539 


mined  to  make  a  thinl  cHbrt  to  undo  the 
democratic  institutions  of  their  rival.  The 
tyrant  Hippias  was  sent  for  from  Sigeum, 
and  coming  to  Sj)arta  represented  to  her 
assembled  allies  the  great  benefits  from  his 
restoration  to  authority.  But  the  Corinthians 
refused,  as  before,  to  have  any  thing  to  do 
with  the  enterprise.  They  denounced  the 
system  of  despotism  which  Sparta  would 
establish  in  Athens  as  a  wicked  and  bloody 
thing,  and  the  other  allies  were  scarcely  less 
outspoken  in  their  denunciations.  Further 
interference  with  Athenian  affairs  had  to  be 
abandoned,  and  Hippias  returned  to  his  exile, 
first  at  Sigeum  and  afterwards  at  the  court  of 
Darius.  Athens  thus  relieved  of  her  perils, 
pursued  her  own  course  under  the  auspices  of 
democracy,  and  was  not  long  in  taking  the 
foremost  rank  among  the  cities  of  Greece. 

Up  to  this  point  in  their  history  a  general 
view   of  the   progress    of    the    Greek    states 


would  show  them  pursuing  independent  ca- 
reers and  tending  to  antagonisms  rather  than 
to  unity  among  themselves.  The  final  causes 
of  this  condition  have  already  been  referred 
to  as  existing  in  the  peculiar  country  which 
the  Greek  tribes  settled  and  the  spirit  of  free- 
dom and  individuality  peculiar  to  the  race. 
As  long  as  these  primary  forces  of  develop- 
ment were  left  free  to  work  out  their  own 
results  the  Grecian  commonwealths  preferred 
a  certain  local  completeness  to  an_y  possible 
union  of  the  Hellenes  in  one  nation.  It  was 
only  when  this  excessive  individuality  was 
overcome  by  the  presence  of  a  common  dan- 
ger that  cooperation  was  rendered  possible 
and  unity  considered  a  good.  The  time  came, 
however,  when  such  a  danger  appeared  im- 
minent and  overwhelming,  and  it  will  be  the 
purpose  of  the  following  chapter  to  recount 
the  heroism  of  the  Greeks  in  the  shadow  of 
the  peril. 


Chaf>ter  xltv.— the  Persian  Wars. 


r  will  be  remembered  that 
the  ambition  of  Darius 
the  Great  led  him  into 
an  expedition  against  the 
Scythians  inhabiting  the 
great  plain  between  the 
Don  and  the  Danube. 
The  circumsUiuces  of  that  campaign  have 
already  been  narrated  in  the  History  of  the 
Persian  Empire.'  In  the  conduct  of  the  in- 
viision  tlio  king  was  in  many  things  depend- 
ent upon  the  Greeks  of  Asia  Minor,  especially 
those  living  on  the  shores  of  the  Hellespont. 
The  course  taken  by  the  expedition  was  deter- 
mined by  the  advice  of  oue  of  the  Grecian 
generals,  and  the  bridge  of  boats  by  which 
Darius  crossed  into  Europe  was  built  by 
Greek  carpenters,  and  it  was  at  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  same  friends  that  the  bridge  was 
left  standing  to  insure  an  easy  return  if  tlie 
Persians  should  meet  with  disaster.  It  will 
also  be  recalled  that  while  Darius  was  prose- 
'  See  Book  Sixth,  p.  3fiO. 


cuting  the  campaign  a  body  of  Scythians 
came  suddenly  to  the  Hellespont,  reporting 
that  the  Persians  were  defeated,  and  urging 
the  guards  of  the  bridge  to  burn  it  down, 
make  common  cause  with  themselves,  and 
overwhelm  the  invaders.  This  advice  was 
seconded  by  Miltiades,  an  Athenian,  now 
despot  of  the  Thracian  Chersonesus,  and  many 
of  the  Ionian  Greeks  favored  the  same  policy ; 
but  Histiseus  of  Miletus  supported  the  king, 
reminding  the  Ionian  governors  that  if  their 
master  was  destroyed  they  would  perish  with 
him.  This  view  prevailed.  So  Darius  on 
his  return  found  a  safe  exit  from  the  perils 
that  were  gathering  around  him. 

Megabazus  was  left  with  an  army  of 
eighty  thousand  men  to  finish  tlie  work  on  the 
Hellespont.  He  quickly  reduced  the  rem- 
nant of  the  Greek  cities  which  had  not 
yielded  to  Persia,  and  then,  in  B.  C.  510, 
carried  his  conquest  through  Thrace  to  the 
borders  of  Macedonia.  From  this  point  he 
sent  an  embassy  to  Amyntas,  the  king,  de- 


540 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


uranding  earth  and  water,  and  these  were  im- 
mediately sent.  This  proceeding  extended 
the  limits  of  Ijhe  Empire  to  Thessaly,  so  that 
any  further  enlargement  in  that  direction 
would  involve  a  direct  conflict  with  the  Eu- 
ropean Greeks.  Meanwhile,  however,  His- 
tiseus  fell  under  the  suspicion  of  Megabazus, 
who  induced  Darius  to  summon  him  to  Susa. 
Once  there,  he  was  detained  under  the  pre- 
text that  the  Persian  king  could  not  spare  the 
society  of  so  refined  a  gentleman.  The  Greek 
was  soothed  by  permission  to  appoint  his  son- 
in-law,  Aristagoras,  as  ruler  of  Miletus  in  his 
absence. 

There  now  followed  a  few  years  of  calm 
until  a  mere  spark,  struck  from  the  rocks  of 
Naxos,  fired  a  universal  conflagration.  This 
island,  in  B.  C.  502,  was  the  scene  of  a  pop- 
ular insurrection  by  which  the  oligarchical 
party  was  overthrown  and  exiled.  The  lead- 
ers went  to  Miletus  and  applied  to  Aristago- 
ras for  help.  The  latter  readily  consented, 
but  feeling  himself  unable  to  take  up  the 
enterprise  alone,  he  sent  to  Artaphernes,  the 
Persian  satrap  of  Lydia,  to  furnish  the  means 
of  restoring  the  oligarchs,  assuring  him  that 
by  good  management  the  limits  of  the  Em- 
pire might  thus  be  stretched  across  the  Cyc- 
lades  and  made  to  include  even  the  large 
island  of  Eubcea,  lying  in  sight  of  the  main- 
land of  Greece. 

The  very  flattering  overture  was  eagerly 
caught  by  the  Persian.  A  fleet  of  two  hun- 
dred ships  was  equipped  and  the  command 
given  to  Aristagoras.  A  large  land  force, 
commanded  by  ]\Iegabates,  was  put  on  board 
with  the  exiled  oligarchs,  and  the  expedition 
weighed  anchor  for  Naxos.  At  Chios  the 
fleet  made  a  brief  pause,  and  here  the  com- 
manders quarreled.  Megabates  was  so  en- 
raged at  the  conduct  of  Aristagoras  that  he 
sent  a  message  to  the  Naxians  and  warned 
them  of  their  danger.  The  latter  immedi- 
ately put  their  city  in  a  state  of  defense; 
and  after  a  four  months'  siege,  the  forces  of 
Aristagoras  were  obliged  to  withdraw  in  dis- 
grace. The  commander,  on  reaching  Jliletus, 
found  himself  in  a  condition  so  critical  that 
he  meditated  an  abandonment  of  the  Persian 
cause  and  a  revolt  of  the  Greek  cities  as  the 


best  means  of  saving  himself  from  ruin.  At 
this  juncture  a  message  came  from  Histiseus 
urging  the  very  course  which  Aristagoras  was 
on  the  eve  of  adopting.  So  the  latter  at  once 
called  together  the  magistrates  of  the  city, 
explained  his  purposes,  resigned  his  authority, 
and  suggested  that  the  other  Greek  cities 
should  be  at  once  advised  to  throw  ofi"  their 
despots  and  the  Persian  yoke  with  them. 
This  popular  impulse  rolled  like  a  wave  down 
the  coast  of  Asia  Minor.  Every  city  became 
inflamed  with  the  hope  of  freedom,  and  in 
B.  C  501  a  general  declaration  of  indepen- 
dence of  Persia  was  adopted. 

The  Asiatic  Greeks  were  wise  enough  to 
know  that  they  had  undertaken  a  contract 
which  must  be  rendered  valid  by  an  indorse- 
ment of  blood.  Aristagoras  at  once  repaired 
to  European  Greece  to  solicit  alliances.  Go- 
ing first  to  Sparta,  he  laid  the  great  cause 
before  Cleomenes,  but  the  latter  could  not  be 
induced  either  by  patriotic  considerations  or 
by  bribes  to  undertake  the  cause  of  the  re- 
volted cities.  In  Athens,  however,  Aristago- 
ras met  with  a  different  reception.  Here  he 
found  an  abundance  of  sympathy,  and  the 
assembly  promptly  voted  an  armament  of 
twenty  ships  to  aid  the  cause  of  the  lonians.' 
The  city  of  Eretria  furnished  five  ships,  and 
the  fleet  repaired  to  Asia  Minor.  In  the  follow- 
ing spring  Aristagoras,  thus  reeuforced,  began 
a  march  into  the  interior  of  Lydia.  Sardis 
was  taken  and  burned  by  a  handful  of 
Greeks,  mostly  Athenians;  but  to  maintain 
themselves  in  so  distant  a  part  was  impossible. 
A  hasty  retreat  from  the  scene  of  their  au- 
dacity was  all  that  remained  for  them  to  do. 
They  were  followed  by  the  avenging  Persians, 
and  before  they  could  reach  the  cities  on  the 
coast  were  severely  punished  for  their  daring 
deed  of  invasion. 

AVhen  the  news  was  carried  to  Darius  in 
his  palace  at  Susa,  he  gave  way  to  rage.  He 
called  for  his  bow  and  shot  an  arrow  high  in 
air,  and  called  on  the  gods  to  give  him 
vengeance.  He  had  never  heard  of  the  Athe- 
nians and  made  inquiry  who  they  were.     He 

'  This  is  the  act  which  is  declared  by  Herodo- 
tus to  have  heeii  the  "  beginning  of  niischief  be- 
tween the  Greeks  and  the  barbarians." 


GREECE.— THE  PERSIAN  WARS. 


541 


commanded  an  attendant  to  call  out  to  him 
three  times  a  day,  "Lord,  remember  the 
Athenians!" 

It  soon  became  apparent  that  the  Asiatic 
•Greek  towns  could  not  maintain  themselves 
n  the  unequal  struggle.  The  Phoenicians 
'"urnished  the  Persians  with  fleets.  The  revolt 
in  Cyprus  was  soon  suppressed.  The  Ionian 
ckies  fell  one  after  another.  Aristagoras 
abandoned  the  cause  and  was  killed  in  Thrace. 
In  the  meantime  the  crafty  HistiKus  per- 
suaded Darius  to  send  him  into  Ionia  to  help 
the  Persian  generals.  Artaphernes,  however, 
-.vas  not  deceived,  and  openly  accused  the 
Greek  of  having  made  a  shoe  for  Aristagoras 
to  wear.  Histiieus,  however,  escaped  to  the 
island  of  Chios  and  offered  his  services  to 
the  Greeks;  but  all  were  suspicious  of  him. 
Finding  himself  an  object  of  universal  distrust 
he  turned  pirate,  and  sailed  with  eight  Les- 
bian galleys  towards  Byzantium.  He  preyed 
on  whatever  he  could  find  on  land  and  sea 
until  finally  he  was  overtaken  on  the  coast  of 
Mysia.  Being  carried  to  Sardis,  Artaphernes 
had  him  crucified  and  his  head  .sent  to  Darius. 
The  Great  King  seeing  the  pallid  visage  of 
the  man  who  had  once  saved  his  life,  showed 
his  own  humanity  by  having  the  bloody  trophy 
honorably  buried. 

Several  of  the  Greek  cities  still  held  out 
against  the  Persians.  Chief  of  these  was 
Miletus,  which  was  besieged  by  a  large  army, 
as  well  as  on  the  side  of  the  jEgean  by  a 
Phoenician  fleet.  The  Greeks  knowing  them- 
selves to  be  strongest  as  sailors  gathered  their 
forces  from  the  various  towns  and  embarked 
them  on  ships.  Their  armament  numbered 
three  hundred  and  fifty-three  ve.s.sels  while 
that  of  the  Persians  counted  six  hundred  sail. 
But  the  latter  were  wary  of  their  antagonists 
and  stood  off"  from  battle.  The  Greek  fleet 
lay  by  the  shore  at  Sade,  near  Miletus.  The 
exiled  despots,  now  on  board  of  tlie  Persian 
ships,  knowing  the  rivalries  and  di.ssensions 
existing  among  the  Greeks,  became  the  secret 
agents  of  overtures  made  to  them  for  peace 
on  terms  advantageous  to  all  who  would  sail 
away  and  return  to  their  allegiance.  At  first 
these  overtures  were  refused  by  all;  but  when 
the   Saniians  sjiw   the  jealousies  and   conten- 


tions which  prevailed  to  the  extent  of  destroy- 
ing all  discipline,  they  renewed  the  negotia- 
tions and  agreed  to  withdraw  in  case  of  a 
battle. 

The  Persian  fleet  now  no  longer  forbore 
to  attack,  and  when  the  fight  began  the  Sa- 
miaus,  according  to  promise,  sailed  out  of  line 
and  bore  away.  They  were  followed  first  by 
the  Lesbians  and  then  by  others  until  the 
hundred  brave  ships  of  Chios  were  left  to 
contend  alone.  These  were  soon  overpowered 
and  destroyed.  Miletus  was  soon  afterwards 
taken,  and  resistance  to  Persiau  authority  was 
at  an  end.  Those  who  had  been  engaged  in  the 
revolt  were  treated  with  the  utmost  severity. 
Some  were  put  to  death,  some  sold  into  sla.- 
very,  and  some  deported  into  foreign  parts. 
The  cities  declined  in  wealth  and  population. 
A  new  survey  of  the  country  was  made  and 
a  tribute  assessed  upon  each  of  the  districts 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Persian  treasury. 

Shortly  after  the  suppression  of  the  Ionian 
revolt,  the  Persian  king  sent  his  son-in-law, 
Mardonius,  to  succeed  Artaphernes  as  satrap 
of  Lydia.  His  government  included  the 
provinces  recently  in  insurrection.  To  him 
Darius  gave  a  large  armament,  with  instruc- 
tions to  seize  and  take  to  Susa  those  Athe- 
nians and  Eretrians  who  had  assisted  in  the 
Ionian  rebellion.  Mardonius,  in  B.  C.  492, 
set  out  on  this  mission.  He  had  a  strong  land 
force  and  a  large  fleet.  He  proceeded  down 
the  coast  of  Thrace  and  Macedonia,  and 
ordered  his  ships  to  join  him  below  Mount 
Athos.  But  while  doubling  this  dangerous 
promontory  a  storm  arose,  which  destroyed 
three  hundred  vessels  and  twenty  thousand 
men.  Soon  afterwards  Mardonius  was  him- 
self defeated  by  the  Brygians,  a  race  of  white 
Thracians,  who  slaughtered  a  large  part  of 
his  army.  He  was  glad  to  make  his  way  back 
into  Asia,  covered  with  disgrace. 

Darius  now  determined  to  undertake  the 
conquest  of  Greece  in  person.  In  order  to 
ascertain  the  temper  of  the  Hellenic  states  he 
sent  heralds  to  each,  demanding  earth  and 
water.  All  complied  except  Sparta  and 
Athens.  The  authorities  of  the  former  city 
threw  the  messenger  of  the  Great  King  into 
a  well,  and  the  Athenians  cast  the  herald  into 


542 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


a  pit  and  bade  him  take  his  earth  aud  water 
from  there.  At  this  time  Athens  was  at  war 
with  ^gina.  The  jEginetans  were  of  those 
who  sent  tokens  of  submission  to  Darius. 
The  Athenians  now  called  upon  Sparta  as  the 
leading  Grecian  state  to  punish  the  people  of 
^gina  for  deserting  the  cause  of  the  country. 
Cleomenes,  the  Spartan  king,  readily  took  up 
the  cause,  and,  proceeding  against  the  ^gine- 
tans,  seized  ten  of  the  leaders  and  gave  them 
to  the  Athenians  as  hostages. 

Meanwhile,  in  the  spring  of  B.  C.  490, 
the  preparations  of  the  Persians  being  com- 
plete, Darius  began  his  invasion  of  European 
Greece.  A  vast  army  was  assembled  in 
Cilicia.  The  fleet  which  was  to  accompany 
the  expedition  numbered  six  hundred  galleys, 
besides  the  transports.  The  command  was 
given  to  the  Median  Datis  and  Artaphernes, 
a  son  of  the  former  satrap  of  Lydia  of  that 
name.  Their  instructions  were  to  conquer  all  the 
Greek  states  that  had  not  already  made  their 
submission,  and  to  take  special  vengeance  on 
Athens  and  Eretria  by  burning  them  to  the 
ground  and  selling  the  inhabitants  into  slav- 
ery. Manacles  were  prepared  and  sent  to  the 
commanders,  with  which  the  Greeks  were  to 
be  bound  and  led  into  captivity.  The  dreams 
of  the  Persian  were  not  troubled  by  any 
specter  prophesying  failure. 

The  expedition  of  Datis  and  Artaphernes, 
departing  from  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  pro- 
ceeded across  the  .iEgean  by  way  of  the 
Cyclades.  Naxos  was  taken  and  its  principal 
city  reduced  to  ashes.  All  the  other  islands 
submitted,  nor  did  the  Persians  meet  any  op- 
position until  they  came  to  Euboea.  Eretria 
bravely  defended  herself  for  six  days,  and 
was  then  taken  through  the  treachery  of  two 
citizens,  who  opened  the  gates.  The  city  was 
burnt,  aud  the  principal  inhabitants  put  into 
chains,  according  to  the  command  of  the  king. 
It  only  reroained  for  Datis  to  cross  the  strait 
and  do  l-kewise  to  Athens  and  her  imperti- 
nent democracy. 

Here  was  the  rub.  For  the  Athenians  had 
prepared  for  the  crisis  such  means  of  resist- 
ance as  seemed  most  likely  to  stay  the  deluge. 
According  to  the  custom,  ten  generals  had 
been  chosen  to  command  the  army.     Of  these 


the  men  of  greatest  ability  were  Miltiades, 
Themistocles,  and  Aristides.  The  first  was 
the  same  previously  mentioned  as  that  despot 
of  the  Thracian  Chersonesus,  who  advised  the 
destruction  of  the  bridge  of  the  Hellespont  in 
order  to  secure  the  destruction  of  Darius.  In 
the  struggle  of  the  Persians  and  the  Ionian 
cities  Miltiades  had  taken  the  side  of  his 
countrymen,  and  had  captured  Lemnos  and 
Imbros  from  the  enemy.  After  the  revolt  of 
the  Greek  cities  had  been  suppressed  he  fled 
to  Athens  for  safety. 

As  soon  as  the  Athenians  heard  of  the  de- 
struction of  Eretria  they  sent  a  courier  to 
Sparta  imploring  assistance.^  The  Spartans 
returned  a  favorable  answer,  but  the  moon 
was  now  near  her  full,  and  they  could  lend 
no  aid  until  after  the  change !  Such  wa» 
their  custom.  The  Athenians  took  their 
station  at  Marathon  and  awaited  the  onset. 
Five  of  the  generals  desired  to  delay  until 
after  the  arrival  of  the  Spartans,  but  the 
other  five  wished  to  fight  at  once  while  the 
spirit  of  the  people  was  up  to  the  point  of 
battle.  Finally  the  polemarch,  Callimachus, 
who,  retained  by  the  old  statutes  of  the  oli- 
garchy, now  constituted  the  eleventh  officer, 
gave  his  vote  for  an  immediate  engagement, 
and  it  was  agreed  bj'  all  that  Miltiades  should 
have  supreme  command  until  the  issue  of  the 
conflict  should  be  determined. 

At  this  critical  moment  a  thousand  Boeo- 
tians from  the  little  town  of  Plataa  arrived 
as  a  voluntary  reenforcement  of  their  country- 
men. Miltiades  could  now  muster  ten  thou- 
sand men  of  heavy  armor,  besides  a  few  light- 
armed  troops,  who  were  not  of  much  moment 
in  battle.  The  Persian  army  numbered  one 
hundred  and  ten  thousand. 

The  plain  of  Marathon  lies  on  the  coast, 
at  the  distance  of  twenty-two  miles  from 
Athens.  It  is  a  tract  semicircular  in  shape, 
defined  at  each  extreme  by  a  promontory 
reaching  into  the  sea.  Between  these  two 
head-lands  the  plain  stretches  along  the  shore, 
a  distance  of  six  miles.     Its  greatest  breadth 


'The  messenger  who  carried  the  petition  of 
Athens  to  Sparta  on  this  occasion  was  Phidippides. 
He  is  said  to  have  run  the  whole  distance  of  » 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  forty-eight  hours ! 


GREECE.— THE  PERSIAN  WARS. 


543 


from  the  sea  to  the  raountaius  is,  near  the 
center,  about  two  miles.  The  Persians  were 
arranged  along  the  shore,  and  the  Greeks 
stood  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  plain  about 
the  middle,  backed  by  the  hills.  Seeing  the 
impossibility  of  giving  strength  to  so  long  a 
line  with  so  small  a  force,  Miltiades  msissed 


a  run.  They  traversed  the  mile  of  interven- 
ing .space  and  fell  like  two  thunder-clouds  on 
the  astonished  foe.  The  battle  raged  furiously. 
Both  wings  of  the  Greeks  drove  the  enemy 
before  them,  but  the  center,  being  weak,  was 
in  turn  broken  through  by  the  Persians.  As 
soon,  however,  as  Miltiades  perceived  himself 


BATTLE  OF  MAKATIION. 


his  troops  in  the  two  wings.  He  gave  com- 
mand of  the  right  to  C'allimachus,  and  placed 
the  contingent  of  Plataaus  on  the  left.  Thus 
at  last  the  Hellenes  stood  face  to  face  with 
the  Medes  and  Persians,  long  regarded  as  the 
Invincible  soldiery  of  the  East. 

Miltiades,  anxious  for  battle,  gave  the  or- 
der for  the  onset.     The  Greeks  advanced  on 


victorious  on  the  flanks,  he  recalled  his  wings 
and  fell  upon  the  Persian  center.  Here  were 
the  best  troops  of  Datis's  army.  It  was 
already  late  in  the  afternoon.  The  sun  look- 
ing over  the  hills  of  Greece  flashed  his  full 
beams  in  the  face  of  her  foes.  After  a  sharp 
resistance  they  broke  and  fled  under  such  on' 
sets  as  they  had  never  felt  before.     They  were 


544 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


pursued  to  the  beach,  where  their  ships  saved 
them  from  annihilatiou.  As  it  was,  six 
thousand  four  hundred  of  their  soldiers  lay 
dead  on  the  field.  The  Athenians  attempted 
to  fire  the  fleet,  but  only  succeeded  in  de- 
stroying seven  vessels.  The  rest  made  their 
escape,  carrying  the  Persians  with  them.  The 
Athenian  loss  was  one  hundred  and  ninety-two 
men,  but  among  these  was  the  brave  pole- 
march  Callimachus,  who  here  gave  his  life  for 
the  freedom  of  his  country.' 

Just  at  the  close  of  the  battle  a  bright  but 
traitorous  shield  was  seen  raised  aloft  on  a 
distant  mountain  in  the  direction  of  Athens. 
It  was  a  signal  for  the  Persian  fleet  to  sail 
thitherward  and  take  the  city  before  the 
soldiers  of  Miltiades  could  return  to  her  de- 
fense. It  was  noticed,  moreover,  by  the 
Greeks  that  the  vanishing  armament  departed 
in  the  direction  of  Cape  Sunium.  Accord- 
ingly, Miltiades  marched  with  all  haste  to- 
wards the  city.  His  conjectures  were  correct; 
for  just  as  he  arrived  the  Persian  fleet  hove 
in  sight.  But  when  the  army  of  Datis,  about 
to  debark,  saw  before  them  the  same  dusty 
heroes  from  whom  they  had  so  recently  fled 
at  Marathon,  they  could  not  be  induced  to 
land.  They  turned  their  prows  instead  to  the 
shores  of  Asia  Minor,  and  the  ^gean  soon 
rolled  between  Athens  and  her  peril. 

Marathon  was  to  the  Greek  what  Bunker 
Hill  is  to  the  American.  After  the  battle  the 
Athenians  gave  themselves  up  to  raptures. 
The  day  became  historic.  Poetry  brought  her 
magic  song  and  imagination  her  legends  to 
add  to  and  hallow  the  remembrance  of  a  deed 
so  great.  It  was  said  that  Theseus  reappeared 
in  the  battle.     At  night  ever  afterwards,  the 

'  It  is  not  wonderful  that  the  genius  of  Byron, 
on  viewing  Marathon,  brolie  forth  in  an  unusual 
strain : 

"The  battle-field  where  Persia's  victim  horde 
First  bowed  beneath  the  brunt  of  Hellas'  sword. 

As  on  the  morn  to  distant  glory  dear, 
When  Mar.^thon  became  a  magic  word. 

Which  uttered,  to  the  hearer's  eye  appear 

The  camp,  the  host,  tlie  fight,  the  conqueror's 
career — 

The  flying  Mede,  his  shaitless,  broken  bow; 

The  fiery  Greelc,  his  red  pursuing  spear ; 
Mountains  above,  earth's,  ocean's  plain  below. 

Death  in  the  front,  destruction  in  the  rear!" 


old  heroes  of  Athens  marshaled  their  hosts  in 
the  clouds,  and  the  noise  of  invisible  warriors 
shouting  to  the  charge,  the  uproar  of  chariots 
aud  horses,  and  the  moaus  of  dying  spirits, 
could  be  heard  above  that  haunted,  glorious 
field. 

Miltiades  became  the  hero  of  the  day.  No 
mark  of  honor  or  gratitude  was  omitted. 
Besides  the  great  tumulus  or  mound  which 
public  patriotism  and  aflectiou  reared  over  the 
one  hundred  and  ninety-two  immortals  who  fell 
at  Marathon,  a  separate  monument  was  erected 
on  the  field  to  the  memory  of  Miltiades.  His 
influence  became  unbounded ;  but  he  seems  to 
have  belonged,  after  all,  to  that  type  of  heroes 
who  are  able  to  bear  adversity  better  than 
success.  The  memory  of  an  old  resentment 
rose  within  him,  and  forgetting  his  great- 
ness, he  asked  the  Athenians  to  give  him  an 
armament  of  seventy  sail  without  explaining 
his  intentions.  When  the  fleet  was  voted,  he 
sailed  away  to  the  island  of  Paros  and  at- 
tacked the  capital  city;  for  against  a  leading 
citizen  of  that  place  he  harbored  a  grudge  of 
many- years.  But  the  Pariaus  defended  them- 
selves with  such  vigor  that  Miltiades  was 
about  to  despair  of  success  when  a  priestess  in 
the  temijle  of  Demeter  promised  him  success 
if  he  would  visit  the  temple  by  night.  In 
attempting  to  do  so  he  wounded  himself  on 
the  wall,  and  was  barely  able  to  reach  his 
ship.  In  this  miserable  condition  he  was 
obliged  to  return  to  Athens.  He  could  give 
no  honorable  account  of  himself  or  of  the  use 
which  he  had  made  of  his  country's  fleet. 
Charges  were  preferred  against  him,  and  he 
was  brought  in  with  his  gangrened  wound 
and  laid  before  the  judges.  It  was  asked  that 
he  be  condemned  to  death,  but  such  a  sen- 
tence could  not  be  obtained  against  the  hero 
of  Marathon.  He  was  severely  punished  by  a 
fine  of  fifty  talents,  but  before  the  sum  could 
be  raised  he  died  of  his  injury. 

The  next  important  event  in  the  career  of 
Athens  was  her  war  with  ^gina.  For  a  long 
time  there  had  been  between  the  city  and  this 
island  a  feeling  of  suppressed  hostility.  In 
B.  C.  506  the  jEginetans  had  given  aid  to 
the  Thebaus  in  a  strife  with  the  Athenians,  and 
had  even  invaded  the  territory  of  Attica  with- 


GREECE.— THE  PERSIAN  WARS. 


545 


out  a  ileclaration  of  war.  These  acts  ware 
laid  to  heart  by  the  city ;  aud  when  ^gina 
made  haste  to  abandon  the  Greek  cause  by 
sending  eartli  aud  water  to  the  Persian  king, 
the  feeling  of  resentment  against  her  was 
greatly  increased.  It  will  be  recalled  that 
Cleomenes,  one  of  the  Spartan  kings,  had,  on 
account  of  this  act  of  the  ^Eginetans,  and  at 
the  instigation  of  Athens,  gone  to  the  island 
and  inflicted  a  severe  punishment.  After  the 
battle  of  Marathon  the  authorities  of  ^'Egina 
demanded  back  the  hostages  which  they  had 
been  compelled  to  give  to  the  Athenians,  and 
the  refusal  of  the  latter  to  do  so  led  to  a  dec- 
laration of  war.  Hostilities  were  vigorously 
waged  on  both  sides,  but  the  conflict  had  not 
long  continued  until  Athens  discovered  the 
great  disadvantage  at  which  she  was  placed 
by  having  no  navy.  It  was  clearly  impossi- 
ble to  carry  on  a  successful  war  at  sea,  or 
with  a  con-ntry  lying  in  or  l)eyond  the  sea, 
without  the  employment  of  a  fleet.  The  little 
island  of  JEgina  was  able,  in  the  jiresent  con- 
dition of  affairs,  to  look  across  the  Saronic 
gulf  and  laugh  at  Attica.  Moreover,  it  was 
seen  by  the  wise,  and  especiallv  by  Tfiemisto- 
CLES,  who  had  now  become  the  political  leader 
of  the  Athenians,  that  it  was  only  a  question 
of  time  when  the  Persian  king  would  renew, 
on  a  still  more  Tormidable  scale,  the  attempt 
against  Grecian  freedom.  The  prudent  states- 
men of  the  city  discerned  in  this  remote  dan- 
ger far  greater  ground  of  apprehension  than  in 
the  petty  imbroglio  with  the  .ffiginetans. 

So  Thoinistodes  introduced  in  the  assembly 
that  imi)ortaut  mea.sure  by  which  the  whole 
current  of  Athenian  history  was  changed — the 
proposition  to  build  a  large  fleet  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  state.  It  wa-s  fortunate  that 
the  treasury  of  Athens  was  now  in  a  condition 
to  warrant  the  proposed  action.  The  silver 
mines  of  Laurium  had  recently  yielded  so 
largely  that  a  surplus  was  at  the  disposal  of 
the  city,  and  a  propMsitimi  was  actually  i)end- 
ing  at  the  time  to  distriiiute  the  .same  among 
the  citizens.  Themistocles  took  advantage  of 
all  these  facts  in  the  advocacy  of  his  measure, 
and  had  the  good  fortune  to  secure  it.s  pa.ssage. 
It  was  ordered  that  a  fleet  of  two  hundred 
vessels  be  at  once  built  ami  ('qui|)poil  at  pub- 


lic expense,  and  to  this  was  added  another 
clause  that  hereafter  twenty  ships  should  be 
annually  added  to  the  navy. 

Thus  was  Greece  made  ready  for  the  com- 
ing storm.  For  Darius  was  nur.sing  his 
wrath  for  a  final  explosion.  In  the  interval 
between  the  battles  of  Marathon  and  Sala- 
mis — a  j)eriod  of  ten  years — the  public  affairs 
of  Athens  were  dii-ected  by  Themistocles  and 
Aristides,  two  of  the  greatest  Greeks.  The 
first  owed  his  preeminence  to  talent  and  pol- 
icy ;  the  second,  to  integrity.  In  the  adapta- 
tion of  means  to  ends  and  in  that  far-sighted 
discernment  by  which  the  plans  of  men  and 
states  are  penetrated  and  laid  bare,  the  palm 
must  be  awarded  to  Themistocles;  but  in 
soundness  of  moral  perception  and  uudevi- 
ating  conformity  to  the  right  as  the  best 
means  of  reaching-  the  desired  object,  Aristi- 
des stan<ls  first  among  the  Greeks,  if  not 
among  all  the  statesmen  of  antiquity.  He 
was  named  the  Just,  and  posterity  has  not 
challenged  the  title. 

Such  was  the  then  condition  of  Athenian 
society  that  these  two  eminent  men  were 
brought  into  constant  antagonism.  Themis- 
tocles was  the  progressive  aud  Aristides  the 
conservative  leader.  They  broke  heavy  lances 
over  the  question  of  building  the  fleet.  Aris- 
tides held  that  to  do  so  was  to  change  the 
habits  of  the  people  to  the  injury  of  the  state. 
He  urged  that  the  heavy  armed  soldiers  were 
a  better  protection  in  Greece  than  any  number 
of  ships,  and  that  out  of  Greece  the  Athenians 
had  no  business  to  be  engaged  in  war.  But 
the  logic  of  events  was  against  him.  Not 
only  did  the  arguments  of  Themistocles  pre- 
vail with  the  assembly  and  senate,  but  the 
public  voice  was  so  strongly  against  Aristides 
that  the  ostracism  was  turned  to  his  downfall 
and  he  was  sent  into  exile.  This  act  of  the 
Athenians  left  Themistocles  without  a  rival, 
and  in  this  attitude  of  leader  he  stood  in  the 
hour  of  the  mo.st  tremendous  crisis  that  Greece 
had  over  witnessed. 

For  Darius  had  not  forgotten  Athens. 
How  he  spent  years  in  ]>r(<paring  the  ava- 
lanche which  was  to  fall  upon  and  overwhelm 
the  impudent  cities  of  European  Greece;  how 
the  Great  King,  when   his  preparations  were 


546 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.  — THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


well-nigh  completed,  was  surprised  and  de- 
tained by  a  revolt  in  Egypt,  and  how  ere  this 
was  suppressed  he  suddenly  died — has  been 
narrated  in  the  preceding  pages.'  And  how 
Xerxes,  inheriting  his  father's  hatred  of  the 
Greeks,  coming  to  the  throne  in  the  full  flush 
of  early  manhood,  and  receiving  the  vast 
array  of  men  and  ships  already  marshaled 
and  equipped  by  Darius,  determined  to  pros- 
ecute the  great  scheme  of  Grecian  subjection, 
has  been  recounted  in  the  same  connection. 

To  make  sure  of  an  easy  and  expeditious 
advance  Xerxes  sent  forward  his  builders  to 
construct  a  bridge  of  boats  across  the  Helles- 
pont, and  his  diggers  to  cut  off  the  neck  of 
Mount  Athos.  By  the  one  structure  he  would 
make  his  way  with  dignity  from  Asia  into 
Europe,  and  by  the  other  work  would  secure 
a  safe  passage  for  his  fleet  from  the  Strymonic 
into  the  Singitic  gulf  The  constr-\ction  of 
the  great  bridge  and  the  dramavJc  passage  of 
the  Hellespont  by  the  countless  hosts  of  the 
Persians  have  been  heretofore  described  in 
the  History  of  Persia,  and  need  not  be  here 
recounted. 

After  he  had  traversed  for  some  distance 
the  coast  line  of  Thrace  the  king  paused  in 
the  plain  of  Doriscus  to  number  his  forces. 
The  enumeration  and  method  of  making  it  have 
already  been  given  in  Book  Sixth,  to  which 
the  reader  is  referred  once  for  all  for  an  ac- 
count of  the  Persian  progress  from  Sardis  to 
Thermopyloe.^ 

The  fleet  kept  in  close  relation  with  the 
land  force  as  far  as  the  canal  which  had  been 
cut  by  the  king's  command,  but  after  making 
the  passage  was  ordered  to  double  the  two  re- 
maining promontories  of  Sithonia  and  Pallene 
and  rejoin  the  army  at  the  city  of  Therma, 
now  Thessalonica,  on  the  coast  of  Macedonia. 
After  passing  Olympus,  Xerxes  entered  a 
country  not  hitherto  subdued  to  his  authority, 
and  from  this  point  the  invasion  proper  began. 
The  Greeks,  meanwhile,  were  on  the  alert 
to  repel  as  well  as  they  might  the  terrible  host 
which  was  rolling  down  upon  them.  A  con- 
gress of  the  states  was  called  to  meet  at  Cor- 
inth, with  a  view  to  uniting  the  whole  race  in 
an  effort  to  save  their  native  land  from  de- 
'See  Book  Sixth,  p.  362.    ^Ibid.  pp.  363,  364. 


struction ;  but  the  meeting  was  unsuccessful. 
To  most  of  the  cities  it  seemed  preposterous 
to  attempt  to  resist  the  Persians.  Many  sent 
earth  and  water.  Only  a  few  would  attend 
the  congress.  Some  of  these  opposed  defens- 
ive measures  and  withdrew.  The  whole 
brunt  of  protecting  the  Hellenic  world  against 
the  barbarians  fell  on  Sparta  and  Athens.  In 
all  Central  Greece  only  the  Athenians  and 
Phocians  and  the  people  of  the  two  small 
towns  of  Platsea  and  Thespia  in  Boeotia  stood 
firm  for  the  defense  of  native  laud.  Such 
states  as  Thebes,  with  its  grudge  against 
Athens,  and  Argolis,  with  its  deep-seated  an- 
tipathy to  Sparta,  witnessed  the  approach  of 
Xerxes  with  indifference,  if  not  with  pleasure. 
Neither  the  distant  states  nor  the  colonies 
sent  any  aid  to  those  who  had  determined  for 
the  sake  of  Greece  to  throw  themselves  across 
the  path  of  the  invader.    - 

The  Athenians  in  this  emergency  behaved 
with  great  magnanimity.  They  effected  a  recon- 
ciliation with  the  people  of  ^Egina,  and  thus 
gained  the  cooperation  of  then-  fleet.  They 
conceded  to  the  Spartans  the  supreme  com- 
mand in  the  approaching  conflict.  Themisto- 
cles,  both  in  the  congress  and  the  field,  waived 
his  claims  in  favor  of  his  allies.  The  two 
states  bound  themselves  in  a  solemn  covenant 
to  resist  to  the  death,  and  it  was  agreed  that 
in  case  of  success  one-tenth  of  the  property 
of  every  Greek  city  that  had  refused  to  sup- 
port the  national  cause  should  be  consecrated 
to  the  Delphian  Apollo. 

All  preparations  being  completed,  it  was 
determined  to  meet  the  enemy  in  the  pass  of 
Thermopyl^.  Where  Mount  (Eta  comes 
down  to  the  sea,  pressing  for  the  distance  of 
a  mile  the  morass  along  the  margin  of  the 
Malian  Giilf,  and  barely  leaving  space  at 
the  entrance  and  exit  for  the  passage  of  a 
wagon  road,  lay  the  defile  through  which  the 
Persian  host  must  pour  into  Central  Greece. 
The  place  was  defensible  in  the  highest  de- 
gree. The  narrow  strait  of  Eubcea,  Ipug  be- 
tween the  island  of  that  name  and  the  main- 
land, could  easily  be  blockaded  by  an  inferior 
fleet,  and  the  enemy  be  thus  prevented  from 
carrying  troops  to  the  southern  extremity  of 
the    pass.     It   was   thiis   provided  by  nature 


GREECE.— THE  PERSIAN  WARti. 


547 


that  a  small  but  resolute  band  of  men  might 
be  able  to  stiiml  for  an  indefinite  time  in  the 
face  of  an  overwhelming  foe. 

The  fleet  of  the  allies,  under  conimiuid  of 
the  Spartan  Eukyhiades,  now  s<ailed  to  tlie 
north  of  Euboea  and  took  its  station  off  Cape 
Artemesium.  At  the  same  time  a  small  body 
of  troops  was  sent  to  occupy  the  pass  of 
Thermopylaj.  It  was  the  eve  of  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  Olympic  games,  and  the  people  of 
Sparta,  with  that  strange  nonchalance  for 
which  the  race  is  noted,  preferred  to  attend 
to  the  festival  first  and  the  Persians  after- 
wards. It  was  believed  that  the  handful  of 
men  already  advanced  to  Thermopyke  could 
hold  the  .pass  untU,  the  games  being  over,  the 
main  body  .should   arrive    for   their  support. 

The  advance  which  w'as  thus  sent  forward 
to  keep  Asia  at  bay  for  a  week  consisted  of 
three  hundred  Spartans,  three  thousand  heavy- 
armed  troops  from  the  other  states  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus, seven  hundred  Thespians,  four  hun- 
dred Thebans,  one  thousand  Phocians,  and 
about  the  same  number  of  Locrians.  With 
this  force  of  nearly  seven  thousand  men,  Leon- 
IDA.S,  the  young  king  of  Sparta,  who  had  been 
placed  in  coninmn<l  with  the  simple  order  to 
defend  Tliermopyloe  against  the  Persians,  took 
possession  o!  the  pass  and  awaited  the  onset. 
Having  Jiscertained  from  the  Phocians  tiiat 
there  was  a  route  over  the  nmuntains  by  which 
it  was  practicable  for  the  enemy  to  make  his 
way  into  Central  Greece,  he  placed  the  Pho- 
cian  contingent  on  the  heights  with  orders  to 
thwart  any  such  movement  should  it  be  begun. 

W  ilh  the  a])])roach  of  the  Persians  there 
was  mucli  trcpiilatioM  among  the  Peloponnesian 
troops,  and  many  desired  to  retreat  to  the 
isthmus  of  Corinth,  and  there  make  a  stand 
Bt  the  doorway  of  Southern  Greece;  but  tlie 
influence  of  Leonidas  prevailed  over  sucii  un- 
patriotic fears,  and  the  l)atth;  began  at  tlie 
upper  end  of  the  pass.  Here,  when  the  Per- 
.tiaus  came  in  sight,  they  beheld  a  few  Spar- 
tans running  and  leaping  as  if  in  sport,  while 
others  were  combing  their  long  hair  as  though 
pre])aring  for  a  festival.  Demaratus,  the  ex- 
iled Spiirtun  king,  who  accompanied  Xerxes 
on  the  expedition,  explained  to  the  monarch 
tliat  this  conduct  oti   the   part  of  liis  country- 


men meant  that  they  w^ere  devoting  themselves 
to  death,  and  that  nothing  might  be  expected 
excejit  resistance  as  long  as  one  man  was  left 
alive. 

Not  able  to  ap])reciate  such  .strange  conduct, 
Xerxes  tarried  four  days,  believing  that  the 
absurd  project  of  defense  would  be  abandoned 
and  that  the  Spartans  \vould  disperse.  At  the 
end  of  that  time  he  sent  a  demand  to  Leonidas 
to  give  up  his  arms.  The  true  Laconic  reply 
was,  "Come  and  take  them."  When  the 
Spartan  was  told  that  the  Persians  were  so 
numerous  that  a  discharge  of  their  darts 
would  cloud  the  sky,  he  answered,  "That  is 
good ;  we  shall  fight  in  the  shade ! " 

On  the  fifth  day  a  band  of  Medes  was  sent 
forward  to  clear  the  pass.  They  were  killed. 
Others  were  sent  forward,  and  were  killed. 
Xerxes  leaped  up  in  rage  and  agony  from  the 
seat  which  had  been  prepared  for  him  from 
which  to  witness  the  battle.  The  Immortals 
were  ordered  to  the  charge,  and  were  cut  to 
pieces.  On  the  second  day  the  scene  was  re- 
newed. Heap  after  heap  of  Persian  slain 
was  piled  at  the  upper  entrance  to  the 
pass.  The  darts  of  the  barbarians  fell  harm- 
less on  the  bronze  shields  of  the  Spartans. 
The  rage  of  the  baffled  king  knew  no  bounds, 
but  just  as  he  was  about  to  despair  of  forcing 
his  way  through,  the  secret  mountain-path  was 
revealed  to  him  by  a  traitorous  Malian,  and 
he  at  once  ordered  his  generals  to  begin  an 
advance  by  that  route.  A  large  detachment, 
led  by  the  informant,  set  out  at  nightfall. 
The  Phocians  who  had  been  ajipointed  to 
guard  the  path  were  alarmed  at  the  unex- 
pected approach  and  retired  to  the  heights. 
The  passage  of  the  Persians  to  the  rear  of 
Leonidas  was  thus  unoppo.sed. 

The  Spartan  called  a  council  of  war,  and 
tliere  was  much  division  of  opinion.  The 
greater  nundjer  favored  a  retreat  while  it  was 
yet  possible.  The  |irivilege  of  taking  this 
step  was  freely  conceiled  by  Leonidas,  but  as 
for  him  and  his  Sj)artans  there  was  but  one 
courte  to  pursue.  The  laws  and  customs  of 
their  country  did  not  permit  them  to  abandon 
a  post  which  iiad  been  committed  to  theii 
charge.  The  order  of  the  king  was  specific 
lie  was  to  defend  the  pass.    That  he  would  Jo 


b-iS 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  AXCIEXT  WORLD. 


Death     was    nothing.      The    seven    hundred 
Thespians  resolved  to  share  the  fate  of  such  a 
leader  and  his  men.     The  four  hundred  The- 
bans  who  had  been  obliged  to  join  the  expe- 
dition rather  as  hostages  than  as  soldiers  were 
detained    to    face    an   unwilling  death.     The 
remainder  retired  from  the  pass  and  escaped. 
As  soon  as  Xerxes  supposed  that  the  de- 
tachment sent  over  the  mountains  had  reached 
the  southern  entrance  to  the  pass,  he  ordered 
a  renewal  of  the  attack.     Leonidas  and  his 
comrades  now  advanced  into   the   open  space 
and  fought  like  lions.     Every  man  became  a 
hero,  and  before  each  one  was  a  heap  of  Per- 
sian dead.     By  and  by,  as  the  Persian  hosts 
were  thrust  forward  by  those  in  the  rear,  the 
heroic    ranks   began    to    thin.     Their    lances 
were  broken,  and   they   were  obliged  to  take 
their  swords.     They   were   beaten   back   inch 
by   inch.     Every   man   kept  his  face   to  the 
foe.     They  retired  within  the  pass  and  gained 
possession  of  a  hillock,  where  they  huddled  to 
die  together.     The  Thebaus  begged  for  quar- 
ter, and  explained  that  they  fought  against 
their  will.     They  were   spared.     Around  the 
remnant  on  all  sides  the  Persians  closed  rank 
on  rank.     It  was  the  ever-narrowing  circle  of 
doom.     Javelins  were  showered  in  their  faces 
by  thousands.     Man  by  man  they  sank  and 
perished.     Not  one   remained  alive  from  the 
glorious  sacrifice.     Persia   had   another  taste 
of  Hellas. 

On  the  hillock  where  the  heroes  died  *a 
marble  lion  was  set  up  in  honor  of  Leonidas — 
fit  emblem  of  his  valor.  The  inscription  said  : 
"  Four  thousand  Poloponnesians  here  fought 
with  three  millions  of  the  foe."  Another 
couplet,  intended  for  the  Spartans,  ran  thus: 

"  Go,  tell  the  Spartans,  thou  that  passest  by. 
That  here  obedient  to  their  laws  we  lie." 

In  the  meantime,  the  Greek  fleet  under 
Eurybiades  had  had  a  terrible  battle  with  the 
Persian  armament  at  Artemesium.  Before 
th2  engagement,  however,  a  great  storm  driv- 
ing shoreward  had  struck  the  enemy's  fleet 
while  anchored  at  Aphetse  and  wrecked  no 
fewer  than  four  hundred  ships.  Still,  they 
were  so  much  superior  to  the  Greeks  in  niim- 
bers — the  latter  having  but  two  hundred  and 


seventy-one  vessels — that  it  was  with  difficulty 
that  Eurybiades  and  Themistocles  induceo 
their  captains  to  hazard  battle.  As  a  pre- 
cautionary measure  they  withheld  the  attack 
until  nearly  nightfall,  so  that  in  case  of  dis- 
aster they  might  have  the  advantage  of  dark- 
ness. But  the  onset  of  the  Greek  ships  was 
successful,  and  when  night  fell  the  advantage 
lay  with  the  allied  fleet.  Nevertheless,  so 
great  was  the  apprehension  of  the  sailors  that 
the  use  of  Euboean  gold  in  the  hands  of  The- 
mistocles was  that  night  necessarj'  to  keep 
the  armament  steady  for  the  work  of  the 
morrow. 

During  the  night,  however,  another  violent 
storm  arose  and  wrought  such  fearful  havoc 
with  the  Persian  fleet — at  the  same  time  in- 
juring the  Greeks  but  little  on  account  of 
their  sheltered  position — that  in  the  morning 
the  enemy  declined  battle.  In  the  course  of 
the  day  a  squadron  of  fifty-three  additional 
ships  from  Athens  arrived  as  a  reenforcement, 
and  the  spirits  of  the  Greeks,  fired  by  good 
omens  and  encouraged  by  home  support,  rose 
to  a  pitch  of  enthusiasm  flaming  for  the 
fight.  On  the  following  day  the  Persian  fleet 
formed  a  semicircle  and  bore  down  for  battle. 
The  Greeks,  in  order  not  to  be  surrounded, 
supported  themselves  by  the  shore.  Through 
the  whole  day  the  conflict  raged  furiously. 
The  Persians  did  ncrt  surrender  the  mastery 
of  the  world  without  a  struggle  worthy  of  a 
better  cause.  Their  overwhelming  force  of 
ships  and  sailors  gave  them  the  advantage 
even  against  the  superior  valor  of  the  Greeks. 
At  nigthfall  the  Persians  had  lost  most  ships, 
but  the  allied  fleet  had  suffered  so  greatly 
that  it  was  deemed  prudent  not  to  continue 
the  fight.  At  this  juncture,  moreover,  new& 
arrived  of  the  fall  of  Leonidas,  and  it  was  at 
once  resolved  to  withdraw  from  the  Euboean 
coast  for  the  defense  of  Attica.  So,  during 
the  night  after  the  battle,  the  fleet  fell  back 
through  the  strait,  doubled  Cape  Sunium,  and 
anchored  at  Salamis. 

Notwithstanding  the  enormous  losses  which 
had  been  inflicted  on  the  Persians,  they  were 
steadily  bearing  down  for  the  accomplishment 
of  their  object.  Attica  lay  open  to  invasion 
Tlie  fatal  folly  of  the  Spartans  iu  neglectir.tt 


GREECE.— THE  PERSIAN  WARH. 


-49 


to  send  their  whole  force  to  the  north  to  stay 
the  Persian  advance  at  Thermopyhe  was  now 
bearing  its  disastrous  fruit  in  the  exposure  of 
Soutliern  as  well  as  Central  Greece.  Several 
cities  hitherto  wavering  now  went  over  openly 
to  the  enemy.  Xerxes  was  only  six  days' 
march  from  Athens.  Theniistocles  urged  the 
people  to  gather  together  their  efiects  and 
abandon  the  city.  The  advice  was  accepted 
with  reluctance;  but  the  Delphic  oracle 
added  its  voice  to  the  persuasion  of  the 
Athenian  leaders.     The  Sacred  Serpent  kept 


money.  The  Areopagus  voted  funds  to  re- 
pair the  fleet  and  to  support  the  emigrant 
population. 

Ou  his  way  down  from  Thessaly  Xerxes 
ravaged  the  country.  Phocis  was  severely 
punished  for  her  refusal  to  submit.  Her  de- 
serted towns  were  destroyed  and  her  people 
driven  to  the  hills.  The  patriotic  cities  of 
Thespite  and  Platiea  were  plundered  and 
burned.  At  Delphi  occurred  an  extraordi- 
nary episode.  Apollo,  by  his  oracle,  forbade 
the   removal  of  the  treasures  of  his   temple. 


DISCOMFITURE  OF  THE  PERSIANS  AT  DELPHI. 


in  the  temple  of  Athene  Polia-s,  on  the  Acrop- 
olis, left  the  altar  and  escaped.  So  the  terri- 
fied people  were  induced  to  follow.  Some 
went  to  .,Egina,  others  to  Tra?zen,  many  to 
Salamis. 

The  Delphic  oracle  had  said  that  a  "  wooden 
wall"  should  protect  the  Athenians.  Albeit, 
a  wooden  wall  might  mean  the  fleet.  So 
the  oracle  was  interpreted  by  Theniistocles. 
Others  said  it  meant  the  walls  of  Athens. 
Not  all  of  the  po'iplo  would  leave  their  homes. 
For  once  dissension  ceased.  On  the  proposi- 
tion of  Theniistocles  all  sentences  of  banish- 
ment   were    revoked.     Tlic    ridi    irave    their 


On  came  the  Persians  to  lay  sacrilegious  hands 
on  the  accumulated  gifts  of  centuries  of  de- 
votion. They  began  defiling  through  one  of 
the  gorges  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Parnassus, 
making  their  way  towards  the  temple.  Of  a 
sudden  there  were  peals  of  thunder  overhead. 
Great  crags  were  loosened  from  their  places 
and  rolled  down  upon  the  terrified  ranks  of 
the  barbarians.  The  gods  had  espoused  the 
cause  of  the  Greeks.  Spectral  warriors  of 
gigantic  stature  were  seen  hovering  with  re- 
vengeful look  in  the  rear  of  the  terror-stricken 
host  as  it  turned  to  fly  from  its  profane  pur- 
pose of  phindcr. 


650 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


In  Athens  a  few  desperate  persons  seized 
the  Acropolis  and  determined  to  defend  it. 
When  Xerxes  reached  the  city  he  found  the 
stronghold  surrounded  by  wooden  walls,  but 
these  he  soon  fired  with  burning  arrows.  The 
hill  was  presently  carried  and  its  defenders 
slaughtered.  The  temple  and  other  buildings 
situated  there  were  sacked  and  burned.  The 
city  was  pillaged  and  given  to  the  flames. 
The  Persian  had  remembered  Athens ;  but  it 
was  noticed  that  in  the  space  of  two  days  the 
sacred  olive-tree  on  the  Acropolis  suddenly 
thrust  forth  a  green  shoot  a  cubit  in  length. 
Athene  saw  her  city  in  ashes,  but  spoke  by 
the  olive  branch  the  promise  that  she  should 
arise  from  her  despair  and  ruin. 

Meanwhile,  the  Persian  fleet,  re-collecting 
its  energies  after  the  dubious  victory  of  Arte- 
mesium,  sailed  into  the  bay.  of  Phalerum. 
There  were  still  more ,  than  a  thousand  ships 
spared  from  the  vengeance  of  the  sea  and  the 
prowess  of  the  Greeks.  In  opposition  to  this 
immense  squadron  the  allies  could  number 
but  three  hundred  and  sixty-six  vessels,  of 
which  two  hundred  were  Athenian  galleys, 
and  the  rest  from  the  confederate  states.  As 
soon  as  Xerxes  reached  the  coast  he  inspected 
his  fleet  and  held  a  council  of  war.  It  was 
determined  to  make  an  immediate  attack 
upon  the  Greek  armament  and  at  the  same 
time  to  send  forward  the  laud  forces  towards 
Peloponnesus.  This  decision  was  reached 
with  great  unanimity  by  the  Persian  com- 
manders, only  Queen  Artemesia,  of  Halicar- 
nassus,  opposing  the   views  of  the  majority. 

On  the  other  side  there  were  dissensions 
among  the  Greeks.  The  Peloponnesian  com- 
manders were  eager  to  abandon  Salamis  and 
sail  southward  for  the  protection  of  their  own 
coasts;  but  Themistocles  with  great  vehe- 
mence urged  the  necessity  of  fighting  where 
they  were.  He  showed  the  great  importance 
of  giving  battle  in  the  narrow  strait  where 
the  superior  numbers  of  the  Persians  would 
give  them  but  little  advantage.  Nevertheless, 
the  opposite  opinion  prevailed  and  it  was 
voted  to  retreat. 

After  the  council  Themistocles  repaired  to 
the  ship  of  Eurybiades,  and  succeeded  in 
winnmg    him    over    to    the    idea   of  present 


battle.  The  commanders  were  again  called 
together,  and  after  some  discussion  were  or- 
dered by  Eurybiades  to  prepare  for  action. 
Later  in  the  night,  however,  news  arrived 
from  Sparta  representing  the  distress  of  the 
people  on  account  of  the  absence  of  the  fleet, 
and  begging  for  its  return.  The  council  was 
a  third  time  convened,  but  Themistocles  had 
now  determined  to  accomplish  by  a  stratagem 
what  he  could  not  eflect  by  argument.  He 
despatched  a  trusted  messenger  to  Xerxes, 
and  informed  him  that  the  Greek  fleet  was 
about  to  sail,  and  advising  the  Persian  to 
divide  his  squadron,  send  one-half  around  the 
island  to  the  other  extremity  of  the  strait  and 
shut  up  the  Greeks  in  their  present  predica- 
ment. This  advice  was  acted  on  by  Xerxes ; 
and  before  the  adjournment  of  the  council 
Aristides,  returning  from  his  banishment, 
reached  Salamis,  came  into  the  assembly,  and 
informed  the  body  that  the  Persian  fleet  now 
occupied  both  ends  of  the  strait,  and  that 
they  must  fight  or  perish.  The  scheme  of 
Themistocles  had  succeeded. 

With  the  morning  Xerxes  had  a  throne 
erected  on  Mount  ^galeos,  opposite  the  bay' 
of  Salamis,  and  from  this  perch  he  would 
view  the  battle.  Necessity  had  now  brought 
the  Greeks  to  their  work,  and  with  ardor  they 
prepared  for  battle.  Themistocles  was  in  his 
glory.  The  Greek  seamen  were  early  at  their 
posts;  nor  were  the  Persians,  now  under  the 
eye  of  their  king,  slow  in  preparing  for  battle. 
At  the  sound  of  the  trumpet  the  allied  fleet 
moved  forward  to  the  attack.  Just  about  to 
engage  the  foe,  however,  they  were  seized 
with  alarm  and  fell  back  to  the  beach.  But 
then  appeared  above  the  ships  a  female 
figure,  perhaps  the  august  Athene  herself, 
and  waved  them  to  the  attack.  The  Athenian 
vessels  thereupon  bravely  made  the  onset, 
followed  by  the  rest,  nor  was  there  any  fur- 
ther wavering.  All  day  long  the  fight  con- 
tinued. The  Persian  fleet  became  more  and 
more  confused  in  the  narrow  waters,  which 
afibrded  no  room  for  evolutions.  The  shipa 
were  crowded  upon  each  other  and  became 
helpless.  The  attacks  of  the  Greeks  grew 
constantly  more  audacious.  The  fate  of  their 
country  now  depended  on    the   blows  which 


GREECE.— THE  PERSIAN  WARS. 


561 


they  dealt  upon  the  barbarians.  Every  ship 
that  went  to  the  bottom  brought  a  revival  of 
hope,  a  promise  of  freedom.  As  the  sun  sank 
low,  victory  declared  for  the  Greeks.  Two 
hundred  of  the  Persian  ships  had  been  de- 
stroyed. JIany  more  were  captured.  The 
whole  bay  was  covered  with  the  wreck  of 
Asia.  As  the  issue  declared  itself  Xerxes,  in 
the  extremity  of  terror  and  despair,  rose  and 
fled.  The  residue  of  the  fleet  was  scattered 
to  the  winds. 

The  episode  of  the  battle  of  Salamis  oc- 


landed  on  the  island  were  attacked  by  a  body 
of  heavy-armed  soldiers  led  by  ArLstides,  and 
were  destroyed  to  a  man.  The  victory  was 
complete,  and  the  sun  set  on  one  of  the  most 
glorious  days  in  Grecian  history.' 

Xerxes,  becoming  concerned  for  his  per- 
sonal safety,  quitted  the  country  with  all 
haste.  There  was  no  need  for  such  a  flight; 
for  his  army  was  but  little  reduced  in  num- 
bers, and  of  his  fleet  there  still  remained  a 
siiuadron  much  larger  than  that  of  the  Greeks; 
but  the  king  had  enough    of   that    peculiar 


liATTI.K  OK  .-^AI.AMIS. 


cured  when  Artemcsia,  queen  of  Caria,  who 
had  tried  to  dissuade  the  king  from  risking 
all  in  the  straits  of  Sal.imis,  performed  prodi- 
gies of  valor  in  the  fight.  "  My  men  are 
women  to-day,  and  my  women  men,"  said 
Xerxes,  as  he  beheld  her  bravery.  Finally, 
turning  to  fly,  she  struck  a  galley  commanded 
by  one  of  her  own  countrymen,  an<l  sent  both 
it  and  the  crew  to  the  bottom.  The  Greek 
■commanders,  seeing  the  deed  and  believing  it 
to  have  been  purposely  done,  allowed  the 
•queen    to   escape    without    pursuit.       In    the 

meantime   the  Persian    troops  that   had  been 
N— Vol.  I— s.t 


glory  which  came  of  battles  with  the  Greeks, 
and  was  eager  to  leave  the  land  which  his 
father  had  been  so  anxious  to  remember. 
Pressing  forward  as  rapidly  as  he  could 
through  Boeotia  and  Thessaly,  he  came,  after 
a  march  of  forty-five  days,  to  the  Hellespont. 

'  Lord  Byron's  praphic  verso  on  the  battle  of 
Saluniis  sliould  not  I)e  omitted : 

"A  king  s.ite  on  the  rocky  brow 

Which  looks  o'er  sea-horn  .Salamis; 
And  ships  by  thousands  lay  below. 

And  men  in  nations;  all  were  his! 
He  counted  them  at  break  of  day — 

.And  when  tlie  sun  set  where  were  they? 


652 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


The  guard  which  had  accompanied  him  were 
reduced  by  famine  and  disease.  Here  the 
fleet  had  been  ordered  to  congregate  after  the 
defeat  at  Salamis.  The  king  found  his  ships, 
but  the  great  bridge  had  been  destroyed  by 
the  storms.  He  and  his  forces  were  carried  to 
the  opposite  side,  and  were  safe  in  Asia. 
And  in  the  company  there  were  no  Athenians 
wearing  fetters ! 

As  soon  as  the  Greek  commanders  at  Sala- 
mis saw  themselves  victorious  they  began  a 
pursuit  of  the  Persian  fleet.  This  they  kept 
up  as  far  as  the  island  of  Andros.  The  peo- 
ple of  many  of  the  Cyclades  had  sided  with 
the  Persians  in  the  recent  struggle,  and  were 
now  made  to  feel  severely  the  folly  of  such  a 
course ;  for  Themistocles  punished  them  with 
little  mercy  for  their  defection  from  the  na- 
tional cause.  From  Andros  onward  the  Persian 
armament  pursued  its  course  without  molesta- 
tion to  the  Hellespont,  where  it  received  the 
king  and  a  remnant  of  his  forces,  and  carried 
them  across  to  Asia. 

Xerxes  did  not  regard  his  flight  from 
Greece  as  an  abandonment  of  the  purposes 
for  which  the  expedition  was  undertaken. 
Before  determining  his  own  course  after  the 
battle  of  Salamis,  he  held  a  conference  with 
Mardonius,  to  whom  he  intrusted  the  com- 
pletion of  the  conquest  of  Greece.  For  this 
purpose  three  hundred  thousand  men  were 
left  under  his  command.  Mardonius  flattered 
his  master  with  the  assurance  that  the  reverses 
which  he  had  suffered  were  but  temporary 
checks  to  the  general  progress  of  subjugation, 
that  one  great  oliject  of  the  invasion — the  de- 
struction of  Athens — had  been  accomplished, 
that  in  the  following  spring  he  himself  would 
complete  the  work,  and  that  Xerxes  might 
now  retire  from  the  country  without  dishonor. 
This  specious  theory  of  the  results  of  the  in- 
vasion had  a  soothing  effect  on  the  king,  who 
gladly  left  his  son-in-law  behind  to  finish  or 
be  finished,  and  himself  speedily  returned  to 
the  ease  of  his  own  capital.  His  throne  in 
the  palace  of  Susa  was  an  easier  seat  than 
that  which  he  had  filled  for  a  day  on  the 
cliffy  above  Salamis! 

"UTiile  the  battle  of  Salamis  was  fighting, 
another    conflict    was     raging    between    the 


Greeks  of  Sicily  and  the  Carthaginians,  who 
had  invaded  the  island.  The  people  of  Sicily 
were  like  the  Greeks  of  Hellas,  divided  into 
two  parties.  One  of  these  favored  the  pre- 
dominance of  Carthaginian  influence  in  the 
island,  while  the  other  upheld  the  national 
spirit,  favoring  independence.  A  certain 
Terillus,  governor  of  Himera,  had  been  ex- 
pelled by  Theron,  the  despot  of  Agrigentum. 
The  deposed  ruler  and  his  adherents  invited* 
in  the  Carthaginians,  who,  in  B.  C.  480, 
came  three  hundred  thousand  strong  under 
the  lead  of  Hamilcar,  and  proceeded  to  be- 
siege Himera.  But  Gelon,  the  governor  of 
Syracuse,  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  city  with 
an  army  of  fifty -five  thousand  troops,  and 
with  this  force — comparatively  small  as  it 
was — attacked  and  routed  the  Carthaginians 
with  a  loss,  if  we  may  trust  Diodorus,  of  one- 
half  of  their  army,  Hamilcar  being  among- 
the  slain.  The  Carthaginian  fleet  was  then 
set  on  fire  and  consumed.  The  victory  of 
the  Sicilian  Greeks  was,  if  possible,  more  com- 
plete than  that  which  their  countrymen  were- 
at  that  hour  winning  in  the  bay  of  Salamis. 

AVith  the  opening  of  spring  the  remnant 
of  the  Persian  fleet  in  the  ^gean,  numbering- 
four  hundred  vessels,  gathered  at  the  island 
of  Samos.  At  this  time  the  Grecian  squadron 
of  one  hundred  and  ten  ships  lay  at  .lEgina ; 
but,  notwithstanding  the  great  disparity  in 
the  numerical  strength  of  the  two  armaments, 
the  Persians  made  no  sign  of  a  disposition  to- 
venture  a  battle.  It  was  their  business  rather 
to  keep  a  watch  on  the  Ionian  cities,  which, 
were  again  showing  signs  of  insurrection. 

Jleanwhile,  jSIardonius  began  his  campaign 
for  the  completion  of  the  conquest  of  the 
Greek  states.  His  first  measures  were  diplo- 
matic. He  consulted  the  oracles  of  Boeotia 
and  Phocis,  and  promulgated  the  idea  of  a 
Perso-Athenian  alliance  against  the  Spartans. 
Alexander,  the  then  king  of  Macedonia,  was 
sent  to  the  authorities  of  Athens  with  flatter- 
ing overtures.  Their  city  should  be  restored. 
Their  territory  should  be  extended.  The  king 
of  Persia  would  become  their  friend.  Sparta 
should  be  humiliated.  The  first  place  should 
be  given  to  Athens.  But  the  seductions  of 
the  foe  were  all  in  vain.     Alexander  was  dis» 


GREECE.— THE  PERSIAN  WARS. 


553 


missed  with  words  to  the  effect  that  his  per- 
sonal safety  would  better  be  consulted  before 
he  became  the  bearer  of  another  such  a  mes- 
sage to  the  Athenians.  Sparta,  however,  was 
anxious,  and  sent  envoys  to  counteract  the 
dangerous  temptations  held  out  by  the  Per- 
sians. To  these  messengers  Athens  replied  that 
all  that  was  expected  of  Sparta  was  that  she 
should  send  an  army  into  Attica  to  help  pro- 
tect the  northern  frontier  against  the  coming 
attack  of  Mardonius.  The  envoys  promised, 
then  went  home,  and  then,  with  their  usual 
perfidy,  pleaded  adverse  omens  as  a  reason  for 
non-fulfillment. 

In  May  of  B.  C.  479  Mardonius  again 
advanced  into  Attica  and  occupied  Athens. 
The  people  of  the  city  retired  as  before  to 
Salamis.  From  hence  they  sent  a  hurried 
embassy  to  Sparta,  imploring  aid  against  the 
common  foe  and  intimating  (what  they 
never  intended)  that  circumstances  might 
compel  them  to  accept  the  overtures  of  the 
Persians.  No  answer  was  returned  for  the 
space  of  ten  days,  and  the  Athenians  were  on 
the  edge  of  despair,  when  the  aged  Chileos  in 
the  Spartan  council  reminded  them  that  if  an 
alliance  should  be  effected  between  the  Athe- 
nians and  the  Persians,  the  ships  of  the  former 
might  easily  bring  the  whole  army  of  the  lat- 
ter into  the  heart  of  Peloponnesus.  The 
Spartans  were  thrown  into  the  utmost  alarm 
by  the  suggestion,  and  a  force  of  ten  thousand 
men,  besides  a  still  larger  body  of  Perioeci 
and  Helots,  was  at  once  dispatched  into  Cen- 
tral Greece.  The  command  of  this  army  was 
given  to  Pausanias,  the  Spartan  regent  for 
the  son  of  Leonidas. 

Mardonius,  seeing  that  diplomacy  was  use- 
less, destroyed  what  remained  of  Athens,  and 
retiring  into  Bceotia  took  his  station  near  the 
little  town  of  Plat.ea.  Here  he  laid  off  a 
camp  a  mile  and  a-quarter  square,  and  forti- 
fied it  with  barricades.  The  Spartans,  ad- 
vancing by  way  of  the  isthmus,  were  reen- 
forced  by  eight  thousand  Athenians,  three 
thousand  Megarians,  and  six  hundred  Plata;- 
ans.  Tlie  total  force  gathered  for  the  battle 
numbered  thirty-eight  thousand  seven  hun- 
dred heavy-armed  soldiers,  seventy  thousand 
Helots  and  other  troops  of  light  armor,  and 


I  one  thousand  eight  hundred  Thespians — 
amounting  to  about  one  hundred  aud  ten 
thouisand  men. 

Crossing  the  range  of  Cithseron,  the  Greeks 
came  in  sight  of  their  foe  drawn  up  in  order 
of  battle.  Having  no  cavalry,  Pausanias 
occupied  the  rougher  grounds  and  aimed  to 
draw  the  Persian  from  the  position  which 
gave  freedom  to  his  horse.  Mardonius  or- 
dered a  charge  against  his  antagonist,  and  the 
same  was  bravely  made.  The  Greeks  suffered 
not  a  little  from  the  onset,  but  were  success- 
ful in  killing  Masistius,  the  commander  of  the 
cavalry.  They  threw  his  body  into  a  cart  and 
exhibited  it  along  the  lines.  When  the  Persians 
fell  back  from  the  onset,  Pausanias  descended 
from  the  heights  for  a  general  battle  on  the 
grounds  chosen  by  the  Persians.  The  right 
wing,  being  the  post  of  honor,  was  held  by 
the  Spartans,  and  the  left  by  the  Athenians. 
The  little  river  Asopus  lay  between  the  two 
armies.  Mardonius,  with  the  best  of  the 
Medes  and  Persians,  took  his  position  in  the 
left  wing,  so  as  to  face  Pausanias  and  his 
Lacedaemonians,  the  Persian  right,  numbering 
fifty  thousand  men,  being  allotted  to  the 
Greek  allies  of  the  enemy.  Then  there  was 
a  pause.  Destiny  from  one  side  of  the  river 
glared    in    the    face    of   Fate    on    the  other. 

Both  armies  were  reluctant  to  begin  the 
contest.  For  eight  days  each  maintained  its  po- 
sition, fearing  the  awful  hazard  of  the  onset. 
Finally,  Mardonius  succeeded  in  cutting  off 
the  supply  train  of  the  Greeks,  and  captured 
five  hundred  of  their  beasts  of  burden  in  de- 
files of  the  Cithseron.  He  was  then  advised 
to  follow  up  this  policy,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  try  the  effect  of  bribes  upon  the  leaders  ef 
the  Greeks.  But  Mardonius  rejected  the  ad- 
vice and  gave  the  orders  for  a  general  attack. 

On  the  following  night  an  incident  oc- 
curred highly  illustrative  of  the  spirit  and 
disposition  of  the  age  and  people.  Alexander 
of  Macedon  stole  out  of  the  Persian  camp  in 
the  darkness,  rode  to  the  Greek  outposts, 
called  for  Aristides,  and  informed  him  of  the 
impending  attack.  As  an  excuse  for  his 
treachery,  he  added:  "I  am  myself  a  Greek 
by  descent,  and  with  sorrow  would  I  «ea 
Hellas  enslaved  by  these  Persians." 


554 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Aristides  at  once  informed  the  generals  of 
the  Greeks  of  what  might  be  expected  on  the 
morrow,  and  preparations  were  made  accord- 
ingly for  the  coming  battle.  Still,  with  the 
morning  dawn,  each  army  hesitated  to  make 
the  onset.  Finally  the  Persian  cavalry  began 
the  fight,  and  succeeded  in  cutting  off  the 
Greeks  from  the  fountain  of  Gargaphia, 
which  supplied  the  camp  with  water.  This 
was  the  only  important  movement  of  the  day. 

With  the  coming  of  night  Pausanias  gave 
orders  for  the  Greeks  to  fall  back  a  mile  and  a 


soon  as  the  front  line  of  the  Persians  had  ix 
coiled  from  the  shock,  Pausanias  gave  the  or- 
der to  charge.  The  fighting  became  at  once 
general  and  desperate.  The  Persians  exhib- 
ited unusual  valor.  They  flung  themselves 
with  reckless  courage  upon  the  spears  of  the 
Spartans,  only  to  be  transfixed  by  the  thou- 
sand. The  invincible  Lacedseraonian  phalanx 
moved  forward  like  an  avalanche  in  its  work 
of  destruction.  It  seemed  a  huge  beast  forti- 
fied on  every  side  with  bristling  quills,  urging 
its  way  now  to  the  right  and  now  to  the  left, 


SPARTANS  AT  PLAT.5;A. 


half  to  a  position  which  he  considered  more 
favorable  for  the  battle.  This  change  of  po- 
sition, however,  was  not  accomplished  without 
«onsiderable  confusion  an;'  dispute  among  the 
officers  of  the  allied  army.  On  seeing  the 
Spartans  in  full  retreat — a  sight  not  often 
witnessed  by  a  Persian  general — Mardonius 
at  once  gave  orders  for  pursuit.  The  Persians 
dashed  across  the  Asopus,  ascended  the  hill 
recently  occupied  by  the  Greeks,  and  fell 
upon  the  Lacedjemonians,  hastily  but  steadily 
deployed  into  line  of  battle.  The  onset  made 
but  little  impression   on   the  Greeks,  and  as 


trampling  in  the  bloody  dust  the  mangled 
bodies  of  the  barbarians.  Mardonius  at- 
tempted in  vain  to  stay  the  battle.  At 
the  head  of  his  body-guard  of  a  thousand 
men,  he  fought  with  conspicuous  bravery 
until  he  was  pierced  with  a  Grecian  dart  and 
fell  dead  from  his  charger.  It  was  the  signal 
of  the  rout. 

The  Persians,  immemorially  accustomed 
to  attribute  victory  and  defeat  to  their 
leader,  broke  and  fled  beyond  the  Asopus. 
So  rapidly  had  the  work  of  destruction  been 
accomplished  by  the  allied  army  that  a  divi- 


GREECE.— THE  PERSIAN  WARS. 


555 


won  of  forty  thousand  Persians,  commanded 
by  Artabazus,  did  not  reach  the  field  until 
after  the  rout.  More  panic  struck,  however, 
than  his  fellow-generals  who  had  participated 
in  the  battle,  he  broke  away  without  deliver- 
ing a  blow,  and  fled  in  the  direction  of  the 
Hellespont.  The  allied  Greeks,  flushed  with 
victory,  pursued  the  main  body  of  the  Per- 
sians to  their  fortified  camp  beyond  the  Aso- 
pus,  stormed  the  barricades,  and  slaughtered 
the  disorganized  barbarian  host  till  the  whole 
area  ran  with  blood.  Rarely  in  the  annals 
of  war  had  such  a  scene  of  carnage  been  wit- 
nessed as  the  infuriated  Greeks  enacted  in 
this  final  arena  of  the  great  invasion.  Such 
was  the  fearful  destruction  that  of  the  three 
hundred  thousand  soldiers  in  the  army  of 
Mardonius,  only  three  thousand  or  four  thou- 
sand escaped  with  their  lives.  The  sword  of 
Hellas  had  pierced  the  heart  of  Asiatic 
pomp  and  the  huge  carcass  of  despotism  was 
stretched  upon  the  plain  of  Platrea,  never  to 
rise  again. 

Ten  days  were  consumed  in  dividing  the 
spoils  of  the  battle.  The  body  of  Mardonius 
was  decently  buried  by  Pausanias.  The 
sword  and  silver-footed  throne  of  the  Persian 
commander  and  the  breast-plate  of  Masistius 
were  carried  in  triumph  by  the  Athenians  to 
Athens  and  deposited  among  the  trophies  of 
the  Acropolis.  Immense  was  the  booty  gath- 
ered from  the  field  and  camp.  Every  thing 
with  which  oriental  lu.vury  and  magnificence 
could  decorate  an  army  was  strewn  for  miles 
in  the  dust.  Of  this  one  jjortion  was  set  aside 
for  the  Delphic  oracle  ;  another  share  went  to 
the  temple  of  the  Olympian  Zeus ;  and  still 
another  to  the  Isthmian  Poseidon.  Pausaniixs 
himself  was  largely  rewarded  from  the  wreck 
of  Asia,  and  the  remaining  enormous  aggre- 
gate of  booty  Wius  divided  among  the  allied 
forces  in  proportion  to  their  numbers. 

Of  all  the  Greek  cities  that  had  espoused 
the  cause  of  the  Persians,  the  most  conspicu- 
ous in  her  treason  to  the  national  cause  was 
Thebes.  In  the  recent  battle  the  Theban 
contingent  had  been  posted  by  Mardonius  op- 
posite the  Athenians,  and  had  fought  with 
desperate  valor.  To  punish  them  and  their 
city  seemed  to  the  allies  to  be  the  first  duty 


incumbent  after  the  destruction  of  the  Persian 
army.  Accordingly  the  Spartans  proceeded 
to  ravage  the  Theban  territory  and  besiege 
the  cit}'.  A  demand  was  made  upon  the 
authorities  that  those  leaders  who  had  led  the 
people  into  the  unnatural  alliance  with  the 
Persians  should  be  given  up  for  punishment. 
When  this  was  refused  on  the  part  of  the 
city,  the  leaders  made  a  voluntary  surrender 
of  themselves,  expecting  that  a  large  ransom 
would  procure  their  relief.  It  was  a  fatal 
mistake.  For  no  sooner  were  they  in  the 
power  of  Pausanias  than  they  were  sent  to 
Corinth  and  executed  without  trial. 

On  the  same  day  of  the  battle  of  Platsea, 
which  completed  the  wreck  of  the  Persian 
army,  the  final  destruction  of  the  great  fleet 
was  accomplished  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor. 
After  transferring  across  the  Hellespont  that 
remnant  of  the  Persian  army  which  accom- 
panied Xerxes  on  his  homeward  flight,  what 
remained  of  the  Persian  squadron  from  the 
havoc  of  Artemesium  and  Salamis  dropped 
down  the  coast  and  anchored  at  the  headland 
of  Mycale,  near  the  city  of  Miletus.  Thither 
they  were  pursued  b/  the  Spartan  leader 
Leotychides;  but  before  his  arrival,  the  Per- 
sians, rather  than  hazard  another  sea-fight 
with  the  victorious  Greeks,  drew  their  remain- 
ing ships  ashore,  surrounded  them  with  a  ram- 
part, and  placed  for  their  defense  an  army  of 
sixty  thousand  Persians  under  command  of 
Tigranes. 

The  Greeks  followed,  came  to  anchor,  made 
a  landing,  and  immediately  joined  battle.  No 
sooner  were  the  first  defenses  of  the  Persians 
carried  by  the  impetuosity  of  the  attack 
than  they  turned  and  fled.  They  were  hotly 
pursued  into  the  principal  fortification,  which 
was  soon  carried  by  the  assailants,  though  not 
without  some  desperate  fighting.  As  soon, 
however,  as  the  Spartan  reserve  came  up 
and  the  Ionian  Greeks  in  the  army  of  Ti- 
granes mutinied  in  the  ranks,  the  victory  was 
completed.  Tigranes  and  Mardontes,  the 
other  Persian  general,  were  both  killed;  the 
fleet  was  burned  to  ashes,  and  as  the  coast 
wind  scattered  them  along  the  shore  and  bay, 
the  last  fragments  of  the  greatest  expedition 
known    in   the  annals  of   the    ancient  world 


556 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


were  tossed  into  dust  aud  oblivion.  The 
dreams  of  him  who  three  times  daily  at  his 
own  command  was  reminded  to  remember  the 
Athenians,  and  the  proud  visions  of  his  son, 
cherished   from    the    palace    of  Susa   to   the 


Hellespont,  aud  from  the  Hellespont  to  Thes- 
saly,  had  been  so  completely  dissipated  that 
no  ambitious  imagination  of  Oriental  king  or 
general  ever  durst  again  evoke  them  from 
the  shadows. 


Cha-pxer  xIvV.— The  Athenian  ascendency. 


0  general  of  the  Greeks 
ever  showed  himself  less 
able  than  Pausanias  to 
liear  success  with  equa- 
nimity. After  the  battle 
of  riatsea,  he  began  at 
once  to  display  his  vanity, 
his  insolence,  his  disloyalty.  He  hired  Si- 
monides,  the  poet,  to  attribute  the  victory 
solely  to  himself;  aud  a  like  piece  of  vain- 
glory was  manifested  iu  au  inscription  which 
he  caused  to  be  placed  on  a  tripod  at  the 
shrine  of  Delphi.  Still  he  remained  in  com- 
mand of  the  Spartan  army,  and  conducted  a 
successful  eanipaigu  against  Byzantium.  At 
the  capture  of  this  place,  several  members  of 
the  royal  household  fell  into  bis  power.  This 
fact  furnished  him  with  an  opportunity  to 
open  negotiations  with  the  Persian  court,  in- 
volving his  own  perfidy  and  treason.  He 
sent  privately  to  Xerxes  the  members  of  his 
family,  and  at  the  same  time  gave  it  out  to 
his  own  countrymen  that  his  high-born  Persian 
captives  had  escaped.  Along  with  this  princely 
present  to  the  Great  King,  he  sent  to  him  a 
letter  to  the  following  effect : — 

"Pausiinias,  tlie  ."Spartan  commander,  wish- 
ing to  oblige  thee,  sends  back  these  prisoners 
of  war.  I  am  minded,  if  it  please  thee,  to 
marry  thy  daughter  and  to  bring  Sparta  and 
the  rest  of  Greece  under  thy  dominion.  This 
I  hold  myself  able  to  do  with  the  help  of  thy 
counsels.  If,  therefore,  the  project  at  all 
pleases  thee,  send  down  some  trustworthy  man 
to  the  coast  through  whom  we  may  carry  on 
Dur  future  correspondence." 

This  letter,  being  so  full  of  perfidy,  was 
of  precisely  the  kind  to  delight  a  Persian 
monarch — particularly    Xerxes.      He    imme- 


diately responded  in  a  manner  highly  flatter- 
ing to  Pausanias.  The  princess  was  promised 
to  him  in  marriage ;  lavish  supplies  of  money 
were  sent  forward,  and  he  was  urged  to  prose- 
cute his  plans  as  rapidly  as  possible,  with  the 
assurance  that  the  king  of  Persia  would  not 
be  slow  in  supplying  all  his  needs.  It  was  in 
the  nature  of  Pausanias  to  discount  his  pros- 
pects. He  began  to  realize  on  the  possible 
by  assuming  the  dress  and  manners  of  a  Per- 
sian prince.  His  command  of  the  fleet  was 
in  that  style  of  elaborate  flummery  peculiar 
to  eastern  oflicers.  This  thing  was  from  the 
first  exceedingly  distasteful  to  the  captains 
and  seamen  of  the  allied  fleet.  The  news 
reached  Sparta,  and  that  sedate  commonwealth, 
shocked  at  the  .shameless  disloyalty  of  her 
oflicer,  immediately  dispatched  Dorcis  to  sujJer- 
sede  him.  But  before  the  arrival  of  the  latter, 
the  captains  of  the  fleet,  disgusted  with  the 
conduct  of  Pausanias,  had  themselves  trans- 
ferred the  command  from  him  to  the  Athe- 
nians. 

Such,  however,  was  the  strict  subordination 
of  the  Spartans  to  authority  that  the  larger 
part  of  their  squadron  accompanied  the  dis- 
graced Pausanias  on  his  return  home.  This 
left  Dorcis  with  so  few  ships  at  his  disposal 
that  he  could  not  resist  the  transfer  of  the 
command  to  the  fleet  of  Athens,  which  ever 
since  the  battle  of  Salamis  had  given  to  that 
city  a  preponderating  reputation  and  influence 
in  the  affairs  of  Greece.  This  circumstance 
became  the  central  fact  in  the  Athenian  Su- 
premacy. The  Ionian  cities  of  Asia  Minor 
and  most  of  the  adjacent  islands,  inhabited  as 
they  were  by  people  of  the  same  race  with 
the  Athenians,  were  well  pleased  with  this  in- 
crease of  power  on  the  part  of  their  kinsmen 


GREECE.— THE  ATHENIAN  ASCENDENCY. 


557 


in  Jiuropean  Greece,  for  tliey  saw  in  this  fact 
the  possible — even  the  probable — deliverance 
of  themselves  from  the  thralldom  of  Persia. 
The  leadership  of  Athens  was  therefore  gladly 
recognized  by  all  the  loniaus,  and  the  senti- 
ment spread  until  the  islands  of  Rhodes,  Cos, 
Lesbos,  and  Teuydos,  together  with  the  Greek 
towns  on  the  Chalcidician  peninsula,  joined 
in  the  league,  by  which  was  formed,  under 
the  patronage  of  Athens  and  through  the  in- 
fluence of  Aristides,  the  Confederacy  of 
Delos.  It  was  agreed  that  hei-eafter,  iu  the 
interests  of  Greece,  deputies  from  all  the 
states  represented  in  the  league  should  an- 
nually assemble  at  the  tenii)le  of  Apollo  and 
Artemis,  in  the  island  of  Delos,  to  discuss 
questions  pertaining  to  the  welfare  of  the  con- 
federation and  the  honor  of  the  Greek  name. 
As  soon  as  the  league  was  formed  the  com- 
mand of  the  allied  ieet  was  transferred  from 
Aristides  to  Cimon.  He  immediately  set  out 
on  an  expedition  against  the  town  of  Eion, 
on  the  river  Strymon.  This  place  was  deliv- 
ered from  Persian  rule,  and  in  B.  C.  470,  the 
island  of  Scyros  was  reduced  by  the  fleet  and 
colonized  with  Athenians.  This  rapid  growth 
of  the  power  of  Athens  was  hailed  by  most 
of  the  states  of  Greece  as  a  reward  fairly 
earned  by  her  heroic  conduct  iu  the  Persiau 
wars.  But  to  Sparta  tliis  splendid  rise  of  her 
rival  from  the  ashes  of  despair  was  gall  and 
wormwood.  She  looked  with  a  lack-luster 
and  jealous  eye  on  the  doings  of  the  Coufed- 
eracy  of  Delos  and  the  extension  of  Athenian 
reputation.  Nor  were  the  agencies  by  which 
Athens  at  home,  among  the  extinct  cinders 
of  her  recent  overthrow,  had  again  become 
80  suddenly  the  pride  of  Central  Greece,  more 
pleasing  to  the  narrow-minded  Lacedcemonians 
who  were  more  stung  with  the  arrows  of  jeal- 
ousy than  by  the  darts  of  the  enemy.  For 
this  sudden  development  of  reviving  energy 
was  traceable  most  of  all  to  the  superhuman 
energies  of  two  Athenian  statesmen,  Themis- 
tocles  and  Aristiiles.  To  the  latter,  as  already 
said,  was  due  the  formation  of  the  Confeder- 
acy of  Delos,  and  to  the  I'driiier  the  growth 
and  extension  of  tiif  nuuitiiin'  power  of  the 
state. 

Meanwhile,  the  city  so  recently  consume<l 


by  Persiau  wrath  was  rapidly  rebuilding. 
The  houseless  fugitives  came  back  from  Troe- 
zen,  iEgina,  and  Salamis.  The  streets  were 
widened  and  extended.  Ambition  rose  with 
the  occasion.  Beauty  was  consulted ;  and 
also  safety.  For  it  was  determined  to  sur- 
round Athens  with  walls  and  fortifications 
against  which  the  waves  of  barbarism  would 
hereafter  beat  iu  vain.  These  measures,  so 
natural  and  uecessary,  greatly  excited  the 
jealousy  of  the  ^ginetans,  and  knowing  the 
disposition  of  Sparta,  they  sent  to  her  an  em- 
bassy earnestly  advising  the  Lacedremonians 
to  interfere  and  prevent  the  completion  of 
the  works  by  which  Athens  would  be  ren- 
dered independent  alike  of  foreign  and  do- 
mestic animosity.  The  Spartans  would  gladly 
■  have  undertaken  this  work,  but  the  crafty 
Tliemistocles  outwitted  them  iu  negotiation 
until  what  time  the  fortifications  were  so  well 
advanced  as  no  longer  to  require  concealment 
or  apology.  Themistocles,  thus  freed  from  inter- 
state difficulties,  devoted  himself  assiduously 
to  the  increase  of  the  navy  and  development  of 
Athenian  commerce.  The  harbor  of  Piraeus 
was  improved  and  surrounded  with  an  im- 
pregnable wall  sixty  feet  in  height.  Every 
exposed  part  of  the  peninsula  was  rendered 
defensible,  and  Athens  felt  secure  behind  her 
ramparts. 

In  this  period  of  rapid  recovery  political 
rancor  iu  a  great  measure  subsided.  Themia- 
tocles  and  Aristides  made  common  cause  in 
rehal)ilitatiug  the  state.  The  latter  had  so 
for  modified  his  opinions  as  to  accept  the 
democratic  tendencies  of  his  countrymen  as 
natural  and  right.  He  himself  Isrought  for- 
ward and  secured  the  passage  of  a  law  by 
which  all  restrictions  were  removed  from  the 
Thetes  or  Fourth  Estate,  and  themselves  made 
eligible  to  the  highest  oflices  in  the  gift  of 
the  state. 

Thus  at  last  the  archonshij)  and  also  mem- 
bership iu  the  court  of  Areopagus  were 
opened  to  the  humblest  citizen  of  the  com- 
monwealth. Under  the  impulse  of  these  pro- 
gressive measures  every  enterprise  of  the 
Athenians  sprang  forward  with  unwonted  " 
rapidity  and  success.  The  only  drawback 
upon  the  prosperity  of  the  city  and  state  was 


558 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


the  spirit  of  party  and  the  untrustworthiness      elective    officer.      He    put    on    pomp.      He 
of  political   leadersliip.     These   danjrers  were 


^hiiiTiriiMT'" 


boasted  of  what  he  had  done  for  the  state. 

rnPTiEraiiri"! 


epecially  manifested  in  the  case  of  Themisto- 
cles.  Coming  to  consider  himself  infallible, 
he    assumed   a  carriage    unbecoming    in    an 


He  acquired  luxurious  habits  ;  and  these  had 
to  be  supported  by  peculation  and  corruption 
in  office.     When  sent  out  with  a  squadron  to 


GREECE.— THE  ATHENIAN  ASCENDENCY. 


559 


restore  order  among  the  Cyclades  by  putting 
down  certain  irresponsible  governors  who  had 
usurped  authority  during  the  Persian  wars, 
he  compounded  with  several  of  the  petty 
despots  for  money. 

Meanwhile  Cimon  and  Alcmseon  had  be- 
come the  leaders  of  what  remained  of  the  old 
aristocratic  party  in  Athens.  They  made  no 
concealment  of  their  preference  for  the  con- 
stitution of  Sparta  over  the  too  democratic 
institutions  of  their  own  city.  In  this  fact 
was  laid  the  foundation  of  a  Lacedremonv'n 
faction  in  the  heart  of  Athens ;  and  it  was 
not  long  in  making  itself  felt,  to  the  injury  of 
the  state.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Pau- 
eanias  had  been  deposed  from  the  command 
of  the  allied  fleet  at  Byzantium  on  account 
of  his  too  manifest  intrigues  with  the  Per- 
sians. The  party  of  Cimon  was  now  insti- 
gated from  Sparta  to  prefer  the  same  charge 
against  Themistoclcs,  and  he  was  accordingly 
accused  of  being  in  collusion  with  the  court 
of  Susa.  This  charge,  however,  could  not  be 
sustained,  but  the  manners  and  conduct  of 
their  leader  had  become  so  distasteful  to  tlu 
Athenians  that  in  a  short  time  an  appeal  was 
made  to  the  ostracism  and  Themistocles  was 
banished. 

He  went  first  to  Argos,  where  he  re- 
mained five  years.  Before  the  expiration  of 
that  time,  however,  proofs  were  discovered  of 
his  being  implicated  with  Pausanias  in  a  trea- 
sonable correspondence  with  Persia.  The 
Spartan  leader  after  his  downfall  had  returned 
to  the  service  as  a  private,  had  then  lived  in 
Asia  Minor,  had  time  and  again  been  sus- 
pected of  disloyalty,  had  been  recalled  to 
Sparta,  but  not  brought  to  trial  on  account  of 
the  trepidation  of  the  Ephors  in  the  presence 
of  the  criminal.  By  and  by  Pausanias  dis- 
patched a  slave  to  bear  a  letter  to  Asia;  but 
the  slave  remembering  that  his  fellows  who 
had  previously  gone  on  such  missions  had 
never  returned,  broke  the  seal  and  read  how 
he  himself  was  to  be  killed  as  .soon  as  the 
letter  was  delivered.  He  went  in  terror  and 
gave  the  missive  to  the  Ephors.  The  latter 
thus  obtained  convinciiiLr  proofs  of  the  guilt  of 
Pausanias,  and  were  about  to  arrest  him  when 
he  fled  to  the  temple  of  Poseidon.    Not  daring 


to  drag  him  from  the  altar  they  ordered  mason» 
to  build  up  the  doors,  and  in  this  work  the  mother 
came  and  laid  the  first  stone.  When  the 
wall  was  built  solid  the  roof  was  removed 
and  Pausanias  was  left  to   starve   to  death. 

When  in  the  agonies  of  death,  however,  his 
body  was  carried  out  lest  it  should  pollute  the 
altar.  His  correspondence  was  rifled  and 
letters  were  found  showing  that  Themistocles 
was  also  in  the  conspiracy  to  deliver  Greece 
to  Persia.  Sparta  thereupon  renewed  her 
demand  that  the  great  Athenian  should  be 
brought  to  trial.  When  about  to  be  arrested, 
however,  Themistocles  fled,  first  to  the  court 
of  Admetus,  king  of  the  Molossians,  thence 
to  Asia  Minor,  and  thence  to  Artaxerxes  at 
Susa.  Here  he  became  a  resident,  in  close 
confidence  of  the  Persian  king.  By  him, 
after  a  year,  the  Greek  was  sent  to  Magnesia 
and  given  tlie  revenues  of  that  city  for  sup- 
port— this  with  the  understanding  that  the 
plans  now  matured  for  delivering  his  country 
to  Artaxerxes  should  be  carried  out.  But  in 
a  short  time  Themistocles  died,  nor  was  the 
suspicion  wanting  that  he  killed  himself  in  a 
fit  of  despair.  Thus  in  utter  disgrace  per- 
ished the  heroes  of  Plataa  and  Salamis. 

Aristides  held  out  faithful  to  the  end.  He 
died  four  years  after  the  banishment  of  The- 
mistocles, and  such  was  his  poverty  that  he 
was  buried  at  the  public  expense.  Neverthe- 
less he  kept  until  the  hour  of  his  death  his 
hold  upon  the  public  confidence,  and  he  was 
at  that  time  archon  eponymos  of  the  city. 
His  sterling  virtues  had  served  a  better  pur- 
pose in  the  great  issue  of  life  than  the  bril- 
liant talents  of  Themistocles  or  the  military 
genius  of  Miltiades.  His  reputation  remained 
untarnished  to  the  last,  and  the  historians  of 
his  country  have  transmitted  his  spotless  fame 
to  an  admiring  posterity. 

By  the  death  of  the  great  leader,  Cemon 
was  left  in  the  lead  of  Athenian  politics. 
Although  his  antecedents  placed  him  in  the 
ranks  of  the  old  oligarchical  jiai'ty,  his  man- 
ners, talents,  and  address  rendered  him  popu- 
lar with  the  masses.  He  was  a  citizen  of  un- 
doubted patriotism,  and  exiieiided  a  good  part 
of  his  revenue  in  adorning  the  city.  His  own 
house   was  a  public  resort,    in   which  every 


560 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


thing  was  open  and  free,  even  to  people  of 
the  poorest  class.  He  was,  however,  a  soldier 
rather  than  a  statesman,  and  possessed  but 
little  taste  for  literature  and  art. 

During  his  leadership  occurred  the  revolt 
of  Naxos  against  the  Coufederacy  of  Delos. 
In  B.  C.  466,  this  island  renounced  the  com- 
pact and  took  up  arms,  but  the  insurrection 
was  quickly  suppressed  by  Cimon,  and  the  Nax- 
ians  were  obliged  to  resume  their  tributary  re- 
lations to  Athens.  Soon  afterwards  the  allied 
squadron  sailed  to  the  coast  of  Asia  iNIiuor, 
and  gained  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Eury- 
medon  a  great  victory  ov  the  fleet  and 
army  of  the  Persians.  Tl-  s  by  means  of 
their  naval  superiority  did  ae  Athenians  es- 
tablish on  a  still  firmer  foi  ndation  their  su- 
premacv  over  the  members  of  t^ie  confederacy'. 

In  the  next  year  after  the  reduction  of 
Naxos,  the  government  of  Athens,  then  pursu- 
ing a  policy  of  colonization,  was  opposed  in 
making  a  settlement  by  the  people  of  Thasos, 
and  this  island  was  subjected  to  a  blockade 
and  siege.  Before  the  same  was  concluded, 
the  Thasians  sent  to  Sparta  and  requested 
that  state  to  make  a  diversion  in  their  favor 
by  an  invasion  of  Attica.  This  proposition, 
base  as  it  was,  was  about  to  be  accepted  by 
the  Lacedaemonians  when  they  were  prevented 
by  a  series  of  calamities  which  brought  the 
state  to  the  lowest  ebb  of  fortune.  First 
came  a  violent  earthquake,  which  laid  the 
city  in  ruins  and  killed  twenty  thousand  of 
the  inhabitants.  Hard  after  this  followed  a 
revolt  of  the  Helots,  who,  believing  that  Po- 
seidon had  shaken  down  the  stronghold  of 
their  oppressors,  rose  with  what  weajions  they 
could  gather  and  began  to  kill  and  burn. 
They  were  joined  by  the  Jlessenians,  who, 
through  generations  of  hatred,  awaited  an 
opportunity  to  be  revenged.  A\Tien  the  mot- 
ley crew  of  insurrectionists  were  beaten  back 
from  Laconia,  thev  shut  themselves  up  in  the 
old    fortress    of   Ithome   and   were    besieged. 

The  Spartans,  having  little  skill  in  taking 
fortified  towns,  sent  for  the  Athenians  to  help 
Ihem,  although  at  this  very  time  they  were 
engaged  with  the  Thasians  in  a  perfidious 
scheme  to  invade  Attica.  Athens  responded 
»  the  call,  ?.nd   sent  down   a   large  force  to 


aid  in  the  reduction  of  Ithome ;  but  the  Spar- 
tans, unable  to  conceal  their  spleen,  soon  dis- 
missed them  with  contempt  and  carried  on 
the  siege  alone.  The  troops  had  been  sent 
into  Messenia  through  the  influence  of  Cimon, 
an  avowed  friend  of  the  Spartans,  and  their 
dismissal  was  so  flagrant  an  insult  as  to  break 
down  Cicion's  party  and  put  the  conduct  of 
afiiiii-s  into  the  hands  of  the  democrats.  The 
latter  were  now  under  the  leadership  of  a 
young  man,  who,  as  a  politician  and  states- 
p'au,  was  destined  soon  to  surpass  all  his  pred- 
jessors — Pericles,  the  orator  and  scholar. 

In  the  Athenian  government,  as  it  was 
now  constituted,  the  venerable  court  of  Areop- 
agus was  the  last  hold  of  the  old  oligarchical 
party.  Its  right  to  exercise  general  super- 
vision over  the  citizens  as  it  respected  their 
manners  and  vocations  was  so  exceedWgly  un- 
democratic as  to  be  borne  with  extreme 
impatience  by  the  progressive  ele  uent  in 
Athenian  politics.  Even  Aristides,  strongly 
conservative  as  he  was,  had  consented,  in 
obedience  to  the  popular  demand,  that  the 
membership  of  the  court  should  no  longer  be 
limited  to  the  Eupatridse,  or  First  Estate ; 
but  this  concession  was  not  enough,  and 
Pericles  succeeded  in  striking  at  the  founda- 
tions of  privilege  by  making  the  members  of 
the  court  to  be  chosen  by  lot.  Other  innova- 
tions followed,  until  not  only  this  august 
body  of  ancient  Greece,  but  also  the  Senate 
of  Five  Hundred,  was  reduced  to  a  mere 
specter  of  its  former  self.  Finally,  the  tables 
of  the  laws  of  Solon  were  brought  down  from 
the  Acropolis  and  deposited  in  the  market- 
place, as  if  to  .say  that  henceforth  the  powers 
of  the  Athenian  commonwealth  were  to  be 
exerci.sed  directly  by  the  people. 

These  measures — amounting  to  a  revolu- 
tion— were  not  accomplished  but  with  an 
excess  of  party  strife.  Ephialtes,  the  friend 
of  Pericles,  by  whose  eff'orts  the  Solonian 
tablets  had  been  brought  down  to  the  market- 
square,  was  assassinated.  Cimon  was  ostra- 
cized for  ten  years.  The  oligarchical  party 
went  down  in  ruins,  and  the  leadership  of 
Pericles  was  firmly  established. 

The  new  statesmen  belonged  to  the  school 
of  Themistocles.     His  policy  looked  to    the 


GREECE.— THE  ATHENIAN  ASCENDENCY. 


561 


extension  of  ti  i  influence  of  Greece  in  Eu- 
rope. Sparta  and  Spartan  institutions  he 
held  in  undisguised  contempt.  To  weaken  by 
every  possible  means  the  influence  of  the 
Lacedremonians  was  one  of  his  leading  polit- 
ical principles.  Without  hesitation  he  allied 
himself  freely  with  Argos  and  Megara,  the 
traditional  enemies  of  Sparta.  By  these  overt 
acts  the  jealousy  of  Sparta  was  heated  into 
animosity  soon  to  Inirst  into  the  flames  of  war. 

In  the  mean  time  the  allied  fleet,  under  the 
lead  of  the  Athenians,  was  successfully  ex- 
tending the  dominion  of  Greece  on  the  sea. 
While  cruising  on  the  coast  of  Cyprus  and 
Phoenicia,  the  squadron  was,  in  B.  C.  460, 
called  upon  by  the  revolt  of  Inarus  to  inter- 
fere in  the  afiairs  of  Egyjit.  The  Greek 
sailed  up  the  Nile,  and  bore  an  active  part  in 
the  overthrow  of  Persian  authority.  For  four 
or  five  years  they  conducted  a  siege  of  the  so- 
called  White  Fortress,  in  which  the  Persians 
had  shut  themselves  up.  With  the  coming  of 
Megabyzus  and  his  army,  the  Athenians  were 
in  turn  besieged  in  the  island  of  Prosopitis, 
and  were  finally  obliged  to  surrender.  Con- 
trary to  the  stipulated  terms,  the  greater 
number  of  the  captives  were  put  to  death, 
Inarus  himself  being  crucified.  The  fleet  was 
mostly  destroyed,  and  fifty  additional  ships 
which  arrivetl  just  after  the  surrender  were 
also  captured  and  burnt. 

During  the  occurrence  of  these  events,  the 
inhal)itants  of  ^Tlgina,  unable  longer  to  re- 
strain their  jealousy,  induced  the  Corinthians 
and  Epidaurians  to  join  them,  and  gave  battle 
to  an  Athenian  scpiadron  near  their  own 
island.  It  was  the  first  act  of  actual  hostility 
between  the  Dorian  and  Ionian  races  in  Eu- 
ropean Greece.  The  Athenians  were  com- 
pletely victorious,  capturing  seventy  ships 
from  the  .^ginetans,  landing  a  large  force  on 
the  shore,  and  laying  siege  to  their  principal 
city.  Sparta  meanwhile  was  unable  to  inter- 
fere on  behalf  of  her  friends;  for  the  Helots 
were  still  in  insurrection,  and  gave  the  Lace- 
daemonians full  occupation  in  their  own  coun- 
try. So  alarming,  however,  was  the  growth 
of  Athens,  that  even  before  the  siege  of 
Ithome  had  been  brought  to  a  successful  issue 
the  Spartan  government  ordered  an  army  of 


one  thousand  five  hundred  heavy-armed  sol- 
diers and  ten  thousand  allies  to  march  into 
Doris,  for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  aiding  that 
state  against  the  Phociaus,  but  with  the  real 
object  of  checking  the  progress  of  Athens  in 
Central  Greece.  The  true  purpose,  however, 
was  soon  discovered,  for  the  Sj^artaus,  after 
having  settled  to  their  satisfaction  the  affairs 
of  Doris  and  Bceotia,  took  up  a  menacing 
position  at  Tanagra,  on  the  very  borders  of 
Attica.  This  was  more  than  the  Athenians 
could  tamely  bear.  They  marched  out  with 
such  forces  as  they  could  rally  for  the  occa- 
sion, and  fought  a  bloody  battle  with  the 
Spartans,  in  which,  though  the  results  were 
indecisive,  the  latter  had  the  advantage.  They 
next  crossed  over  into  Attica,  and  then  pro- 
ceeded homewards,  ravaging  as  they  went. 

The  general  effect  of  this  digressiou  was 
favorable  to  Athens.  Party  strife  was  hushed 
in  the  presence  of  the  common  danger.  Ci- 
mon  himself  ou  the  eve  of  the  recent  battle 
left  the  place  of  his  banishment,  repaired  to 
the  Athenian  army,  and  asked  permission  to 
fight  in  the  ranks  with  his  countrymen. 
When  this  was  refused,  he  set  up  his  armor 
on  the  battlefield  and  exhorted  his  friends 
to  rally  to  it  and  strike  home  for  Athens. 
Such  was  the  effect  of  this  patriotic  conduct 
that  a  measure,  recalling  him  from  exile, 
was  at  once  proposed  by  Pericles  and  passed 
by  the  assembly. 

The  concord  which  was  thus  introduced  into 
the  stormy  arena  of  Athenian  politics  was  so 
marked  that  the  city  bounded  forward  on  a 
new  career  of  prosperity.  Within  two  months 
after  the  battle  of  Tanagra,  the  Athenians 
again  marched  into  Bceotia  and  met  the  army 
of  that  state  on  the  bloody  field  of  CEno- 
PHYTA.  Here  under  the  command  of  ]\Iyron- 
ides,  they  gained  a  complete  and  over- 
wlii'lmiiig  victory.  Thebes,  the  capital,  and 
all  the  other  Boeotian  towns  were  taken  by  the 
Athenians.  The  oligarchical  government,  re- 
cently established  by  the  influence  of  the 
Spartans,  was  overthrown,  and  democracies 
instituted  in  their  stead.  The  Athenian  army 
then  marched  through  Phocis  and  Locris, 
compelling  them  also  to  conform  to  the  new 
democratic  refine,   which  was  thus  extended 


562 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


from  the   gulf   of  Corinth    to    the    pass   of 
Thermopylae. 

In  the  mean  time  Pericles  had  undertaken 
and  completed  those  celebrated  works  known 
as  the  Long  Walls,  by  which  the  two  sea- 
ports of  Athens— Phalerum  and  Pirseus — were 
joined  with  the  city.  One  of  these  walls 
was  four  miles  and  the  other  four  and  a-half 
miles  in  length.  They  were  built  so  thick 
and  high  as  to  be  impregnable  to  any  ordi- 
nary assault,  and  furnished  an  abundant  pro- 
tection to  the  commercial  and  foreign  inter- 
ests of  Athens.  The  ascendency  thus  gained 
by  the  city  was  so  undisputed  that,  for  a 
number  of  years,  not  even  the  Spartans  dared 
to  break  the  peace  which  the  Athenians  had 

enforced  in  Cen- 
tral Greece.  A 
five  years'  truce 
was  conclnded  be- 
tween them,  dur- 
ing which  time 
Cimon,  in  the 
prosecution  of  his 
cherished  ambi- 
tion against  the 
Persians,  con- 
ducted an  expe- 
dition to  Cyprus 
and  laid  siege  to 
the  town  of  Cit- 
ium.  While  this 
was  in  progress 
the  great  general 
died  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Anaxicrates,  who  abandoned  the 
siege,  but  soon  afterward  gained  a  decisive 
victory  over  the  combined  fleets  of  Phoeni- 
cians and  Cilicians. 

In  a  short  time  after  these  events  a  general 
peace  was  made  between  the  Persians  and 
the  Greeks.  It  was  agreed,  half  informally 
aud  half  by  actual  stipulations,  that  the  Per- 
sian king  would  no  longer  tax  or  disturb,  in 
any  wav,  the  Greek  colonies  on  the  coast  of 
Asia  Minor;  nor  would  he  send  any  vessel 
Oi  war  to  the  west  of  a  line  drawn  from  the 
Thracian  Bosphorus  to  Phasclis,  in  Lyeia.  As 
for  the  Athenians,  they  should  refrain  from 
all    turther   aggression,   and    concede    to    the 


PERICLES. 

London,  British  Museum. 


Persians  the  undisturbed  possession  of  Cyprus 
and  Egypt. 

By  this  time  the  sway  of  Athens  had  be- 
come so  complete,  not  only  in  European 
Greece,  but  among  the  Cyclades,  that  the 
Confederacy  of  Delos  was  virtually  extin- 
guished by  her  authority.  Even  the  treasury 
of  the  league  had  been  quietly  transferred 
by  the  Atlieuians  from  Delos  to  their  own 
city.  In  Central  Greece  the  states  of  Mega- 
ris,  Boeotia,  Phocis,  and  Locris,  and  in  Pelo- 
ponnesus Trcezenia  and  Achaia  had  been 
almost  completely  subordinated  to  Athenian 
domination.  It  was  virtually  a  Greek  empire 
under  the  leadership  of  Athens.  The  city 
was  now  at  the  acme  of  her  influence  and 
splendor.  For  a  few  years,  at  the  middle  of 
the  fifth  century  B.  C,  it  may  fairly  be  al- 
lowed that,  for  intellectual  greatness,  archi- 
tectural achievement,  and  aitistic  fame  Athens 
far  surpassed  any  city  of  the  ancient,  and  per- 
haj)s  of  the  modern,  world.  It  was,  however, 
politically  speaking,  a  short-li-^ed  glory.  The 
nature  of  the  bonds  which  united  Athens  to 
the  dependent  states  were  such  as  at  any  mo- 
ment to  be  snapped  asunder. 

In  B.  C.  447,  Boeotia  threw  off  the  Athe- 
nian yoke  and  made  herself  independent.  In 
a  futile  attempt  to  suppress  the  insurrection, 
Tolmides,  with  one  thousand  heavy-armed 
soldiers — a  force  entirely  inadequate  to  such 
an  enterprise — was  dbastrously  defeated  and 
himself  slain.  Then  followed  in  quick  suc- 
cession similar  revolts  in  Phocis,  Locris,  Eu- 
boea,  and  Megaris.  Then  came  the  Spartans, 
headed  by  the  king,  Pleistoanax,  and  entered 
the  Attic  territory.  Nor  is  it  certain  that 
Athens  herself  would  not  then  have  fallen 
into  the  power  of  the  Lacediemonians  but  for 
the  means  employed  by  Pericles,  who  is  said 
to  have  bribed  the  invaders  to  withdraw  from 
the  country.  To  compensate  for  these  losses, 
the  Athenian  leader  had  nothing  to  boast  ex- 
cept the  reconquest  of  Euboea.  Such  had 
been  the  collapse  of  Athenian  pretensions 
that,  in  B.  C.  445,  Pericles  was  glad  to  enter 
into  a  truce  of  thuty  years  with  Sparta,  by  the 
terms  of  which  the  Athenians  agreed  to  aban- 
don all  conquests  except  in  the  Gulf  of  Corinth, 
and  to  leave  the  other  states  to  their  freedom. 


GREECE.— THE  ATHENIAN  ASCENDENCY. 


565 


These  disasters  of  Athens,  bringing  with 
them  a  decline  in  the  influence  of  Pericles, 
gave  opportunity  in  the  city  for  the  revival 
of  the  party  of  the  oligarchy.  This  was  ef- 
fected under  the  leadership  of  TrrucYDiDES,  a 
man  of  distinguished  abilities,  but  not  of  such 
commanding  genius  as  to  be  a  fit  oj)poueut 
for  Pericles.  It  was  the  circumstances  rather 
than  the  preeminent  talents  of  the  leader  that 
made  him  the  competitor  of  the  great  demo- 
crat. Nor  were  the  methods  which  he  and 
his  adherents  adopted  better  calculated  to  win 
the  favor  of  the 
Athenian  populace. 
After  beating  in  vain 
for  a  season  against 
the  democratic  ma- 
jority, Thucydides 
was  relieved  of  the 
cares  of  party  leader- 
ship by  being  ostra- 
cized. His  party  was 
broken  up  by  hi- 
downfall,  ami  Peri- 
cles, during  the  rest 
of  his  life,  remainoil 
the  undisputed  leader 
of  Athenian  politics. 

With  the  over- 
throw of  the  party 
of  the  aristocracy, 
Athens,  as  a  city, 
was  raised  to  the 
highest  pitch  of 
glory.   A\niatever  art 

and  letters  and  refinement  could  do  to  gild 
the  splendid  capital  was  liestowed  without 
Btint.  Now  it  was  that  the  Acropolls  was 
crowned  with  the  magnificent  Parthenon,  de- 
signed by  Callicrates  and  Ictinus  and  adorned 
by  Phidias.  On  the  summit  was  reared  the 
ivory  statue  of  Athene  I'romachos,  forty -seven 
feet  in  height,  looking  serenely  towards  the 
sea.  Now,  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  was  built 
the  great  Odecm  for  the  musical  and  dramati- 
cal entertainment  of  the  people.  Now,  on 
the  western  side  of  the  Acropolis,  were  con- 
Btructtd  the  PROPVLiEA,  or  entrances  to  the 
temple,  second  only  in  magnificence  to  the 
Parthenon  itself.     Nor  were  the  useful  works 


of  the  city  neglected.  A  third  wall  was  ex- 
tended to  the  Pirasus.  The  harbors  and  docks 
of  Attica  were  improved  and  beautified,  and 
the  public  markets  greatly  enlarged.  The 
expense  of  these  works  is  said  to  have  ex- 
ceeded $3,500,000.  It  was  at  this  time  that 
the  dominion  of  Greek  thought — of  philoso- 
phy, of  oratory,  of  art — was  established  on  a 
basis  which  has  not  been  materially  shaken  by 
the  revolutions  of  twenty-two  centuries,  and 
which  seems  destined  to  be  everlasting. 

A  second  part  of  the  policy  of  Pericles 


THE  ACROPOLIS,    RESTORED. 


was  the  extension  of  the  Athenian  race  by 
colonization.  It  was  not  the  theory  of  Athens 
that  companies  of  stragglers  and  vagabonds 
should  repr&sent  her  on  foreign  coasts,  but 
rather  that  bands  of  reputable  citizens,  well 
organized  and  well  supplied,  should  go  abroad 
and  establish  Greek  civilbation  in  its  integ- 
rity. At  one  time  during  the  administration 
of  Pericles,  a  company  of  a  thousand  Athe- 
nians settled  in  the  Thracian  Chersonesus; 
another  band  of  five  hundred  in  Naxos,  and 
a  third  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  in  Andros. 
A  still  larger  colony  was  established  at  Thurii, 
near  the  site  of  ancient  Sybaris,  in  Southern 
Italy.     Among   those   who    joined   this    com- 


566 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


pany  were  the  orator  Lysias  and  the  historian 
Herodotus.  In  B.  C.  437,  another  settlement 
of  equal  importance  was  made  at  Aniphipolis, 
on  the  river  Strymon,  in  JVIacedonia — a  de- 
pendency which  afterwards  played  a  conspicu- 
ous part  in  Greek  history. 

A  more  liberal  and  less  ambitious  policy 
on  the  part  of  Pericles  might  have  postponed 
or  possibly  averted  the  coming  disasters  of  his 
country.  But,  in  his  eagerness  to  make 
Athens  glorious,  there  was  but  little  thought 
given  to  justice  and  equity  of  administration. 
Especially  was  this  manifested  in  the  exorbi- 
tant tribute  which  was  collected  from  the 
Athenian  dependencies.  The  members  of  the 
Confederacy  of  Delos  were  taxed  to  the  ex- 
tent of  six  hundred  talents  annually,  and  this 
too  when  the  occasion  for  which  the  tribute 
was  originally  levied  had  entirely  passed 
away.  The  peace  with  the  Persians  made 
such  an  imposition  no  longer  necessary  as  a 
measure  of  defense;  but  the  ambition  of 
Pericles  still  exacted  it  as  a  measure  of  luxury. 

At  this  time  the  only  members  of  the  Con- 
federacy which  retained  their  freedom  and 
continued  to  consult  with  the  Athenians  on 


terms  of  comparative  equality,  were  Samoa, 
Lesbos,  and  Chios.  The  first  of  these  islands 
became  embroiled  with  the  Milesians,  and  the 
latter  appeak  1  1  o  Athens  for  a  settlement  of 
the  difficulty.  The  Samian  government  was 
still  under  the  control  of  an  oligarchy,  and 
this  furnished  Pericles  with  a  good  excuse  for 
interference.  In  B.  C.  440  an  expedition 
was  sent  to  reduce  the  Samians  by  force.  A 
democracy  was  established  in  the  island,  and 
many  leading  Samians  were  sent  to  Lemnoa 
as  hostages.  This  state  of  things,  however, 
was  soon  undone  by  a  counter  revolution 
backed  by  the  satrap  of  Sardis;  but  the  Athe- 
nians returned,  put  down  the  revolt,  and  re- 
established their  own  style  of  government  over 
the  Samians.  The  latter  were  obliged  to  pay 
the  expenses  of  the  war,  amounting  to  a 
thousand  talents,  and  to  give  hostages  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  peace. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  afiairs  in  B.  C. 
435,  when  a  petty  quarrel  between  Corinth 
and  her  dependency  Corcyra  applied  the  spark 
to  the  long  smouldering  animosities  and  jeal- 
ousies of  the  Greeks,  and  set  their  country  in. 
the  flames  of  civil  war. 


Chaf^ter  xlvi.— the  peloponnesiaim  wars. 


ARLY  in  her  history  the 
city  of  Corinth  had  es- 
tablished, on  the  island 
of  that  name,  the  colony 
"f  Corcyra.  Afterwards 
Corcyra  sent  out  a  colony 
and  founded  Epidamnus 
on  the  coast  of  Eplrus.  The  latter,  however, 
as  well  as  the  former,  regarded  Corinth  as  her 
mother  city.  The  Epidamnians,  like  the 
other  Greek  states,  expelled  the  oligarchical 
party,  and  the  latter  brought  in  the  Illyrians 
to  restore  them.  The  authorities  appealed  to 
Corcyra  for  aid,  which  was  refused ;  for  the 
Corcyraeans  sympathized  with  the  oligarchs. 
The  Epidamnians  then  applied  to  Corinth. 
The  latter  sent  out  an  expedition,  and  the 
democracy  in  E}>idamnus  was  sustained.    But 


the  authorities  of  Corcyra  resented  the  inter- 
ference, sent  a  squadron,  blockaded  the  town, 
and  restored  the  oligarchs.  The  Corcyrseans 
then  tried  to  persuade  the  Corinthians  to  refer 
the  matter  to  arbitration,  but  the  latter  sent 
a  still  larger  fleet  to  the  western  coast,  and 
this  was  defeated  and  destroyed  by  the  Cor- 
cyrsean  squadron  at  Actium.  This  left  th» 
Epidamnians  at  the  mercy  of  the  oligarchical 
party. 

The  Corinthians  immediately  went  to  work 
rebuilding  their  fleet.  Within  two  years  they^ 
had  gathered  with  their  own  exertions  and 
from  their  allies  a  squadron  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  ships.  The  Corcyrseans,  seeing  these 
preparations  and  remembering  that  Corinth 
was  a  member  of  the  Lacedaemonian  league, 
applied  to  Athens  for  support.     The  Athenian. 


GREECE.— THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WARS. 


567 


assembly,  after  hearing  the  ambassadors,  re- 
solved upon  a  defensive  alliance  with  Coreyra, 
and  agreed  to  defend  the  island  in  case  of  in- 
vasion. To  this  end  a  fleet  of  ten  sail,  under 
command  of  Laceda^mouius,  was  sent  to  the 
Corcyrteans.  In  the  mean  time  the  Corinthian 
fleet  arrired,  and  a  hard  battle  was  fought,  in 
which  the  Corcyra'ans  were  defeated.  But, 
as  the  Corinthians  were  preparing  to  jiress 
their  advantage  on  the  morrow,  a  new  contin- 
gent of  twenty  vessels  hove  in  sight  from 
Athens.  The  Corinthian  captain,  believing 
this  to  be  but  a  detachment  of  a  larger  fleet, 
at  once  stood  away  and  sailed  for  home. 

In  this  condition  of  attiiirs  Perdiceas,  king 
of  Macedonia,  appeared  on  the  scene.  Hav- 
ing certain  grievances  against  the  Atlienians, 
he  sought  revenge  by  instigating  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Potidsea,  a  dependency  of  Athens 
occupying  the  neck  of  the  peninsula  of  Pal- 
lene,  to  revolt  against  the  mother  city.  At 
the  same  time  he  urged  the  Spartans,  as  the 
head  of  the  Laced.-emonian  league,  to  make 
an  invasion  of  Attica.  Hereupon  the  Ephors 
called  a  meeting  of  the  Peloponnesian  states. 
The  dissatisfied  delegates  addressed  the  as- 
sembly, and  all  were  loud  in  their  denuncia- 
tions of  the  Athenians.  An  agent  of  Athens 
then  resident  in  Sparta  spoke  in  favor  of  his 
country,  but  the  adverse  opinion  prevailed, 
and  near  the  close  of  B.  C.  432  war  was  re- 
solved upon  by  the  Peloponnesian  league 
against  the  Athenians. 

Sparta  did  not,  however,  proceed  to  imme- 
diate hostility.  AVith  her  usual  cunning  she 
undertook,  first  of  all,  to  secure  the  over- 
throw of  Pericles.  The  opponents  of  this 
statesman  were  instigated  to  attack  him.  He 
was  charged  with  peculations.  His  friend,  the 
philosopher  Anaxagoras,  was  persecuted  for 
opinion's  sake.  He  was  not  orthodox  on  the 
subject  of  the  gods.  With  him  was  involved 
AsPASiA,  that  paragon  of  beauty  and  genius, 
who  for  years  had  shared  the  counsols  and 
affections  of  Pericles.  The  philo.'iophe'-  fled, 
but  Aspasia  was  tried.  The  haughty  Pericles, 
who  for  a  generation  had  stood  unmoved  in 
every  storm,  wept  as  he  pleaded  her  cause 
before  the  court.  She  was  acquitted ;  but 
the    enemies    of    the   statesman    next    turned 


upon  Phidias,  and  he  was  prosecuted  on  the 
charge  of  having  appropriated  the  gold  which 
had  been  voted  for  the  Acropolitan  statue  of 
Athene.  The  great  sculptor  died  in  prison 
before  the  day  of  trial. 

None  the  less,  the  party  of  Pericles  stood 
firm,  and  he  retained  his  grip  on  the  rudder 
of  the  state.  The  Spartans  continued  to  prod 
him  with  demands,  and  finally  sent  an  ulti- 
matum to  the  eflfect  that  if  the  Athenians 
would  avoid  war  they  should  at  once  liberate 
all  of  their  dejiendent  states.  The  assembly 
replied  that  Athens  did  not  desire  war,  that 
she  would  give  satisfaction  for  her  .seeming 
violation  of  the  Thirty  Years'  truce,  but  as 
for  the  rest  she  would  resist  force  with  force. 

Actual  hostilities  were  begun  by  the  The- 
bans  who,  in  the  interest  of  the  Peloponne- 
sian league,  fell  upon  Platrea  by  night.  The 
band,  however,  that  thus  unexpectedly  to  the 
Platffians  gained  possession  of  their  city  was 
soon  overwhelmed,  and  before  daybreak  all 
but  one  hundred  and  eighty  were  killed  and 
the  rest  made  prisoners.  When  the  main 
army  of  Thebes  came  up  it  was  induced  to 
retire  with  the  promise  that  the  prisoners 
should  be  given  up,  but  the  Plata?ans  took 
advantage  of  the  lull,  gathered  in  their 
friends  and  proj)erty  from  the  surrounding 
districts,  and  then  killed  the  prisoners  to  the 
last  man.  This  perfidious  and  desperate  deed, 
though  done  against  a  band  of  guerrillas,  set 
the  states  on  fire.  Pas.sion  spread  like  a  con- 
flagration. The  pent-up  jealousy  of  forty  cit- 
ies, each  with  its  long-smothered  grievance, 
burst  forth  against  the  Athenian  common- 
wealth as  the  common  cause  of  all  the  ills 
that  Greek  flesh  had  inherited.  Delos  was 
rocked  with  an  earthquake.  Crazy  sooth- 
sayers harangued  crowds  of  the  superstitious. 
The  oracles  lifted  up  their  ambiguous  voice 
and  uttered  two-tongued  promises  and  impreca- 
tions. The  blood  was  hot.  Neutrality  was 
hardly  thought  of.  Every  Peloponnesian 
state,  except  Argos  and  Achaia,  ranged  itself 
with  Sparta  ;  and  in  Central  Greece  Megaris. 
Bfeotia,  Phocis,  and  East  Locris,  besides  thfe 
tribes  of  Leucadia  and  Anactoria,  all  gath- 
ered under  the  Lacedaemonian  banners.  One 
might  think,  from  the  sudden  aud    iiuiversal 


568 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


explosion  of  animosity,  that  the  Greek  race 
had  become  more  wearied  with  hearing  Athens 
called  the  Great  than  the  Athenians  themselves 
had  been  tired  of  hearing  Aristides  called  the 
Jitst:  and  in  either  case  there  was  equal  rea- 
son— or  the  want  of  it.  The  continental 
allies  of  Athens  were  Thessaly,  Platsea,  Acar- 
oania,  and  a  part  of  Messenia  about  Naupac- 
tus.  Her  insular  support  embraced  Chios, 
Lesbos,  Corcyra,  Cephallenia,  and  Zacynthus. 
In  those  resources  which  are  said  to  constitute 
the  sinews  of  war  the  Athenians  had  great 
strength.  In  the  treasury  of  the  Acropolis 
was  deposited  a  sum  equal  to  seven  millions 
of  dollars.  The  annual  revenue  of  the  state 
was  very  great,  and  the  riches  of  the  various 
temples  and  shrines — not,  of  course,  to  be 
rashly  touched  by  the  hand  of  war — gave  an- 
other immense  aggregate.  The  fleet  consisted 
of  three  hundred  vessels  ;  the  standing  army 
of  thirty-one  thousand  eight  hundred  men. 
The  forces  of  the  league  were  superior  in  foot 
soldiers,  being  about  sixty  thousand  strong, 
but  greatly  inferior  in  the  matter  of  a  fleet. 
This  defect  the  Spartans  hoped  to  supply  by 
the  help  of  the  Corinthians  and  the  Dorian 
colonies  of  Italy,  or  in  case  of  need  to  call 
upon  their  friends,  the  Persians. 

The  army  of  the  confederation  assembled 
At  the  isthmus  of  Corinth  undei  .command  of 
Archidamus,  the  Spartan  king.  From  this 
point  the  expedition  begap  against  Attica. 
By  midsummer  of  B.  C  431  the  march  had 
proceeded  to  the  Thriasian  plain,  near  Eleu- 
sis.  By  the  orders  of  Pericles  the  country 
was  abandoned.  The  population  withdrew 
within  the  walls  of  Athens,  and  the  city  was 
filled  to  overflowing.  Archidamus  was  disap- 
pointed in  his  hope  of  bringing  on  a  gen- 
eral battle.  The  cooped-up  people  clamored 
greatly  at  the  policy  adopted,  and  the  Athe- 
nian cavalry  was  sent  out  to  harass  the  en- 
«my.  From  the  Thriasian  plain  the  Spartans 
next  moved  to  Acharnie,  and  continued  their 
ravages.  To  appease  the  people  as  well  as  to 
punish  the  enemv  Pericles  sent  a  fleet  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  ships  to  fall  upon  the  coast 
of  Peloponnesus.  The  Corinthian  settlement 
of  SoUium,  the  town  of  Astacus,  and  the  island 
of  Cephallonia   which,  until  now,  had  held  a 


dubious  attitude  in  the  conquest,  were  taken 
by  the  squadron.  The  Locrian  towns  of 
Throuium  and  Alope  were  also  captured  by 
another  detachment  of  the  Athenian  fleet, 
and  the  an  ti- Athenian  party  in  ^gina  waa 
suppressed  and  di'iven  out  of  the  island.  The 
eflect  of  these  bold  diversions  was  such  that 
late  in  the  simimer  Archidamus  evacuated 
the  country,  and  his  army  was  presently  dis- 
banded. As  soon  as  this  movement  wa^ 
known  in  Athens,  Pericles  marched  out  with 
thirteen  thousand  heavy  armed  soldiers,  in- 
vaded Megaris,  and  ravaged  the  country  as 
furiously  as  the  Lacedsemonians  had  wasted 
Attica. 

It  was  now  evident  that  the  war  was  des- 
tined to  be  of  long  duration.  The  Athenians 
accordingly  made  every  preparation  to  main- 
tain their  cause.  In  accordance  with  a  reso- 
lution of  the  assembly,  one  thousand  talenta 
were  sacredly  set  apart  for  the  service  of  the 
city  in  case  she  should  be  attacked  by  sea ; 
and  it  was  further  resolved  that  each  year  a 
hundred  galleys  should  be  retained  for  th# 
protection  of  the  city. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  second  campaign, 
B.  C.  430,  Archidamus  again  invaded  Attica. 
At  this  juncture  a  foe  appeared  within  the 
walls  of  Athens  far  more  more  dreadful  than 
the  enemy  without.  A  dreadful  pestilence 
attacked  the  people,  with  which  they  began 
to  sicken  and  die  by  hundreds.  It  was  a 
form  of  pestilence  hitherto  unknown  in  the 
city.  The  Greek  physicians  could  in  no  wise 
stay  its  progress.  Terror  seized  the  public 
mind.  Some  ascribed  the  plague  to  the 
wrath  of  Apollo.  Others  said  that  the  Spar- 
tans had  poisoned  the  wells.  The  supersti- 
tious mountebank,  who  in  every  age  of  the 
world  has  afflicted  human  society  with  his 
pestilential  presence,  came  out  from  his  place 
and  abetted  the  disease  by  playing  upon  the 
fears  of  the  people.  The  malady  attacked 
the  mind  as  well  as  the  body.  A  gloomy  and 
despondent  spirit  foreran  the  approach  of  the 
pestilence.  Athens  was  a  universal  funeral. 
Hundreds  lay  unburied.  The  air  reeked  with 
the  stench  of  corpses.  One  fourth  of  the 
population  died.  The  Lacedcemonian  without 
and   Death   within   stretched  a  pall   over  At- 


GREECE.— THE  PELOPOXXESIAN  WARS. 


569 


tica.  The  mutteriugs  of  tlespair  joined  their 
volume  with  tlie  howl  of  tliscontcut,  and  a 
spirit  less  resolute  than  Pericles  would  have 
succumbed  to  the  clamor.  But  he  stood  like 
a  statue.  To  distract  the  public  mind  from 
its  grief,  and  to  empty  the  stricken  city  of  a 
part  of  its  population,  he  fitted  up  a  squadron 
at  Pirajus,  took  command  himself,  sailed  to 
Peloponnesus,  and  began  to  mete  to  the  towns 
of  the  league  the  same  vengeance  which  tliey 
had  measured  to  him.  But,  notwithstanding 
his  herculean  efforts,  sedition  broke  out  in 
the  city.  Cleon,  his  political  adversaiy,  took 
advantage  of  his  absence,  and  preferred 
against  him  the  cliarge  of  peculation.  Peri- 
cles was  condemned  to  pay  a  fine  ;  and  for 
awhile  it  seemed  that,  at  last,  the  influence 
of  the  great  leader  over  the  minds  of  his 
countrymen  was  broken. 

But  public  opinion  soon  reacted ;  he  was 
again  cho.sen  general  of  the  army,  and  (piickly 
regained  his  ascendency.  The  drama  of  his 
life,  however,  was  now  neariug  llie  final  scene. 
The  members  of  his  family  were  struck  down 
by  the  plague.  He  himself  survived  an  attack 
of  the  epidemic  ;  but  a  low  fever  supervened, 
the  forces  of  nature  failed,  and  Pericles  lay 
dying.  In  the  last  hours  he  said  to  those 
wiu)  were  recalling  the  exploits  of  his  brilliant 
career:  "What  you  praise  in  me  is  partly 
the  result  of  good  fortune,  or  is,  at  all  events, 
common  to  me  with  many  other  commanders. 
What  I  chiefly  pride  myself  upon,  you  have 
not  noticed:  on  my  account  no  Athenian 
ever  wore  mourning." 

Meanwhile  the  Lacedsemonians  continued 
to  ravage  Attica.  In  a  campaign  of  forty 
days'  duration  they  carried  their  devastations 
into  all  parts  of  the  peninsida.  During  the 
year  also  the  allied  fleet  seized  the  island  of 
Zacynthus,  but  was  not  able  to  retain  it.  The 
fisheries  and  > nicrce  of  the  Athenians  suf- 
fered not  a  little  from  the  attacks  of  Spartan 
and  Corinthian  buccaneers,  whose  ])lan  of 
battle  was  to  fight,  filch,  and  flee.  'I'lie  pris- 
oners taken  by  tliese  pirates  were  generally 
put  to  death  without  mercy.  It  was  not  long, 
however,  until  the  Athenians  found  opportu- 
nity to  apply  the  lei  tallmm.     A  comjiany  of 

bpartan  envoys,  on  their  way  to  the  court  of 
N. — Vol.  I — ys, 


Persia,  paused  en  route  to  seduce  Sitalces,  king 
of  Thrace,  from  his  allegiance  to  the  Athe- 
nians. But  the  seduction  extended  only  so 
far  as  this — that  they  were  themselves  arrested 
and  sent  to  the  authorities  of  Athens,  by 
whom  they  were  killed  as  so  many  dogs. 
Among  those  who  thus  perished  was  Aristeus, 
one  of  the  ablest  generals  of  the  league. 

In  the  mean  time  the  siege  of  Potidsea  was 
at  last  brought  to  a  successful  issue.  The 
resistance  had  been  long  and  obstinate.  The 
Potidseans  defended  their  town  with  desperate 
valor,  and  when  at  last  reduced  by  famine  to 
the  verge  of  despair,  they  ate  the  bodies  of 
their  dead  sooner  than  surrender.  Only  when 
honorable  terms  were  offered  did  they  finally 
succumb  to  necessity  and  capitulate  to  the 
besiegers.  The  town  was  then  destroyed  and 
the  territory  occupied  by  a  colony  sent  out 
from  Athens. 

The  third  year  of  the  war  opened  with  the 
siege  of  Platasa  by  the  Spartans.  The  latter 
had  now  grown  weary  of  ravaging  Attica, 
and  determined  to  strike  a  decisive  blow  by 
overwhelming  the  city  by  whose  act  the  con- 
flict had  been  kindled.  On  their  approach 
the  Platseans  sent  out  an  embassy  solemnly 
protesting  against  the  invasion  on  the  grounds 
of  the  oath  of  Pausanias,  who,  after  the  over- 
throw of  the  Persians,  had  publicly  vowed  to 
Zeus  Eleutherius  that  henceforth  the  freedom 
and  independence  of  Plata3a  would  ever  be 
regarded  and  upheld  by  the  Spartans.  But 
the  oath  of  the  dead  was  not  likely  to  prevail 
with  a  race  whose  notion  of  faith  was  to  break 
it  whenever  it  promised  advantage  to  do  so. 

Tlie  Platseans  were  summoned  to  surrender. 
When  this  was  refused  Archidamus  proposed 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  should  go 
whithersoever  tliev  pleased,  that  the  LacedsB- 
monians  would  till  the  country  until  the  war 
was  ended  and  then  restore  it  to  the  original 
owners.  But  on  referring  the  question  to  the 
Athenians  the  latter  advised  tlie  Plataians  to 
hold  out  against  the  invaders,  and  the  pro- 
posal was  accordingly  declined. 

The  siege  at  once  began.  The  town  con- 
tained less  than  six  hundred  people,  and  yet 
this  handful  defied  the  army  of  the  league 
and   determined   to  defend    themselves  to  the 


570 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


last.  Archidamus  begau  to  build  a  mound 
outside  of  the  wall,  from  the  summit  of  which 
his  soldiers  might  surmount  the  barricade. 
But  the  Platseans  built  a  second  wall  inside 
of  the  first,  and  at  the  same  time  undermined 
the  mound  which  was  thrown  up  outside. 
After  three  mouths  of  vain  endeavor  the 
Lacedremonians  were  obliged  to  adopt  the 
policy  of  a  mere  blockade,  which  should  of 
necessity  reduce  the  garrison  by  starvation. 
For  two  years  the  Platfeans  held  out,  and 
then  when  their  provisions  were  nearly  ex- 
hausted, two  hundred  and  twelve  of  their 
number,  choosing  a  dark  December  night, 
Bcaled  the  ramparts  which  the  Spartans  had 
built  around  the  town,  and  escaped.  The 
remainder  still  defended  themselves,  but  were 
at  last  compelled  by  sheer  famine  to  capitu- 
late. There  remained  of  the  garrison  two 
hundred  Platseaiis  and  twenty-five  Athenians. 

As  soon  as  all  were  surrendered  they  were 
brought  to  trial.  Each  one  was  led  before 
the  Spartan  judges  and  asked  the  question 
whether  during  the  present  war  he  had  ren- 
dered any  assistance  to  the  Lacedmmmiim'is  or 
their  allies  f  The  question  was,  of  course,  not 
even  a  decent  mockery,  and  was  necessarily 
answered  in  the  negative.  Thereupon  with- 
out further  ceremony  every  man  of  the  num- 
ber was  led  off  and  executed.  The  town  of 
Platrea  was  leveled  to  the  earth  and  the  ter- 
ritory given  to  the  Thebans. 

During  this  third  year  of  the  war,  Sitalces, 
king  of  Thrace,  acting  on  the  suggestion  of 
the  Athenians,  invaded  the  dominions  of 
Perdiccas  of  Macedon;  but  the  expedition 
was  undertaken  at  so  late  a  season  that  its 
serious  consequence  was  to  drive  the  Macedo- 
nians to  take  refuge  in  their  towns  until  the 
Tracians  were  withdrawn.  About  the  same 
time,  the  Spartans,  using  Corinth  as  a  base 
of  operations,  prepared  a  fleet  of  forty-seven 
vessels,  and  proceeded  to  make  an  expedition 
against  Acarnania.  At  this  time  a  small 
Athenian  squadron  of  twenty  sail,  under 
command  of  Phormio,  lay  at  Naupactus. 
Notwithstanding  the  disparity  of  the  fleets, 
the  Athenian  captain  attacked  the  Peloponne- 
eian  armament,  and  gained  a  decisive  victory. 
The  Lacedsemonians,  enraged  at  this  result, 


prepared  a  new  fleet  of  seventy-seven  vessels 
and  again  started  to  cross  the  gulf;  but 
nothing  daunted,  Phormio  a  second  time  gave 
battle,  and  if  not  positively  victorious,  so 
crippled  the  enemy's  squadron  that  the  expe- 
dition had  to  be  abandoned.  As  a  slight 
compensation  for  these  disasters,  the  Spartans 
succeeded  in  surprising  Salamis  by  night  and 
ravaging  a  good  part  of  the  island  before  the 
Athenians  could  rally  and  drive  them  off". 

From  this  time  forth  for  several  seasons 
the  annual  invasion  of  Attica  occurred,  with 
its  monotonous  repetition  of  pillage  and  de- 
struction. 

What  with  these  perpetual  devastations, 
pnd  what  with  the  wasting  plague,  Athens  was 
becoming  exhausted;  but  her  spirit  rose  with 
the  occasion.  New  levies  were  made  for  the 
fleet  from  the  upper  classes  of  society.  An 
income  tax  was  laid  upon  the  people,  by 
which  two  hundred  talents  were  to  be  annu- 
ally added  to  the  treasury.  The  Lacedtemo- 
nians  were  surprised  by  the  appearance  of 
two  new  squadrons  at  a  time  when  they  were 
imagining  the  maritime  strength  of  the  Athe- 
nians to  be  nearly  extinct.  It  was  fortunate 
for  the  latter  that  they  were  thus  able  to  re- 
cuperate, for  the  fourth  year  of  the  war 
brought  them  a  serious  trial  in  the  revolt  of 
Mitylene.  An  armament  was,  however,  im- 
mediately sent  against  the  rebellious  island, 
and  the  ^lityleneans  were  subjected  to  a  rigor- 
ous blockade.  Assistance  w'as  promised  by 
the  Spartan  government,  and  a  squadron  was 
sent  out  under  Alcidas,  but  before  he  arrived 
off"  Lesbos  the  Athenians  had  compelled  the 
place  to  capitulate. 

During  the  debates  in  the  Athenian  as- 
sembly as  to  what  disposition  should  be  made 
of  the  prisoners,  the  demagogue  Cleon,  already 
mentioned  as  a  would-be  rival  of  Pericles, 
appeared  as  a  leader.  He  had  been  a  leather- 
seller,'  and  had  every  quality  of  mind  and 
character  requisite  in  a  rabble-rouser.  In  the 
present  instance  he  proposed  in  the  very  face 
of  the  terms  granted  by  Paches,  the  Athe- 
nian commander  before  Mitylene,  that  not 
only  the  prisoners  now  in  the  power  of  the 
authorities,   but   also    the   whole    adult    male 

'  See  the  satire  of  Aris'ophanes,  mpra,  p.  4tf-». 


GREECE.— THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WARS. 


571 


population  of  the  captured  city,  shmdd  be  put 
to  death !  Aud  tlie  resolution  was  carried.  A 
trireme  was  immediately  dispatched  to  Lesbos 
to  order  the  execution  of  the  edict.  The  mad 
democratic  mob  that  had  ordered  this  butchery 
then  slept  and  woke  up  sober.  The  atrocity 
of  the  thing  staggered  the  city,  and  on  the 
morrow  a  new  meeting  was  called  to  recon- 
sider. After  an  acrimonious  debate,  a  revo- 
cation of  the  previous  order  was  carried  by  a 
bare  majority.  A  second  trireme,  now  twenty- 
four  hours  behind  the  other,  was  at  once  sent 
away  to  stay  the  execution  of  the  Mityle- 
neans.  The  galley  reached  Lesbos  just  in 
time.  The  former  order  was  already  in  the 
hands  of  Paches,  and  he  was  preparing  to 
carry  it  into  effect  when  the  panting  oarsmen 
of  the  second  boat  reached  the  shore.  The 
merciful  edict  of  the  assembly,  however,  ex- 
tended only  to  the  citizens  of  Mitylene,  and 
not  to  the  prisoners  who  had  been  taken  in 
tlie  siege  and  sent  to  Athens.  These,  to  the 
number  of  more  than  a  thousand,  were  led 
out  and  put  to  death. 

The  Mitylenean  atrocity  was  excused  by 
the  Athenians  on  the  ground  that  it  was  a 
measure  of  just  retaliation  for  the  massacre  of 
the  Platieans  by  the  Lacedsemouians.  It  was 
not  long  till  another  scene  of  still  more  fearful 
cruelty  was  enacted  in  Corcyra.  For  some 
time  there  had  been  in  that  island  a  bitter 
struggle  between  the  oligarchical  faction  sup- 
ported by  Sparta  and  the  democratical  party 
backed  by  Athens.  After  much  mutual  vio- 
lence and  several  counter  revolutions,  the  oli- 
garchs were,  by  the  arrival  of  an  Athenian 
fleet,  completely  overthrown.  The  popular 
vengeance  broke  forth  furiou.sly  against  them. 
They  were  pursued  into  their  hiding  places. 
They  were  dragged  from  the  temple-altars  and 
butchered  without  a  sign  of  mercy  or  com- 
punction. For  seven  days  the  horrible 
massacre  continued,  and  then  ceased  only 
because  there  were  no  more  to  murder. 

In  the  next  epoch  of  the  war  the  plague 
reiippcarcd  in  Athens,  and  Peloponnesus  was 
again  shaken  by  an  earthquake.  The  Athe- 
nians, attributing  their  woes  to  the  anger  of 
Apollo,  ordered  a  purification  of  the  island  of 
Delos,  provided  that  ro  more  births  or  deaths 


should  occur  in  that  sacred  seat,  and  insti- 
tuted a  festival  in  honor  of  the  olfended  god. 
In  the  seventh  year's  invasion  of  Attica  by 
the  Spartan  general  Agis,  the  devastation  wa? 
suddenly  brought  to  an  end  by  the  news  that 
the  Athenians,  under  the  lead  of  Demosthenes, 
had  succeeded  in  establishing  a  military  sta- 
tion at  Pylus,  in  Messenia,  thus  menacing  tho 
peace  of  all  Western  Peloponnesus.  Agis 
was  recalled  and  ordered  to  dislodge  Demos- 
thenes from  his  foothold  in  Messenia.  The 
latter,  with  a  small  force  of  about  one  thou- 
sand men,  built  fortifications  and  awaited  the 
onset.  A  Spartan  fleet,  commanded  by  Brasi- 
das,  arrived  in  the  bay  and  made  an  unsuc- 
cessful attack  upon  the  Athenians.  Then 
came  a  squadron  from  Athens,  and  the  Spar- 
tans were  driven  away  with  a  loss  of  five 
ships.  They,  however,  continued  to  occupy 
the  densely  wooded  island  of  Sphacteria,  which 
lay  across  the  entrance  to  the  bay  of  Pylus. 

This  place  was  now  closely  blockaded  by  the 
Athenian  squadron,  and  it  presently  became 
apparent  that  the  Peloponnesian  army  was  re- 
duced to  great  straits.  The  Spartan  Ephors, 
after  having  themselves  reconnoitered  the 
situation,  decided  that  there  was  no  hope  but 
to  surrender.  An  embassy  was  accordingly 
sent  to  Athens,  and  the  assembly  at  last  had 
the  inexpressible  joy  of  seeing  a  company  of 
saturnine  Spartan  envoys  humbly  suing  for 
peace  I  Cleon  w'as  in  his  glory,  and,  taking 
advantage  of  the  occasion,  insisted  upon  such 
extravagant  terms  as  eould  not  be  granted 
but  by  the  ruin  of  the  Lacedsemonians.  The 
views  of  the  demagogue  prevailed  over  pru- 
dence, and  the  opportunity  for  a  favorable 
peace  was  thrown  away.  The  envoys  were 
sent  back  to  Pylus,  and  Demosthenes  waa 
ordered  to  press  the  siege  of  Sphacteria  to  a 
successful  issue.  The  armistice  broke  up  in 
mutual  bad  faith,  and  hostilities  were  at  once 
renewed. 

The  Spartans,  now  grown  desperate,  snc- 
ceeded  by  one  means  and  another  in  getting 
a  considerable  quantity  of  provisions  to  the 
island,  and  the  siege  was  indefinitely  prolonged. 
AVhile  the  Athenians  were  expecting  to  hear 
of  the  capture  of  the  Spartan  army,  a  demand 
came  for  reenforcements.     There  was  a  reao 


572 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


tion  in  the  assembly,  and  Cleou  was  about  to 
lose  his  grip;  but  he  turned  furiously  upon 
Kicias,  one  of  the  generals,  and  accused  him 
of  being  the  cause  of  the  delay  and  disap- 
pointment. The  braggart  then  went  jn  to 
declare  that  if  lie  were  strategits,  h,e  would 
take  Sphacteria  in  twenty  days.  Thereupon 
Nicias  moved  that  Cleon  be  given  the  com- 
mand !  In  spite  of  an  attempted  escape  from 
his  own  trap,  the  demagogue  was  obliged  to 
accept'  what  the  assembly  now  thrust  upon 
him,  and  without  one  day's  military  experience 
he  departed  with  a  small  force  to  take  com- 
mand at  Pylus! 

On  arriving  at  the  scene  Cleon  found  the 
Athenians  already  prei)aring  for  an  assault  on 
the  island.  By  accident  a  fire  was  kindled  in 
the  edge  of  the  forest,  which,  blown  into  a  con- 
flagration by  the  wind,  swept  through  the 
island  and  destroyed  the  forest,  which  had 
thus  far  been  the  main  protection  of  the 
Spartans.  The  latter  were  thus  exposed  to  an 
attack.  The  Athenians,  led  by  Demosthenes 
and  Cleon,  lauded  in  force,  and  a  battle  of 
unusual  severity  was  fought,  in  which  the 
Spartans  were  completely  defeated.  In  answer 
to  a  demand  for  surrender,  the  remnant  threw 
down  their  shields  and  held  up  their  hands! 

Such  a  scene  had  not  before  been  witnessed 
in  Greece.  It  was  the  Spartan  code  to  con- 
quer or  die  ;  but  now  two  hundred  and  ninety- 
two  of  the  supposed  invincibles,  many  of  them 
of  the  best  families  in  Laconia,  gave  them" 
selves  into  the  power  of  an  enemy.  The 
victory  was  complete.  Pylus  was  strengthened. 
The  prisoners  were  taken  to  Athens;  and 
before  the  expiration  of  the  twenty  days 
Cleon,  by  the  strange  favor  of  fortune,  stood 
in  the  assembly  and  presented  his  prisoners! 

After  the  siege  of  Sphacteria,  the  Athenian 
fleet,  under  Eurymedon  and  Sophocles,  pro- 
ceeded to  Corcyra,  and  aided  the  people  of 
that  island  in  reducing  the  last  i>ost  held  by 
the  oligarchs,  the  fortress  of  Istone.  This 
place  was  surrendered  on  condition  that  the 
prisoners  should  be  spared  until  they  should 
be  condemned  after  a  formal  trial  before  the 
assembly  ;  but  they  were  presently  induced  to 
try  to  escape,  for  the  express  purpose  that  a 
pretext  might  be  found  for  their  destruction,  i 


Eurymedon  consented  to  this  atrocious  piece 
of  business,  and  all  the  prisoners  were  led  out 
two  by  two  and  put  to  death. 

At  this  juncture  the  Athenians  were  un- 
doubtedly in  a  position  to  have  procured 
terms  of  peace  most  advantageous  to  the 
state ;  but  they  gave  themselves  up  to  passion 
and  continued  hostility.  In  the  beginning  of 
the  eighth  year  they  reduced  the  important 
island  of  Cythera,  and  once  more  ravaged  the 
coasts  of  Laconia.  They  then  undertook  a 
campaign  against  the  Megarians,  and  another 
into  Boeotia.  In  the  first  of  these  some  ad- 
vantages were  gained,  and  the  town  of 
Nissfea  was  taken  and  occupied  by  an  Athe- 
nian garrison.  But  the  Boeotian  expedition 
ended  in  disaster.  The  state  was  invaded  on 
both  sides  simultaneously,  by  Demosthenes 
and  Hippocrates.  The  former  found  the 
country  preoccupied,  and  was  obliged  to  re- 
tire, and  the  latter,  after  having  gained  pos- 
session of  the  temple  of  Apollo  at  Delium, 
and  garrisdiiod  the  town,  was  overtaken  in 
the  plain  f  Oropus  and  completely  routed. 
Nothing  but  the  ajiproach  of  night  saved  any 
part  of  the  Athenian  army  from  the  fury  of 
the  heavy-armed  soldiers  of  Boeotia.  Delium 
was  retaken,  and  the  campaign  closed  with 
the  complete  recovery  of  the  country  from 
Athenian  influence. 

In  the  mean  time  the  long-cherished  plan 
of  Sparta  to  overthrow  the  rule  of  her  rival 
in  Thrace  was  successfully  carried  out  by 
Brasidas.  With  a  force  of  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  picked  troops  he  made  his  way 
through  Thessaly,  and,  forming  a  junction 
with  the  forces  of  Perdiccas  of  Macedon,  pro- 
ceeded into  Thrace.  Here  his  conduct  waa 
such  as  to  win  over  a  large  part  of  those  who 
adhered  to  the  Athenian  cause.  The  two 
towns  of  Acanthus  and  Stagirus  received  him 
gladly.  He  then  urged  his  way  to  the  im- 
portant colony  of  Amphipolis,  on  the  river 
Strymon.  Even  this  place  was  surrendered 
without  a  siege,  as  were  also  most  of  the  towns 
in  the  Chalcidician  peninsulas. 

The  effect  was  such  that  Athens  was  now, 
in  her  turn,  anxious  for  peace.  In  the  ninth 
year  after  the  opening  of  hostilities  (B.  C 
423),  a  truce  was  agreed  to  for  twelve  month.s. 


GREECE.— THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WARS. 


573 


ami  both  parties  found  time  to  breathe  from 
the  long  struggle  in  which  they  had  been  en- 
gaged. In  the  beginning  of  the  next  year, 
however,  the  war  was  renewed,  and  Clcon 
made  an  effort  to  recover  Thrace.  With  a 
large  army  he  went  against  Amphipolis,  which 
was  defended  by  Brusidas.  The  latter,  with 
his  large  military  experience,  \va.s  more  than 
a  match  for  the  loud  democrat  whom  accident 
had  once  led  to  victory.  Brasidas  soon  lulled 
his  antagonist  into  fancied  security,  and  then 
sallied  out  and  inflicted  a  terrible  defeat. 
Cleon  was  killed,  together  with  half  of  the 
Athenian  soldiery.  The  rest  were  scattered 
to  the  winds.  Brasidas,  however,  was  mor- 
tally woi  nded  in  the  battle,  and  was  carried 
into  the  town  to  die.  He  was  buried  in  the 
agora,  and  was  henceforth  honored  as  CEckt, 
or  founder  of  Amphipolis. 

The  war  had  now  degenerated  into  per- 
sonal antagonisms  and  recriminations.  By 
the  death  of  the  two  leaders,  the  one  a 
"king"  of  Sparta  and  the  other  the  popular 
despot  of  the  Athenian  assembly,  the  princi- 
pal agents  in  perpetuating  the  strife  were  re- 
moved. Nicias,  who  now  assumed  the  leadership 
in  Athens,  and  Pleistoanax,  the  other  Spartan 
king,  were  both  favorable  to  peace.  In  B.  C. 
421  negotiations  were  opened,  and  were  soon 
brought  to  a  successful  issue  in  a  proclamation 
of  peace  for  fifty  years.  The  leading  j)rinci- 
ple  assumed  in  the  j)acification  was  a  mutual 
restitution  of  prisoners  and  conquests.  Upon 
this,  however,  there  were  some  restrictions. 
Thebes  was  permitted  to  retain  Platsea. 
Athens  kept  Nissaia — the  seaport  of  Me- 
garis — Anactorium,  and  Sollium.  Several 
towns  regained  their  independence.  Others, 
■which  were  left  tributary  to  the  Athenians, 
had  their  tax  reduced  to  the  scale  cstid)lished 
by  Aristides.  The  allies  of  Athens  were  gen- 
erally pleased  with  the  settlement,  but  the 
dependent  states  of  the  league  against  her 
were  filled  with  resentment  towards  Sparta, 
for  whom  they  had  fought  eleven  years,  and 
by  whom  they  were  now  abandoned.  Boeotia, 
Corinth,  Elis,  and  ^[ogaris  refu.«ed  to  sign  the 
treaty,  and  their  attitude  became  so  hostile 
that  Sparta  made  an  alliance  with  Athens  to 
maintain  the  com|)act. — Thus  did  the  Peace 


OF  Nicias  at  last  afford  to  distracted  Greece 
an  opportunity  to  recuperate  her  powers,  so 
terribly  shattered  by  the  shocks  and  ravages 
of  civil  war. 

Much  difficulty  was  experienced  in  at- 
tempting to  secure  compliance  with  the  terms 
of  the  treaty.  The  Spartans  found  it  impos- 
sible to  surrender  Amphipolis  to  the  Athe- 
nians, for  the  inhabitants  refused  to  accede  to 
the  transfer.  Tlicreuj)on  the  authorities  of 
Athens  declined  to  surrender  the  harbor  of 
Pylus.  The  disaffected  Corinthians,  now  en- 
tirely alienated  from  Sparta,  projected  the 
scheme  of  a  new  Lacedsemoi  lian  confederacy, 
with  Argos  at  the  head,  in  the  midst  of 
these  complications,  Alcibiades  appeared  on 
the  stage  of 
Athenian  poli- 
tics. He  soon 
became  one  of 
the  most  strik- 
ing figures  that 
had  risen  in  that 
stormy  arena. 
Young  and  bril- 
liant, of  an  il- 
lustrious de- 
scent, dashing 
and  courageous, 
quick  in  concep- 
tion and  fertile 
in  expedients, 
unsci-upulous  and  reckless,  he  possessed  the 
very  (jualities  which  in  success  wovdd  make, 
and  in  disaster  mar,  an  Athenian  statesman. 
His  ambition  was  as  boundless  as  his  conduct 
was  notorious.  Not  even  the  austere  genius 
of  his  instructor,  Socrates,  could  bring  the 
audacious  and  extravagant  youth  to  any 
thing  like  a  decent  di.scipline. 

The  first  noted  public  appearance  of  this 
distinguished  youth  was  on  the  occasion  of 
the  coming  of  the  Lacedaemonian  ambassadors 
requesting  the  surrender  of  Pylus.  He  at  first 
violently  opposed  the  petition,  and  even  went 
so  far  as  to  urge  the  sending  of  an  embassy 
to  Argos  to  solicit  that  city  to  become  a  mem- 
ber in  a  new  Athenian  league.  In  spite  of 
the  earnest  efforts  of  Nicias  and  of  the  pro- 
tests of  the  Spartan  ambassador,  Alcibiades, 


ALCIBIADES.— Visconti. 


574 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


by  means  of  intrigue  aud  bluster,  succeeded 
in  this  work,  and  not  only  Argos,  but  also 
Elis  and  ^Mautiuea,  agreed  to  maintain  an 
alliance  with  Athens  for  a  hundred  years. 

In  the  next  year,  B.  C.  419,  the  Athenians 
were  again  admitted  to  the  Olympic  games. 
It  was  supposed  that,  just  emerging  from  a 
long  and  ruinous  war,  she  would  present  but 
a  sorry  figure  at  the  great  festival.  What, 
therefore,  was  the  surprise  of  the  assembled 
states  when  Alcibiades  himself  entered  for  the 
games  seven  four-horse  chariots,  and  with 
these  gained  both  the  first  and  the  second 
prize?  Besides  his  display  in  the  races,  he 
procured  from  his  countrymen  one  of  the 
richest  general  exhibits  ever  presented  on  such 
an  occasion;  aud  at  the  conclusion  of  the 
celebration  all  Greece  rang  with  the  praises 
of  the  Athenians. 

But  Alcibiades  was  a  politician  as  well  as 
a  racer.  He  visited  several  Peloponnesian 
towns,  with  the  purpose  of  alienating  them 
more  and  more  from  the  Spartan  cause. 
These  proceedings  continued  until  the  Lace- 
dsemonians  were  obliged  to  resist.  They 
marched  into  Argos  and  gained  a  position 
from  which  they  might  soon  have  won  a 
marked  success;  but  Agis,  the  commander, 
permitted  himself  to  be  tricked  into  a  truce 
by  the  machinations  of  Alcibiades,  who  then 
gathered  a  force  of  Argives  and  Athenians 
and  invaded  Mantinea.  Near  the  temple  of 
Hercules  they  were  met  by  the  Spartan  army 
under  Agis,  and  were  disastrously  defeated. 
It  was  estimated  that  one  thousand  one  hun- 
dred men  of  the  allied  forces  perished  in  the 
battle.  This  success  induced  the  state  of 
Argolis  to  detach  itself  from  Athens  and  return 
to  its  old  relations  with  the  Lacedisemonians. 

In  the  year  B.  C.  416,  the  Athenians  suc- 
ceeded in  the  capture  of  Melos  and  Thera, 
the  only  islands  in  the  JCgean  not  hitherto 
brought  under  their  dominion.  In  the  con- 
quest of  the  Melians — whose  only  offense  con- 
sisted in  refusing  to  surrender  to  those  who 
had  attacked  them  in  a  time  of  peace — the 
Athenians  crowned  all  their  preceding  atroc- 
ities by  putting  the  male  citizens  of  the  island 
to  death  and  selling  the  women  and  children 
into  slavery. 


In  the  mean  time,  about  B.  C.  428,  the 
Dorian  race  in  Sicily,  under  the  leadership 
of  Syracuse,  had  become  identified  with  the 
Peloponnesian  league,  then  at  war  with 
Athens.  War  had  been  declared  against  the 
towns  of  Leontini  and  Camarina,  as  well  as 
the  Italian  city  of  Rhegium.  Hereupon  the 
Leontinians  sent  their  orator,  Gorgias,  to 
Athens  to  solicit  aid.  At  that  time  the 
Athenians  voted  aid  to  all  the  enemies  of 
Sparta ;  so  a  fleet  of  twenty  sail  was  sent  to 
help  the  anti-Lacedsemonian  league  in  the 
West. 

In  the  following  year  another  squadron 
of  forty  galleys  was  sent  to  Sicily,  and  it  now 
became  apparent  that  Athens  instead  of  help- 
ing others  entertained  the  covert  purpose  of 
helping  herself  to  the  possession  of  the  whole 
island.  A  reaction  occurred  among  the  Sicil- 
ians, and  the  expedition  was  obliged  to  sail 
home  in  disgrace.  Three  years  later,  however, 
the  Leontinians  again  asked  for  assistance, 
but  the  Athenians  were  not  then  in  a  condi- 
tion to  give  it ;  but  when,  in  B.  C.  416,  the 
application  was  renewed  from  the  town  of 
Egesta,  then  at  war  with  Selinus,  Alcibiades 
e.spoused  the  project,  and  a  resolution  of  sup- 
port was  about  to  be  voted ;  but  the  cautious 
Nicias  interposed  and  induced  the  assembly 
first  to  send  an  embassy  to  Egesta  to  see 
whether  the  game  was  worth  the  expenditure. 
The  Egestseans  entertained  the  envoys.  They 
took  them  into  the  temple  of  Aphrodite  and 
displayed  a  vast  heap  of  treasures  which  were 
borroived  for  the  occasion !  They  gave  a  ban- 
quet which  nearly  exhausted  the  resources  of 
the  to'-n  But  the  ambassadors  were  gener- 
ously hoodwinked,  and  took  home  a  glowing 
account  of  the  luxury  of  the  western  city! 
So  it  was  at  once  resolved  to  espouse  the 
cause  of  these  wealthy  petitioners,  and  a  squad- 
ron of  a  hundred  ships — under  the  joint  com- 
mand of  Nicias,  Alcibiades,  and  Lamachus — 
was  dispatched  to  Sicily. 

No  enterprise  ever  undertaken  by  the 
Greeks  was  more  enthusiastically  prosecuted. 
Crowds  of  volunteers  came  forward  and 
begged  to  be  accepted  for  the  expedition. 
The  three  commanders  vied  with  each  other 
in   the  equipment  of   their   respective   ships. 


GREECE.— THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WARS. 


575 


The  Athenians  gave  themselves  to  the  work 
of  preparation  as  if  to  a  holiday.  Finally, 
when  every  thing  was  in  readiness,  and  the 
fleet  was  on  the  eve  of  departure,  an  event 
occurred  which  not  only  dampened  the  public 
ardor  but  stirred  the  superstitions,  and  fears 
df  the  people  to  their  profoundest  depths.  In 
a  single  night  the  statues  of  the  god  Hermes, 
which  stood  at  the  street  corners  and  in  all 
the  public  places  of  the  city,  were  mutilated 
and  knocked  to  pieces.  No  such  a  shocking 
sacrilege  had  ever  before  been  known  in  the 
hbtory  of  the  country.  No  reason  could  be 
assigned  for  the  act.  The  universality  of  the 
destruction  indicated  that  it  had  been  accom- 
plished by  a  band  of  conspirators  acting  se- 
cretly in  the  dead  of  night.  No  one  was 
detected  in  the  work.  The  people  awoke  in 
the  morning  to  find  the  .sacred  busts  in  front 
of  their  houses  wantonly  disfigured  or  broken 
into  a  shapeless  mass.  The  excitement  and 
indignation  of  the  public  knew  no  bounds. 
A  commission  was  at  once  appointed  to 
examine  witnesses  and  discover  the  perpetra- 
tors of  the  crime ;  but  tlie  investigation  was 
without  practical  results.  Suspicion  fell 
upon  Alcibiades,  but  no  i>roof  was  discovered 
against  him.  The  suspicion,  however,  held 
fast,  and  when  no  evidence  could  be  adduced 
of  his  guilt  in  the  mutilation  of  the  Hermse, 
Pythonicus,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Assem- 
bly, preferred  against  him  the  charge  of  hav- 
ing profaned  the  Eleusinian  mysteries  by 
giving  a  representation  of  tiiem  in  private. 
In  proof  of  this  the  testimony  of  a  slave  was 
given  ;  but  Alcibiades  denied  the  charge  and 
demanded  an  investigation.  The  inquiry, 
however,  was,  l)y  the  machinations  of  his  ene- 
mies, postponed  until  after  the  return  of  the 
expedition.  It  was  thus  contrived  that  Alci- 
biades should  (kpart  under  a  cloud.  Mean- 
while, the  preparation  of  the  fleet  was  com- 
pleted, and  Corcyra  was  named  as  the  place 
of  rendezvous.  The  departure  of  the  squad- 
ron was  such  a  scene  as  the  Athenians  ha<l 
never  witnessed.  The  force  consisted  of  two 
thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty  heavy-armed 
soldiers.  At  day-break  these  marched  on 
board  of  the  gayly  decorated  vessels  lying  at 
the   wharves  of    Pirteus.     Nearly    the    whole 


population  of  the  city  lined  the  shores.  A 
blast  of  the  trumpet  proclaimed  silence.  Then 
was  heard  the' voice  of  the  herald  lifted  in 
prayer  to  the  country's  gods.  The  war  psean 
of  the  Greek  was  chanted,  and  libations  were 
poured  into  the  sea  from  goblets  of  gold  and 
silver.  Then  each  galley,  as  if  in  a  race, 
started  for  the  i-sland  of  jEgina.  Thence  the 
squailrou  sailed  to  Corcyra,  where  it  was  aug- 
mented by  the  arrival  of  thirty-four  galleys 
and  nearly  six  thousand  troops  scut  by  the 
states  in  alliance  with  Athens.  On  arriving 
at  Southern  Italy,  the  Greeks  were  coldly  re- 
ceived. Even  at  Rhegium  permission  to  pur- 
chase supplies  was  granted  with  reluctance. 
In  the  mean  time  the  news  was  borne  to  Syra- 
cuse and  preparations  were  immediately  made 
to  defend  the  city. 

While  lying  in  the  harbor  of  Rhegium, 
the  Greek  commanders  fell  into  serious  dis- 
putes about  the  purposes  and  plans  of  the 
expedition.  Nicias  was  in  favor  of  limiting 
the  campaign  to  the  reduction  of  Selinus ; 
while  Alcibiades  and  Lamachus  proposed  that 
the  capture  of  Syracuse  should  be  included  in 
their  conquest.  Lamachus  favored  an  imme- 
diate attack  upon  the  Sicilian  capital  while 
it  was  yet  unprepared  for  defense.  Alcibiades, 
however,  preferred  such  a  delay  as  would 
enable  him  to  procure  assistance  from  the 
Italian  allies  of  Athens.  This  view  prevailed. 
For  the  present  nothing  was  done  except  to 
explore  the  harbor  of  Syracuse  and  to  take 
possession  of  Catana,  which  was  henceforth 
used  as  a  base  of  sujjplies  and  operations  for 
the  Greek  squadron. 

At  this  point  news  was  received  from 
Athens  indicating  an  extremely  unfortunate 
state  of  affairs  in  the  city.  Terror  had  seized 
the  public  mind  on  account  of  the  mutila- 
tion of  the  Herm:e.  The  charge  of  having 
committed  that  crime  was  again  brought  for- 
ward against  Alcibiades.  Many  persons  were 
arrested,  among  whom  was  an  orator  named 
Andocides,  wlio  turned  informer,  and  by 
means  of  his  own  testimony  and  that  of  slaves 
secured  the  conviction  and  execution  of  a 
number  of  citizens.  This  had  the  effect  to 
quiet  ])ublic  excitement,  but  the  persons  put 
to  death  were  doubtless  innocent  of  the  crime. 


576 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


The  charge  of  having  profaned  the  Eleu- 
sinian  mysteries  was  still  unanswered,  and  a 
vote  was  passed  by  the  assembly  demanding 
the  return  of  Alcibiades  for  trial.  A  galley 
was  dispatched  to  Sicily  to  bring  him  to 
Athens ;  but  on  his  way  home  he  eflected  his 
escape  and  sailed  to  Sparta.  The  Athenian 
court  regarding  this  flight  as  a  confession  of 
guilt,  condemned  him  to  death,  and  ordered 
the  confiscation  of  his  property.  On  hearing 
of  his  sentence,  Alcibiades  remarked  with  non- 
chalance, "  I  will  show  the  Athenians  that  I 
am  still  alive." 

Meanwhile    the    operations    in    Sicily   had 
made  no  progress.     The  Syracusans  were  not 
even  annoyed  at  the  presence  of  an    enemy 
.  so   little    aggressive.       Their    horsemen    rode 
around  the   Athenian  camp  and  insulted  the 
garrison.     A   rumor   was  now  blown  abroad 
that    the    iuliabitants  of  Cataua  were  them- 
selves on  the  eve  of  expelling  the  Athenians. 
In   order  to   assist  this  movement,  the  Syra- 
cusan  army  drew  out  of  the  city  and  marched 
to  the  aid  of  the  Catanseans.     Seizing  the  op- 
portunity   afforded   by   their    absence,  Nicias 
succeeded   in   conveying  his  whole   squadron 
into  the   harbor,  effected   a  landing  near  the 
temple  of  the  Olympian  Zeus,  and  threw  up 
fortifications.     Here  he  was  presently  attacked 
by  the   Syracusan   army  returning   from  Ca- 
tana,  but  the  victory  remained  with  the  Athe- 
nians,  who    presently   withdrew    into  winter- 
quarters  at  Naxos.     From  this  point   Nicias 
sent   messengers  to  Athens  asking  fresh  sup- 
plies of  troops  and  means.     A  reenforcement 
of    cavalry  was    accordingly    sent    out,   with 
three  hundred  talents  in  money. 

With  the  spring,  the  siege  of  Syracuse 
began.  The  city  lay  upon  a  peninsula  be- 
tween the  Great  and  Little  harbors.  On  the 
land  side  it  was  defended  by  a  wall,  and  the 
sea-front  was  protected  by  the  nature  of  the 
ground  and  by  fortifications.  In  the  northern 
suburbs  of  the  city,  however,  was  a  high 
ground  called  Epipolse,  and  of  this  the  Athe- 
nians succeeded  in  gaining  possession.  An 
attempt  of  the  Svracusans  to  dislodge  them 
was  repulsed.  Here  Nicias  constructed  a  fort, 
and  the  siege  was  pressed  by  both  sea  and 
land. 


In  the  mean  time  Lamachus  had  died,  and 
the  whole  command  devolved  upon  Nicias, 
who  was  inferior  to  his  colleague  in  energy. 
By  this  time  the  Syracusans  became  discour- 
aged and  made  overtures  of  surrender:  but 
Nicias,  over-confident  of  success,  paid  little 
attention  to  the  proposals  and  continued  the 
siege.  At  this  juncture,  however,  Gylippus, 
the  Spartan  general,  arrived  with  a  small 
squadron  in  the  bay  of  Tarentum.  Thence 
he  proceeded  to  Himera,  and,  publishing  to 
the  people  that  other  forces  from  his  country 
would  soon  arrive,  he  gathered  an  army  of 
three  thousand  men  and  marched  to  the  relief 
of  Syracuse.  He  succeeded  in  passing  the 
heights  of  Epipolse,  and  entered  the  city 
without  opposition.  Having  effected  a  junc- 
tion with  the  Syracusans,  he  sent  an  audacious 
message  to  Nicias,  allowing  him  five  days  to- 
gather  his  effects  and  leave  Sicily. 

It  would  have  been  well  if  Nicias  had 
taken  the  advice  of  his  enemy,  for  the  latter 
very  soon  turned  the  tide  of  success  against 
the  Athenians.  The  Syracusans  in  their  turn 
captured  and  fortified  the  heights  of  Epipolse. 
Nor  was  it  long — such  was  the  activity  of 
Gylippus — until  the  Athenians  were  put  into 
the  attitude  of  a  besieged  rather  than  a  besieg- 
ing army.  Nicias  fell  sick  and  asked  to  be 
recalled.  Instead  of  complying  with  this  re- 
quest, however,  the  Athenians  sent  out  addi- 
tional troops  under  command  of  Demosthenes- 
and  Euryraedon.  The  Spartans  also  reen- 
forced  their  Sicilian  army,  and  the  Syracusans 
presently  gave  battle   to  the  Athenian  fleet. 

The  latter  gained  an  indecisive  victory,  but 
while  the  battle  was  in  progress,  Gylippus  made 
an  assault  upon  some  of  the  forts  erected  by 
Nicias  and  captured  them,  with  large  quanti- 
ties of  pro-visions.  In  a  short  time  the  Syra- 
cusans sailed  boldly  out  into  Great  Harbor, 
and  again  gave  battle  to  the  fleet.  This  time 
the  Athenian  squadron  was  routed,  and  the 
remnant  of  the  ships  was  only  saved  from  de- 
struction by  being  drawn  to  the  shore  under 
protection  of  the  Athenian  works. 

At  this  juncture  a.  new  fleet  of  seventy- 
five  vessels,  carrying  five  thousand  heavy- 
armed  troops,  arrived  from  Athens.  Demos- 
thenes, the  commander,  immediately  made  an- 


GREECE.— TEE  PELOPONNESIAN  WARS. 


bl7 


578 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


attempt  to  take  Epipolre,  but  was  repulsed. 
He  then  urged  Nicias  to  withdraw  from  his 
dangerous  position  in  Great  Harbor  and  retire 
to  Thajisus;  but  just  as  this  movement  was 
about  to  begin  an  eclipse  of  the  moon  oc- 
curred, and  the  seers  declared  that  the  fleet 
must  not  leave  its  moorings  for  a  lunar 
month.'  Their  decision  was  complied  with, 
and  the  Syracusans,  learning  how  matters 
stood,  determined  to  make  a  league  with 
superstition  and  destroy  the  foe  before  the 
next  full  moon.  They  accordingly  blocked 
up  the  mouth  of  Great  Harbor  with  a  cordon 
of  galleys.  So  the  Athenian  squadron  of  one 
hundred  and  ten  triremes  was  cooped  up,  with 
no  opportunity  of  escape   except  by   battle. 

It  was,  however,  resolved  to  break  through 
at  all  hazards.  Accordingly,  on  an  appointed 
morning,  the  fleet  of  Nicias  loosed  its  moor- 
ings and  proceeded  to  the  attack.  Nearly  the 
whole  population  of  the  city  lined  the  shores 
of  the  bay.  The  larger  part  of  the  Athenian 
land-forces  were  put  on  board  of  the  ships,  and 
the  remainder  looked  on  from  the  fortifica- 
tions. The  attack  was  directed  first  against 
the  line  of  galleys  by  which  the  mouth  of  the 
harbor  was  blockaded.  But  the  latter  held 
their  position.  Presently  the  whole  armament 
on  both  sides  was  engaged,  and  for  some  time 
the  battle  hung  dubiously  between  the  com- 
batants. Then  the  Athenians  began  to  give 
way.  Nearly  a  half  of  their  vessels  were 
destroyed,  and  the  rest  driven  back  to  the 
protection  of  the  shore.  The  victory  was  in 
every  respect  complete  and  overwhelming. 

The  Athenians  were  still  about  forty  thou- 
sand strong.  As  soon  as  the  battle  was  de- 
cided, they  determined,  if  possible,  to  escape 
from  their  perilous  position.  The  only  course 
remaining  was  a  retreat  overland  to  the 
shelter  of  some  friendly  town,  where  they 
might  defend  themselves  until  succored  by  re- 
inforcements. But  instead  of  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  confusion  of  the  first  night  after 
his  defeat,  Nicias  waited  till  the  next;  and 
the  Syracusans  thus  found  time  to  gather  and 
fall  upon  the  retreating  column.  In  the  at- 
tempt to  reach  the  coast,  Demosthenes,  who 
commanded  the  rear  division,  was.  cut  off,  and 

'  This  eclipse  occurred  August  27,  B.  C.  413. 


after  fighting  until  his  I'orces  were  greatly  re- 
duced, was  obliged  to  surrender.  Finally, 
Gylippus  overtook  Nicias,  who,  with  the 
army,  now  numbering  no  more  than  ten 
thousand  men,  was  sldl  struggling  to  gain  the 
coast.  Arriving  at  the  river  Erineus,  they 
attempted  to  cross,  but  the  enemy  crowded 
them  down  the  banks  and  into  the  stream. 
All  hope  was  abandoned.  The  army  became 
a  disorganized  mass  and  was  forced  to  surren- 
der at  discretion.  The  remainder  of  the  fleet 
had  been  given  up  at  the  beginning  of  the 
retreat.  Not  a  vestige  remained.  No  such 
complete  destruction  of  an  army  and  squad- 
ron had  ever  been  known.  The  prisoners 
were  sent  to  work  in  the  stone-quarries,  where, 
huddled  together,  driven  to  their  tasks  without 
sufficient  food,  and  exposed  to  the  elements, 
they  soon  began  to  die  of  exhaustion  and 
pestilence,  until  the  survivors  sickened  and 
fell  over  the  bodies  of  the  dead.  All  were 
enslaved  except  the  Athenians  and  the  Sicilian 
Greeks.  Among  these  were  many  men  of 
culture  and  refinement;  and  a  tradition  recites 
that  not  a  few  of  these  gained  the  esteem  of 
their  masters  by  enacting  for  them  the  plays 
of  the  Greek  dramatists.  Demosthenes  and 
Nicias  were  both  condemned  to  death,  the 
only  favor  shown  them  being  the  concession 
of  suicide  instead  of  a  public  execution. 

Soon  after  the  appalling  disaster  just  re- 
corded, the  news  was  carried  into  Athens  by 
a  barber  of  Piraeus.  So  incredible  appeared 
his  story  that  the  authorities  put  him  to  the 
torture.  Presently,  however,  straggling  fugi- 
tives began  to  arrive  with  confirmation  of  the 
awful  intelligence.  The  Athenians  were  first 
furious  and  then  gave  themselves  up  to  de- 
spair. It  was  seen  at  a  glance  that  no  power 
could  much  longer  prevent  the  capture  of 
the  city  by  the  Lacedaemonians.  Neverthe- 
less the  authorities  began  to  bestir  themselves 
for  the  public  defense.  It  was,  however,  the 
misfortune  of  the  city  of  Athens  that  military 
success  was  constantly  necessary  to  preserve 
the  loyalty  of  her  dependent  cities  and  islands. 
Whenever  the  tide  turned  against  her,  these 
dependencies  would  not  only  abandon  her  in- 
terests, but  enter  into  leagues  for  her  de- 
struction. 


GREECE.— THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WARS. 


579 


580 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


In  the  present  emergency  the  first  to 
revolt  was  the  island  of  Chios.  The  insur- 
rection was  instigated  by  Alcibiades,  who, 
now  residing  at  Sparta,  lost  no  opportunity 
to  inflict  on  his  country  some  humiliating 
injury.  He  crossed  over  in  person  to  the 
island,  and  aided  the  insurgents  in  overthrow- 
ing the  party  favorable  to  Athens.  The 
islands  of  Zeos  and  Lesbos  and  the  city  of 
Miletus  followed  the  example  of  Chios ;  and 
the  Ionian  cities  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor 
were  giveu  up  by  a  treaty  with  Tissaphernes 
to  their  masters,  the  Persians.  Samos,  how- 
ever, remained  faithful  to  the  Athenians. 
The  oligarchy  in  that  island  was  suppressed, 
and  Samos  became  a  kind  of  stronghold  of 
Athenian  influence  in  the  ^gean. 

In  the  mean  time,  Athens  began  to  recover 
from  her  overthrow.  The  reserve  of  one 
thousand  talents  which  had  lain  undisturbed 
in  the  Acropolis  since  the  administration  of 
Pericles,  was  now  voted  by  the  assembly  to 
be  used  in  the  construction  of  a  fleet.  When 
this  was  completed,  an  expedition  was  fitted 
out  against  Chios,  and  that  island  was  rapidly 
overrun  and  restored  to  its  former  relations. 
A  victory  was  also  gained  over  the  Lacedise- 
monian  squadron  at  Miletus,  but  that  city 
still  remained  under  the  control  of  the  Per- 
sians. The  Spartans  soon  prepared  another 
armament  so  powerful  in  numbers  and  eqiiija- 
ment  that  its  ability  to  overcome  all  opjjosi- 
tion  could  not  be  reasonably  questioned. 

Alcibiades,  in  the  mean  time,  from  his  long- 
continued  duplicity,  had  gained  the  distrust 
and  aversion  of  the  Spartan  government. 
The  Ephors  first  denounced  him  as  a  traitor 
and  then  condemned  him  to  death,  but  he 
escaped  the  penalty  by  fleeing  to  the  court  of 
Tissaphernes.  He  at  once  set  about  to  per- 
suade the  satrap  to  adopt  a  new  line  of  policy 
with  regard  to  the  Greek  states.  The  wily 
Greek  soon  convinced  him  that  the  interest 
of  Persia  required  that  the  Grecian  common- 
wealths should  be  allowed  to  wear  each  other 
out  in  mutual  conflicts  to  the  end  that  the 
Grea'',  King  might  absorb  the  fragments  into 
his  empire.  It  was  this  influence  aided  by 
bribery  that  prevented  the  activity  of  the 
Spartan  squadron.     Persia  was  thus  won  over 


to  favor  the  Athenian  cause.  The  real  pur« 
pose  of  Alcibiades  was  to  get  himself  restored 
to  his  country.  He  communicated  with  the 
Athenian  generals  at  Samos,  and  made  it 
appear  that  he  was  able  to  secure  a  Persian 
alliance  and  would  gladly  do  so  on  condition 
of  his  own  restoration,  and  the  substitution 
of  an  oligarchy  for  the  democratic  form  of 
government  Ln  Athens.  A  proposition  to 
this  eflect  was  brought  forward  in  the  assem- 
bly by  Pisander.  The  democracy  was  furious 
at  the  proposal ;  but  the  necessity  of  the  state 
was  so  great  that  a  vote  was  procured  in  favor 
of  the  overthrow  of  the  constitution  of  Clis- 
thenes.  Pisander  was  then  disjoatched  at  the 
head  of  an  embassy  to  treat  with  Alcibiades 
and  Tissaphernes  with  respect  to  the  proposed 
alliance ;  but  when  the  ambassadors  were  re- 
ceived by  the  satrap,  Alcibiades,  speaking  on 
his  behalf  and  knowing  his  own  inability  to 
perform  what  he  had  promised,  made  such 
extravagant  demands  of  his  countrymen  that 
they  were  obliged  to  break  up  the  conference. 
In  the  mean  time  oligarchical  clubs  were 
multiplied  in  Athens,  and  under  their  influ- 
ence the  democracy  was  subjected  to  a  reign 
of  terror.  Assassination  became  the  order  of 
the  day,  and  it  was  soon  evident  that  the  revo- 
lution in  the  government  would  be  accom- 
plished. Pisander,  on  his  return  from  Asia 
proposed  a  committee  of  ten  to  draft  a  new 
constitution.  The  instrument  when  produced 
provided  first  for  the  overthrow  of  the  exist- 
ing magistrates;  secondly,  for  the  abolition  of 
all  official  salaries;  thirdly,  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  council  of  Four  Hundred,  with 
whom  the  princijml  functions  of  governments 
should  be  lodged;  and  fourthly,  for  the  limi- 
tation of  the  right  of  sufl!i'age  to  a  body  of 
five  thousand  citizens.  The  revolution  was 
completed  by  force.  The  old  senate  was 
ejected  by  the  Four  Hundred,  who  were  in- 
stalled in  the  ancient  seats  of  authority. 
Then  followed  proscriptions  and  confiscations. 
The  principal  leaders  of  the  democracy  were 
assassinated.  The  next  movement  was  to 
send  an  embassy  to  Sparta  with  overtures  for 
peace ;  but  Agis,  the  king,  preferred  to  com- 
pel a  settlement  on  his  own  terms.  He  ac- 
cordingty  made  an  attempt  to  capture  Athens, 


GREECE.— THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WARS. 


581 


out  b'..iig  foiled,  he  concluded  to  enter  into 
negotiations  with  the  Athenians. 

It  was  one  of  the  peculiarities  of  this 
stormy  period  in  Greek  history  that  the  de- 
mocracy, which  had  been  overthrown  in  its 
original  stronghold,  was  still  upheld  in  Samos. 
The  army  now  in  that  island,  led  by  Tlirasy- 
bulus  and  Thrasyllus,  remained  loyal  to  the 
old  institutions  of  Athens.  It  was  through 
the  intiueuce  of  these  leaders  that  Alcibiades, 
who  was  now  on  the  side  of  democracy,  but 
always  on  the  side  of  liimself,  was  elected  one 
of  the  generals  of  the  army.  That  distin- 
gubhed  patriot  began  at  once  to  magnify  his 
office  by  passing  to  and  fro  in  the  assumed 
character  of  an  ambassador  between  Asia  and 
continental  Greece.  Tluis  would  he  induce 
the  belief  among  his  democratic  countrymen 
that  he  was  busy  with  tlie  construction  of  the 
Perso-Athenian  alliance. 

As  soon  as  the  Four  Hundred  heard  of 
the  condition  of  affairs  in  Samos  they  sent 
thither  an  embassy  to  explain  the  change  in 
the  government  and  to  demand  the  accept- 
ance of  the  same  by  the  people.  The  envoys 
were  met  with  disdain  both  by  the  citizens 
and  soldiery.  A  proposition  had  already  been 
made  in  the  army  to  proceed  against  Athens 
and  overthrow  the  usurpers,  and  but  for  the 
influence  of  the  more  dispassionate  there  is  no 
doubt  that  such  a  movement  would  have  been 
undertaken.  As  It  was  the  ambassadors  were 
dismissed  with  ill-disguised  contempt.  They 
were  told  that  the  Four  Hundred  must  sur- 
render their  places,  and  that  the  old  Senate 
must  be  restored  as  conditions  precedent  to 
the  maintenance  of  peace.  . 

Already  in  Athens  there  were  symptoms 
of  an  anti-oligarchic  revolution.  The  extreme 
leadei-s  under  the  new  rkjime  had  gone  to  the 
length  of  proposing  that  a  Spartan  garrison 
should  be  established  in  Piraeus.  The  Lacede- 
monians, however,  did  not  fall  in  with  this 
scheme,  but  sent  a  fleet  to  cruise  in  the  neigh- 
boring waters,  until  a  more  favorable  season. 
In  the  mean  time  the  democracy  gained  con- 
stantly, and  in  a  short  time  an  assembly  was 
held  at  Pincus  by  which  the  old  forms  of 
government  were  again  instituted. 

About  this  time  a  revolt  broke  out  in  Euboea, 


instigated  by  the  Spartans  and  supported  bj 
their  fleet.  Athens  was  astounded  to  learn 
that  her  greatest  and  nearest  dependency  had 
renounced  her  friendship  and  assumed  her 
freedom.  An  Athenian  fleet  hastily  sent  to 
the  rescue  was  attacked  and  annihilated  by 
the  Lacedicmonian  scjuadron.  Athens  was 
thus  left  naked  to  her  enemies.  The  popular 
voice  clamored  in  the  streets,  and  an  assembly 
was  called  in  the  Pnyx.  A  vote  was  j^assed 
by  which  the  Four  Hundred  were  deposed 
and  the  Senate  reinstated  in  its  ancient  au- 
thority. The  old  constitution  was  restored  in 
all  of  its  features,  except  that  the  restriction 
by  which  the  right  of  suffrage  was  limited  to 
five  thousand  citizens  was  allowed  to  stand. 
Those  who  had  participated  in  the  late  oligar- 
chy were  permitted  to  leave  Athens  or  to  hide 
themselves  in  obscurity.  Only  two  of  the 
leaders,  Antiphon  and  Archiptolemus,  were 
condemned  and  executed,  and  a  few  others 
were  punished  by  the  confiscation  of  their 
property,  or  the  destruction  of  their  houses. 
In  a  short  time  the  office  of  archon  was  re- 
created, and  this  was  followed  by  a  vote 
recalling  Alcibiades  and  his  friends  from  exile. 

In  the  conduct  of  the  war  the  next  impor- 
tant movement  was  a  naval  battle  between 
the  Athenians  and  Lacedaemonians  in  the 
strait  between  Sestos  and  Abydos.  The 
former  were  victorious,  and  set  up  a  trophy 
on  the  headland  of  Cynossema,  from  which 
place  the  battle  takes  its  name.  The  Spartan 
squadron,  now  lying  at  Eubcea,  hearing  of  the 
disaster  which  had  overtaken  their  friends, 
sailed  for  the  Hellespont,  but  while  doubling 
Mount  Athos  the  fleet  was  caught  in  a  storm 
and  totally  wrecked.  The  remnant  of  the 
other  armament  which  had  survived  the  battle 
was  presently  overtaken  by  Alcibiades,  and 
only  saved  from  total  destruction  by  being 
drawn  ashore,  when  the  vessels  were  defended 
by  the  Persians.  A  short  time  afterwards, 
however.  Mi  ndarus  was  enticed  to  sea,  attacked 
by  the  Athenian  squadron,  followed  to  the 
shore,  and  slain.  Every  Spartan  ship  w^as 
either  taken  or  destroyed.  The  victory  was 
so  decisive  as  to  recover  for  the  Athenians 
the  whole  of  the  Propontis. 

The  Persians  now  actively  aided  the  Lace- 


582 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


dseraouiaus,  but  the  energy  of  the  Athenian 
fleets,  now  directed  by  Alcibiades,  secured,  in 
the  years  B.  C.  409  and  408,  complete  control 
of  the  Hellespoatine  countries.  Until  this 
time  the  banished  Alcibiades  had  not  returned 
to  Attica.  In  the  spring  of  B.  C.  407  he 
determined  to  avail  himself  of  his  recall  and 
make  a  public  visit  to  Athens.  -  He  accord- 
ingly sailed  for  Piraeus,  where  he  was  met  by 
nearly  the  whole  population  of  the  city  and 
escorted  in  triumph  to  the  scene  of  his  earliest 
career.  Before  the  Senate  and  the  Assembly 
he  protested  his  innocence  of  the  charges  pre- 
ferred against  him,  and  the  sentences  of  con- 
fiscation and  banishment  were  unanimously 
revoked.  As  for  himself,  he  now  through 
policy  gave  great  attention  to  the  national 
superstitions,  and  publicly  conducted  the  pro- 
cession in  the  celebration  of  the  Eleusiuian 
mysteries.  In  the  following  September  he 
put  to  sea,  and  was  presently  worsted  by  the 
Lacedaemonian  fleet  in  the  battle  of  Notium. 
His  conduct,  moreover,  became  as  reckless 
and  dissolute  as  ever.  The  news  of  his  pro- 
ceedings was  carried  to  Athens,  and  the  good 
democracy  of  that  city  voted  him  out  of  com- 
mand and  gave  his  place  to  Conon. 

Meanwhile,  Callicratidas  succeeded  L^-sander 
in  the  conmiand  of  the  Spartan  squadron. 
He  was  a  man  of  great  energy,  and  soon  dif- 
fused a  new  life  in  the  moribund  fi-ame  of  his 
country.  Shortly  after  assuming  control  of 
the  fleet  he  gained  a  victory  over  the  Athe- 
nians in  the  harbor  of  Mitylene,  but  Conon 
maintained  his  position  until  reenforcements 
arrived  from  Athens,  and  then  took  his  sta- 
tion near  the  islands  of  Arginusse,  close  to  the 
coast  of  Asia  Minor.  Here  the  Spartans  gave 
battle.  The  Athenian  fleet  numbered  one 
hundred  and  fifty  vessels,  and  the  Lacede- 
monian one  hundred  and  twenty.  The  con- 
flict was  long  and  desperate.  After  losing 
seventy-seveu  ships  and  their  brave  com- 
mander, who  was  thrown  overboard  and 
drowned,  the  Spartans  were  disastrously  de- 
feated. The  battle  was  followed,  however,  by 
an  event  which  took  away  the  spirit  of  the 
victors.  Twelve  of  the  Athenian  ships,  which 
were  disabled  during  the  fight,  were  through 
eome  carelessness  left  drifting  helplessly  with 


their  crews  of  wounded  and  dying  men  untii 
a  sudden  storm,  swooping  down  upon  them, 
sent  the  whole  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea. 

The  Athenians  immediately  summoned  the 
commanding  generals — except  Conon,  who  had 
followed  the  remnant  of  the  enemy's  fleet  to 
Mitylene — to  answer  for  this  neglect.  Passion 
ran  high,  and  in  spite  of  the  protest  of  Socrates 
and  a  few  other  cool-headed  patriots,  the  as- 
sembly voted  that  the  commanders  should  be 
put  to  death.  They  were  accordingly  com- 
pelled to  drink  the  fatal  hemlock.  Among 
those  who  thus  perished  was  the  young  Peri- 
cles, the  promising  son  of  the  great  statesman, 
and  Aspasia. 

After  the  death  of  Callicratidas  the  com- 
mand of  the  Spartan  fleet  was  again  conferred 
on  Lysander.  He — after  the  year  B.  C.  405 
had  been  mostly  consumed  in  recuperating 
the  squadron,  and  in  negotiations  with  Cyrus 
the  younger,  now  satrap  of  Asia  Minor — laid 
siege  to  the  Hellespontiue  town  of  Lampsacus. 
Thither  he  was  followed  by  Conon,  but  the 
latter  arrived  too  late  to  save  the  place  from 
capture. 

The  Athenian  fleet  in  September  of  B.  C. 
40.5  took  its  station  at  ^gospotaju,  or  Goat 
River,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  channel 
from  Lampsacus.  The  position  was  an  ex- 
posed one,  but  the  Athenians  were  over-confi- 
dent, and  for  several  days  in  succession  they 
sailed  into  the  open  channel  and  offered  bat- 
tle to  the  Spartans.  This,  however,  was  de- 
clined. Lysander  kept  his  forces  in  hand  and 
waited  his  opportunity.  Alcibiades,  who  now 
lived  in  a  castle  in  the  neighborhood,  and  was 
to  all  appearances  out  of  politics,  came  down 
to  his  countrymen,  and  besought  them  to  find 
a  stronger  position ;  but  his  precautions  were 
treated  with  indifference.  The  Athenians 
scattered  themselves  about  their  camp  and 
gave  no  further  thought  to  the  situation.  On 
the  fifth  day  of  these  dilatory  proceedings, 
Lysander,  having  watched  his  opportunity, 
swooped  down  upon  the  Athenians  while  a 
large  part  of  them  were  dispersed  through  the 
country,  and  inflicted  upon  them  the  most 
ruinous. defeat  of  the  whole  war.  Of  the  one 
hundred  and  eighty  ships  which  composed  the 
squadron    only    eight    or    ten    succeeded    in 


GREECE.— THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WARS. 


583 


S3 


r  = 


o    > 

H 

o 

> 

H 
B 
p] 
•y. 


681 


UNIVERSAL  IIJSTOEY.—THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


escaping.  The  remainder  were  either  captured 
or  destroyed.  The  prisoners,  to  the  number 
of  three  or  four  thousand,  including  the  gen- 
.ji-als — with  the  exception  of  Conon,  who  es- 
caped and  found  a  hiding-place  in  Cyprus — 
Vere  condemned  and  put  to  death!  The 
whole  force  was  annihilated. 

Athens  was  left  without  a  shadow  of  de- 
fense, except  what  measures  she  could  extem- 
porize, against  the  coming  doom.  When  the 
Paralus'  arrived  at  Pirseus  and  the  news  was 
known,  there  was  universal  despair.  Xeno- 
phon  declares  that  on  that  night  no  man 
slept.  It  was  now  a  question  of  existejice  with 
her  who  had  so  long  been  mistress  of  the  sea. 
Two  out  of  the  three  harbors  of  the  city  were 
blocked  up  in  the  vain  hope  of  defending  the 
third.  Lysander  was  in  no  haste.  The  Athe- 
nian supplies  from  the  Euxine  were  wholly 
cut  off,  and  from  afar  Famine  and  Sparta 
both  lifted  a  sword  against  the  doomed  city. 

Beginning  his  progress  towards  the  capital, 
Lysander  compelled  tlie  garrisons  of  the 
various  towns  en  route  to  quit  their  places  and 
repair  to  Atheus.  In  every  city  the  demo- 
cratic form  of  government  was  overthrown, 
and  an  oligarchy,  consisting  of  ten  members 
with  a  Spartan  Harmost  at  the  head,  appointed 
in  its  stead.  In  their  desperation,  the  people 
of  Athens  gathered  in  an  assembly  and  voted 
a  general  amnesty.  The  prisons  were  opened, 
and  all  except  a  few  of  the  worst  criminals 
were  liberated.  Then  the  oligarchic  and  dem- 
ocratic factions  swore  an  oath  of  mutual  for- 
giveness, and  agreed  henceforth  to  labor  only 
for  the  common  weal. 

Finally,  Lysander  made  his  appearance. 
With  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  galleys 
he  landed  at  ^gina,  and  then  proceeded  to 
blockade  Pii-seus.  Salamis  was  ravaged  by 
the  army,  which  marched  without  opposition 
to  the  very  gates  of  Athens.  Inside  the  walls, 
however,  determination  was  mixed  with  de- 
spair, and  the  first  proposals  made  to  them  by 
the  Spartans  were  rejected.  The  people  began 
to  die  of  hunger,  and  yet  Archestratus  was 
imprisoned  for  proposing  to  accept  the  prof- 

'Tlie  Parahis  was  the  commander's  galley  in 
an  Athenian  fleet,  corresponding  to  the  flag-ship 
«":  a  modern  navy. 


fered  terms.  After  three  mouths  of  dreadful 
suflering,  the  spirit  of  the  people  was  at  last 
completely  broken,  and  Theramenes  was  sent 
to  Sparta  to  conclude  with  the  Ephors  the  best 
treaty  which  they  would  grant. 

The  states  in  alliance  with  the  Lacedae- 
monians, more  particularly  Corinth  and 
Thebes,  insisted  that  the  very  name  of  Athens 
should  be  blotted  out,  and  the  residue  of  her 
population  sold  into  slavery;  Init  the  Spartans 
themselves  interfered  to  prevent  so  brutal  a 
proceeding.  One  of  the  Ephors  even  ven- 
tured on  a  figure  of  speech,  aud  declared  that 
Sparta  would  never  consent  that  one  of  the  eyes 
of  Greece  should  be  put  out.  Still  the  terms 
were  sufficiently  severe  and  humiliating.  The 
Long  Walls  of  Athens  should  be  thrown  down. 
The  fortifications  of  the  Pirieus  and  Phalerum 
should  be  razed.  The  territorial  limits  of  the 
Athenians  should  be  contracted  to  Attica. 
All  foreign  possessions  should  be  given  up. 
All  ships  of  war  should  be  surrendered.  All 
exiles  should  be  unconditionally  restored. 
The  Athenians  should  become  the  allies  of 
the  Spartans.  These  terms,  hard  as  they 
were,  were  immediately  accepted  by  the  as- 
sembly, and  it  only  remained  for  the  Athe- 
nians to  comply  with  the  conditions. 

The  winter  had  now  worn  away.  In 
JIarch  of  B.  C  404,  the  city  was  formally 
surrendered.  It  was  the  last  act  in  a  war 
which,  through  every  grade  of  ferocity,  had 
continued  for  twenty -seven  years.  Lysander 
at  once  proceeded  to  exact  the  fulfillment  of 
the  terms  of  the  treaty.  The  dock-yards  were 
burned  and  the  arsenals  destroyed.  All  the 
Athenian  galleys  except  twelve  were  sent  to 
Sparta.  Then  came  the  demolition  of  the 
fortifications.  It  was  no  light  task,  for  the 
works  were  of  great  solidity  aud  massiveness. 
The  overthrow  of  the  Long  Walls  was  a  task 
tedious  and  difficult.  But  the  Spartans,  in 
mockery,  converted  the  work  into  a  festival! 
Bands  of  flute-players  and  dancers  wreathed 
with  flowers  accompanied  the  workmen,  and 
as  the  heavy  stones  were  pried  from  their 
beds  and  cast  down,  shout  after  shout  echoed 
the  downfall  of  Athenian  glory.  Nor  did  the 
demolition  cease  until  not  one  stone  was  left 
upon  another.     She  who,  by  the  splendor  of 


GREECE.— THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WARS. 


585 


her  genius,  had  diffused  a  lustrous  light  into 
the  abodes  of  barbarism,  was  left  naked  to 
her  enemies — a  jjitiable  spectacle  of  wretched- 
ness and  despair. 

As  soon  as  the  Spartans  had  completed 
their  work  and  the  dismantled  city  was  left 
to  herself,  there  was  a  revival  of  faction. 
The  oligarchic  minority  was  reenforced  by  the 
return  of  many  exiles  who  owed  their  banish- 
ment to  democratic  votes.  Among  these  the 
most  prominent  character  was  Critias,  the 
uncle  of  Plato.  He,  with  Theramenes,  hav- 
ing organized  clubs  and  perfected  arrange- 
ments for  a  revolution,  invited  Ly.«ander  to 
return  from  Samos,  whither  he  had  gone  after 
the  capitulation  of  Athens,  and  aid  by  his 
presence  and  influence  in  the  contemplated 
coup  d'  Hat  by  which  an  oligarchy  was  to  be 
established  over  the  Athenians.  A  proj)osi- 
tion  was  then  made  in  the  assembly  that  a 
committee  of  thirty  members  be  appointed  to 
revise  the  constitution  and  provide  for  the 
future  government  of  the  city.  Lyj*auder 
himself  addressed  the  assembly,  and  informed 
them  that  their  personal  safety  depended  upon 
an  affirmative  vote.  Of  course  it  was  so  re- 
corded. Critias  and  Theramenes  headed  the 
list  of  committeemen,  who  were  henceforth 
known  as  the  Thirty  Tyrants. 

It  will  he  remembered  that  Samos  showed 
herself  te  be  the  la.st  stronghold  of  Greek 
democracy.  This  island  was  accordingly  in- 
vaded by  Lysandei:*  after  the  conquest  of 
Attica  had  been  completed,  and,  like  the 
mother  state,  was  .soon  driven  to  submission. 
This  was  the  completion  of  the  work  of  the 
Lacediemoniau  fleet  in  the  .JCgean.  As  soon 
as  terms  of  surrender  had  been  accepted  and 
the  government  settled  on  a  new  basis  satis- 
factory to  Lysander,  he  sailed  for  Sparta.  No 
other  general  of  those  hitherto  sent  out  by  the 
Epliors  had  ever  returned  so  completely  vic- 
torious. He  brought  home  the  spoils  and 
figure-heads  of  all  the  ships  which  he  had 
taken.  The  booty  was  enormous,  and  besides 
what  he  had  taken  by  force  he  turned  over  to 
the  treasury  four  hundred  and  seventy  talents 
which  had  been  given  him  by  the  Persians 
for  the  prosecution  of  the  war. 

In  Athens  the  Thirtv  proceeded  to  organ- 
»<.— Vol.  1—36 


ize  a  reign  of  terror.  Butchery  was  the  order 
of  the  day.  Sometimes  there  was  a  formal 
condemnation  of  the  accused;  sometimes 
there  was  none.  The  newly  appointed  sen- 
ators—mere tools  of  the  Tyrants^were  re- 
quired in  voting  to  deposit  their  pebbles 
openly  on  a  table  in  front  of  their  masters— 
this  on  questions  of  life  and  death !  Bands 
of  assassins  were  hired  to  complete  the  work 
of  exterminating  the  democracy.  At  the  last 
a  proscnj)tion  list  was  made  out,  and  the  ad- 
herents of  the  Thirty  were  permitted  to  in- 
sert therein  what  names  soever  they  pleased. 

The  object  became  plunder  rather  than  po- 
litical vengeance.  No  such  scenes  had  ever 
before  been  witnessed  in  Athens.  Neither 
rank  nor  virtue  was  .spared.  The  orator  Ly- 
sias  and  his  brother  Polemarchus  were  among 
the  condemned.  Theramenes,  refusing  to 
participate  in  the  diabolical  business,  was 
himself  denounced  by  Critias  in  the  senate- 
house,  and  though  clinging  to  an  altar  waa 
dragged  away  to  execution.  When  given  the 
cup  of  hemlock  he  swallowed  the  draught, 
threw  a  drop  of  the  poison  on  the  floor,  and 
exclaimed,  "Here's  a  health  to  the  gentle 
Critias."  It  was  amid  such  scenes  that  the 
liberties  of  Greece  went  out  in  darkness. 

It  was  in  the  mid.st  of  these  proscriptions, 
but  not  by  means  of  them,  that  Alcibiades 
met  his  fate.  From  his  castle  in  Thracian 
Chersonesus  he  had  watched  the  downfall  of 
Athens  and  the  progress  of  the  oligarchical 
revolution.  When  the  proscription  began  he 
became  apprehensive  of  danger,  and  with 
good  reason,  for  the  Thirty  had  already  in- 
cluded his  name  in  a  list  of  the  condemned. 
Sacrificing  a  great  part  of  his  property,  he 
fled  for  safety,  with  as  much  of  his  wealth 
as  he  could  carry  with  him,  to  the  court  of 
Pharnabazus,  satrap  of  Phrygia.  From  him 
he  sought  the  privilege  of  continuing  his 
flight  to  Susa,  where  he  thought  to  play  the 
same  part  with  Darius  that  Themistocles  had 
played  with  Artaxerxes.  But  Pharnabazus 
refused  him  conduct  through  the  province, 
and  in  tlie  meantime  Lysander  sent  a  dis- 
patch to  the  siitrap  to  have  the  Athenian  put 
to  death.  Acting  under  this  order,  a  band 
of  assassins  set  fire  to  the  house  of  Alcibiades 


586 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


and  stood  ready  to  cut  him  down.  "With  uu- 
flinching  courage  he  seized  his  sword  and 
rushed  forth  upon  the  dastards;  but  before 
he  could  reach  them  they  pierced  him  through 
with  their  javelins.  Thus,  in  a  foreign  land 
and  unfriended,  save  by  the  woman  Timan- 
dra,  who  remained  faithful  to  him  until  his 
death,  and  performed  alone  for  her  brilliant 
and  eccentric  lord  the  rites  of  sepulture,  per- 
ished the  famous  Alcibiades,  who,  but  for  a 
certain  want  of  principle,  which  was  indeed 
but    the    common    vice    of    his    couutrvmen, 


Even  Thebes  and  Corinth  turned  their  sym- 
pathies to  the  fallen  Athens.  A  band  of 
Athenian  exiles,  temporarily  domiciled  in  Boe- 
otia,  found  a  leader  in  Thkasybulus,  seized 
the  fortress  of  Phyle,  and  bade  defiance  to 
the  oligarchy.  The  Thirty  marched  out  with 
a  force  of  Spartans  and  native  cavalry,  but 
were  several  times  repulsed.  Nor  was  it  cer- 
tain but  that  the  troops  whom  they  com- 
manded, at  least  such  of  them  as  were  Athe- 
nian born,  sympathized  with  Thrasybulus 
rather  than  with   their  masters.      Encouraged 


DEATH  OF  ALCIBIADES. 


would  have  been  one  of  the  greatest  Greeks 
of  his  age. 

It  was  a  part  of  the  strange,  bad  temper 
of  the  Hellenic  states  that  they  always  turned 
against  the  strongest.  Sparta  was  now,  after 
the  complete  humiliation — almost  extinction — 
of  her  rival,  destined  to  feel  the  force  of  this 
law.  A  reaction  took  place  in  the  Greek 
mind  unfavorable  alike  to  the  Lacedsemo- 
nians  and  their  leaders.  Lysander  himself, 
after  a  career  of  unparalleled  popularity, 
power,  and  honor  became,  in  the  course  of  a 
single  year,  an  object  of  suspicion  and  hatred. 


by  his  success  and  the  manifestations  of  pub- 
lic support,  the  Greek  patriot  abandoned 
Phyle  and  seized  Pirjeus.  A  large  force  was 
immediately  sent  against  him,  and  a  severe 
battle  was  fought,  in  which  the  army  of  the 
Thirty  was  completely  routed.  Among  the 
best  trophies  of  the  field  was  the  dead  body 
of  Critias,  who  was  killed  in  the  engagement. 
The  death  of  this  unprincipled  tyrant  threw 
the  government  into  the  hands  of  the  more 
moderate  of  the  oligarchical  party,  and  a  new 
revolution  was  effected,  by  which  the  Thirty 
were  deposed,  and  a  council  of  Ten  appointed 


GREECE.— THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WARS. 


587 


in  their  stead.  Such  were  the  nnitterings  of 
discontent  that  the  new  governors  felt  con- 
strained to  call  upon  Pausanias,  the  Spartan 
king,  for  assistance.  The  latter  at  the  head 
of  an  army  marched  into  Attica,  and  had 
several  indecisive  combats  with  Thrasybulus. 
But  a  desire  for  peace  now  pervaded  all  par- 
ties. Pausanias  himself  was  at  enmity  with 
Lysander,  and  for  this  reason  was  less  severe 
in  determining  the  terms  of  settlement.  With 
singular  liberality,  considering  the  circum- 
stances, it  was  agreed  that  the  Athenian  exiles 
now  under  the  banner  of  Thrasybulus  should 
be  unconditionally  re-admitted  to  Athens,  and 
as  for  the  rest  full  amuesty  should  be  granted 
to  all  except  the  Thirty  and  the  Ten. 

As  soon  as  this  settlement  was  agreed  to, 
Thrasybulus  and  the  exiles  returned  in  tri- 
umph to  the  city.  Tliere  was  a  universal  re- 
vival of  democracy.  An  assembly  was  imme- 
diately convened,  and  a  complete  undoiug  of 
the  work  of  the  oligarchy  was  determined  on. 
The  whole  field  where  tyranny  had  so  loug 
cultivated  her  brambles  was  plowed  up  to  the 
subsoil  and  harrowed  to  a  level.  The  laws 
of  Solon  and  Draco  were  revised  by  a  com- 
mittee and  adopted  by  the  assembly  and  the 
Senate.'  The  old  regime  was  revived  in  every 
part,  and  every  effort  was  made  by  the  new 
government  to  obliterate  forever  from  public 
memory  and  the  records  of  the  state  the  his- 
tory and  infamy  of  the  recent  tyrannies  of 
the  Thirty  and  the  Ten. 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Socrates,  great- 
est spirit  of  the  pagan  world,  was  arrested 
and  brought  to  his  death.  He  fell  a  victim 
to  superstition.  As  early  as  B.  C.  423  he  had 
been  attacked — but  not  with  great  bitterness — 
by  Aristophanes,  in  the  comedy  of  the  Clouds. 
From  this,  however,  he  rallied  and  continued 
his  teaching.  For  twenty-four  years  he  dis- 
seminated his  views  on  those  subjects  concern- 


'  It  was  in  the  inscription  of  these  revised 
statutes  of  Athens  on  the  walls  of  the  Pwcil^ 
Stoa  tiiat  the  full  Ionic  alphabet  of  twenty-four 
letters  was  for  the  first  time  publicly  employed. 
Its  use  for  some  time  previously  hail  been  common 
among  the  Athenian  scholars,  but  for  the  public 
acts  of  the  government  the  old  Attic  alphabet  of 
sixteen  or  eighteen  letters  had  always  been 
Iiitherto  used. 


ing  which  men  have  always  felt  the  deepest 
interest.  Towards  the  close  of  the  fifth  cen- 
tury he  fell  under  the  suspicion  of  heterodoxy 
in  the  matter  of  the  national  religion.  Nor 
is  it  likely  that  his  resolute  and  glorious 
genius  did  tamely  bow  to  the  absurdities 
which  he  as  a  teacher  was  expected  to  uphold 
and  honor.  In  B.  C.  399  an  open  accusation 
was  brought  against  him  by  three  fellows 
whose  base  spirits  were  fit  for  nothing  else — 
Meletus,  a  seller  of  leather;  Anytus,  a  third- 
rate    poet;    and    Lycon,   a    bad    rhetorician. 

This  trio  charged  the  philosojiher  before  the 
assembly  with  neglecting  the  worship  of  the 
gods,  with  introducing  new  deities,  and  also 
with  corrupting  the  youth  of  the  city.  Soc- 
rates said  little  in  defense,  but  rather  pro- 
voked his  fate  by  a  bold  avowal  of  his  prin- 
cijjles.  A  small  majority  was  obtained  against 
him.  Even  then  by  the  use  of  means  within 
his  reach  he  might  have  escaped  death,  but 
with  lofty  disdain  he  allowed  the  bigotry  of 
his  countrymen  to  take  its  course,  and  he  was 
sentenced  to  drink  the  hemlock.  He  told  his 
judges  that  instead  of  being  put  to  duath  he 
ought  to  be  supported  at  public  expense  to 
teach  in  the  Prytaneum !  He  would  neither 
retract,  nor  modify,  nor  explain,  but  stood 
like  a  Titan  at  bay. 

The  sacred  vessel  which  had  just  gone  to 
the  annual  festival  at  Delos,  until  the  return 
of  which  it  was  unlawful  to  put  any  one  to 
death,  did  not  again  reach  the  city  for  thirty 
days.  During  the  interval  Socrates  remained 
in  prison.  Nor  was  his  manner  of  life  much 
changed  from  what  it  was  before  his  condem- 
nation. He  continued  to  converse  with  his 
friends.  He  refused  to  escape  when  the 
means  were  afforded  of  his  doing  so.  He 
spoke  cheerfully  of  his  death  and  of  his  hope 
of  immortality.  It  was  the  custom  of  the 
Greeks  when  one  recovered  from  sickness  to 
sacrifice  a  cock  to  JDsculapius.  When  the 
last  hour  came  and  the  cup  of  hemlock  was 
calmly  drained,  the  philosopher  said  to  his 
friend  Crito  who  stood  with  other  comrades 
beside  him:  "Crito,  we  owe  a  cock  to  .lEscu- 
lapius;  discharge  the  debt,  and  by  no  means 
omit  it."  Thus  was  eclipsed  the  sublimest 
genius  of  antiquity. 


588 


UNIVERSAL  HiSTORY.—THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


But  liis  work  survived.  The  teachings 
of  Socrates  can  never  fail  to  interest  and  in- 
struct the  seeker  after  truth.  Every  enlight- 
ened age  will  drink  from  the  exhaustless 
fountain  of  his  wisdora.  The  enunciation  of 
his  doctrines  marked  an  epoch,  not  only  in 
the  ethics  of  Greece,  but  in  the  morality  of 
the  human  race.  His  contribution  to  the 
■wisdom  of  mankind  was  greater  than  that 
which  any   other  philosojiher   has    brought 


to  morals.  His  theme  was  human  conduct. 
He  sought  to  impress  upon  his  hearers  a  con- 
viction of  the  Ijarrenness  of  those  speculative 
systems  in  which  the  Greek  so  much  de- 
lighted. He  would  reduce  the  current  beliefs 
to  an  absurdity.  His  weapon  was  dialogue; 
his  method,  interrogation.  His  antagonist — 
real  or  imaginary  —was  a  Sophist  whose  prop- 
ositions were  admitted  only  to  be  quickly 
ground  into  dust  under  a  rcdudio  ad  abs^irdum. 


LAST  HOURS  OF  SOCR.\TES— After  the  paiutins;  by  David. 


into  the  store-house  of  ages.  The  breadth 
and  profundity  of  his  understanding,  his 
sturdy  defense  of  the  truth,  his  generous 
nature,  his  masterful  grasp  of  the  greatest 
themes,  his  honest  assaults  on  error,  and  the 
pungent  speech  and  dramatic  method  in 
which  his  immortal  aphorisms  are  set  before 
us,— all  conspire  to  stamp  him  as  the  loftiest 
genius  of  the  ancient  world. 

Socrates  turned  the  mind  of  man  from  idle 
speculation  to  practical  ethics — from  vagaries 


Woe  to  the  fallacy-monger  who  fell  into  the 
power  of  this  inexorable  and  humane  giant! 
The  world  beholds  him  yet,  and  will  ever  be- 
hold him  as  he  sits  among  his  companions 
and  delivers  to  them  his  immortal  sayings. 
His  magnificent,  ugly  face;  his  tremendous 
head;  his  beetling  lirows,  and  eyes  that  darted 
their  Promethean  fire  into  the  soul  of  mys- 
tery and  scorched  the  wings  of  falsehood  -it 
is  Socrates,  whom  Plato  and  Xenophon  have 
pictured,  whom  hemlock  could  not  kill. 


GREECE.— SPARTAN  AND  TBEBAN  ASCENDENCIES. 


5S9 


CHAF>XER  XivVil  —Spartan   and  Theban 

ASCENDENCIES. 


1 1  AT  has  been  called  the 
Spartan  Supremacy  in 
Grecian  history  may  be 
dated  from  the  battle  of 
^gospot^imi,  iu  B.  C. 
405.  That  conflict  de- 
cided the  late  of  Athens, 
and  there  was  none  other  of  the  Hellenic 
Btatfts  at  all  able  to  compete  either  on  land  or 
sea  with  tlie  Laccdieraouians.  The  latter, 
therefore,  as  if  by  right,  assumed  the  mastery 
of  Greece,  and  for  a  wliile  her  dominion  was 
as  unlimited  as  it  was  arl)itrary. 

Among  her  first  acts  was  the  punishment  of 
certain  states  that  had  iu  some  way  injured 
her  interests  or  insulted  her  pride.  The 
Eleans  had  on  a  certain  occasion  excluded 
the  Spartans  from  participation  in  the  Olym- 
pic games,  and  more  recently  had  refused 
permission  tc  King  Agis  to  offer  sacrifices  in 
the  temple  of  Zeus.  The  inclination  of  Elis 
CO  the  democratic  rather  than  the  oligarchic 
form  of  government  was  especially  distasteful 
to  the  Lacedajmonians,  who  now  determined 
to  regulate  the  affairs  of  their  western  neigh- 
bors and  punish  them  for  previous  misconduct. 
In  B.  C.  402  Agis  began  a  campaign  against 
Elis,  but  was  sti>|)ped  by  his  superstition.  An 
earih({uaiie  aroused  his  fears,  and  the  expedi- 
tion was  postponed  until  the  following  year. 
With  the  ensuing  summer,  however,  the 
campaign  was  again  undertaivcn.  The  allies, 
even  including  a  body  of  Athenians,  joined 
the  expedition,  and  the  Eleans  were  soon  re- 
duced to  submission.  The  pious  Agis  per- 
formed his  sacrifices  and  dictated  the  terms 
of  peace. 

In  the  mean  time,  Lysander,  now  a  private 
but  ostentatious  citizen  «f  Sparta,  became  a 
source  of  trouble  in  that  state.  His  ambition 
had  grown  with  what  it  fed  on,  and  he  con- 
templated no  less  than  a  revolution  of  the 
government,  by  which  he  hoped  to  have  Agis 
set    aside    and    iiimself  made    king.     To    this 


end  he  consulted  the  oracles  of  Zeus  at 
Dodona  and  at  Amnion,  iu  distant  Libj-a,  as 
well  as  that  of  Apollo  at  Delphi ;  but,  though 
he  used  the  persuasive  power  of  money,  the 
answers  were  adverse  to  his  schemes.  He  suc- 
ceeded, however,  in  getting  Leotychides,  the 
eldest  son  of  Agis,  set  aside,  on  the  ground 
that  he  was  an  illegitimate  son  of  Alcibiades. 
But  Agesixaus,  a  younger  son,  born  of  another 
mother,  obtained  the  throne,  and  soon  became 
a  popular  and  efficient  ruler.  A  conspiracy 
was  organized  against  him  on  the  ground  of 
his  lameness,  an  old  oracle  having  warned  the 
Spartans  to  beware  "  of  a  lame  reign."  But 
Lysander,  hoping  to  use  the  new  king  for  his 
own  purposes,  explained  that  a  lame  reign  and 
a  lame  king  were  two  very  different  things ; 
so  the  insurrection  was  suppressed,  and  the 
leaders  put  to  death. 

Nearly  all  the  states  of  Greece  were  now 
subject  to  Sparta.  The  system  of  govern- 
ment, established  through  the  agency  of 
Lysander  in  the  dependencies,  was  that  of  the 
Decarchy,  or  Council  of  Ten,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  a  Spartan  IZ"-nwst,  or  governor.  It 
was  essentially  a  tyranny,  and  the  Lacedae- 
monian supremacy,  which  was  based  thereou, 
contained  no  element  of  strength  or  perpetuity. 
There  was,  moreover,  in  the  present  state  of 
affairs  a  certain  inconsistency  which  weak- 
ened the  Spartan  authority.  The  state  had 
fought  through  the  whole  of  the  Peloponne- 
sian  wars  for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  liberat- 
ing Greece  from  the  dominion  of  Athens. 
What  good  to  substitute  the  dominion  of 
Sparta?  On  the  whole,  the  Greek  mind  sym- 
pathized with  the  Ionian  race  and  the  demo- 
cratic tendencies' of  tlie  Athenians  rather  than 
with  the  austere  Dorians  and  their  oligarchy. 

Meanwhile,  a  stirring  drama  had  been 
enacted  in  Asia  INIinor.  Tlie  conspiracy  of 
Cyrus  the  Younger  against  his  brother  Arta- 
xerxes  had  gathered  head  and  broken  into 
nothing  at  the  battle  of  <^!unaxa.     The  part 


590 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


which  the  Spartans  bore  in  the  great  cam- 
paign, their  heroism  in  the  battle,  their  escape 
from  the  clutches  of  the  Persians,  their  cele- 
brated retreat  and  return  into  Europe,  have 
already  been  recounted  in  the  History  of 
Persia.' 

As  soon  as  the  great  expedition  had  col- 
lapsed, the  satrapy  held  by  Cyrus  was  con- 
ferred on  Tissaphernes.  The  latter  began  his 
administration  by  attacking  the  Ionian  cities, 
and  the  Spartans  were  obliged  to  iend  out  an 
army  under  Dercyllidas  for  their  protection. 
After  holding  his  own  for  a  year  and  gaining 
some  advantages  over  the  Persians,  he  was  con- 
fronted by  Pharnabazus,  who  secured  the  ser- 
vices of  Conon  the  Athenian  as  commander 
of  a  fleet  to  operate  against  the  Lacedse- 
monians. 

King  Agesilaiis  himself  went  to  Asia,  in 
B.  C.  396,  and  took  command  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian  army.  After  wintering  at  Ephesus 
he  advanced  upon  Sardis  and  won  a  victory 
over  Tissaphernes  on  the  banks  of  the  Pacto- 
lus.  The  latter  was  soon  afterwards  put  to 
death  at  the  instance  of  Parysatis,  who  still 
proved  herself  to  be  the  mother  of  mischief 
as  well  as  of  Artaxerxes.  The  satrapy  of 
Lydia  was  transferred  to  Tithraustes,  and  he 
soon  induced  Age'-ilaiis  to  withdraw  into  the 
country  of  his  fr'  ;ud  Pharnabazus,  satrap  of 
Phrygia.  The  .atter  had  always  had  the  con- 
fidence of  the  Spartans,  and  he  now  pro- 
tested with  the  king  in  such  manly  terms  that 
the  latter  was  induced  to  withdraw  to  Thebe, 
on  the  gulf  of  Elisus;  and  from  that  place 
he  was  erelong  obliged  to  repair  to  Sparta 
to  protect  his  own  country  from  impending 
dangers. 

For,  in  the  mean  time,  the  energies  of 
Conou,  backed  by  Persian  gold,  had  brought 
into  existence  and  equipped  a  fleet  superior 
to  that  of  the  Lacedtemonians.  The  appear- 
ance of  this  armament  in  the  western  waters 
tad  the  ^nect  to  incite  in  the  island  of  Rhodes 
a  democratic  insurrection  by  which  the  oligar- 
chy had  been  suppressed.  Afterwards,  in 
August  of  B.  C.  394,  the  allied  squadron  of 
Sparta  and  Phoenicia  was  overtaken  at  the 
peninsula  of  Cnidus,  in  Caria,  and  defeated 
"'"See  Book  Sixth,  pp.  367-369. 


with  a  loss  of  more  than  half  of  the  arma- 
ment. The  eflect  of  these  successes  of  the 
enemies  of  Sparta  was  such  as  further  to 
weaken  her  hold  upon  her  dependent  states 
and  to  hasten  the  day  of  the  overthi'ow  of 
her  power. 

About  this  time  Timocrates,  a  prominent 
Rhodian,  was  dispatched  to  the  leading  Greek 
cities,  well  supplied  with  Persian  gold,  to  in- 
duce a  revolt  against  the  Lacedaemonians. 
Thebes,  Corinth,  and  Argos  were  all  induced 
by  his  arguments  to  renounce  the  Spartan 
alliance,  and  hostilities  were  elmost  immedi- 
ately begun.  A  quarrel  occurred  between  the 
Locrians  and  Phocians  respecting  the  owner- 
ship of  a  narrow  strip  of  territory,  and  the 
former  appealed  to  Thebes  for  aid.  The  Pho- 
cians on  their  part  called  on  the  Spartans  for 
help,  and  the  latter  at  once  responded  in  full 
force  under  Lysander  himself.  After  devas- 
tating the  Phocian  territory  he  proceeded  to 
attack  the  town  of  Haliartus,  where  the  insur- 
gents were  posted  ;  but  the  latter  made  a  des- 
perate sally,  defeated  the  Lacedsemonians  and 
killed  Lysander.  In  the  following  night,  so 
comjjlete  was  the  Theban  victory,  the  invad- 
ers disbanded,  and  left  the  country.  A  few 
days  afterwards,  when  Pausanias,  who  ex- 
pected to  join  Lysander  at  Haliartus,  arrived, 
he  found  only  the  unburied  Sjsartan  dead  of 
the  recent  battle.  He  ivas  forced  by  the 
actual  peril  of  the  situation  to  accept  the 
terms  prescribed  by  the  Thebans  and  with- 
draw to  his  own  home.  The  victorious  insur- 
gents followed  in  his  rear  and  virtually  drove 
him  beyond  the  border.  Afraid  to  return  to 
Sparta,  the  king  found  a  hiding-place  in  the 
temple  of  Athene,  at  Tegea,  and  being  con- 
demned to  death  was  obliged  to  save  himself 
by  remaining  at  the  altar  of  the  protecting 
goddess. 

The  effect  of  this  decisive  reversal  of  for- 
tune was  to  strengthen  and  encourage  the 
enemies  of  Spartan  rule.  Athens,  Thebes, 
Corinth,  and  Argos  now  entered  into  a  for- 
mal league  against  the  Lacedsemonians.  The 
Euboeans,  the  Ozolian  Locrians,  the  Acarna- 
nians,  the  Ambracians,  the  Leucadians,  and 
the  Thracian  Chalcidiciaus  were  presently 
added  to  the  alliance,  which   now   made   no 


GREECE.— SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  ASCENDENCIES. 


591 


concealment  of  its  purpose  of  open  war.  In 
the  beginning  of  B.  C.  394,  the  allies  gath- 
ered at  the  isthmus  of  Corinth  and  bade  de- 
fiance to  the  Pcloponnesians.  It  was  at  this 
juncture  that  the  .Spartan  Ephors,  becoming 
with  good  reason  more  anxious  for  the  safety 
of  the  country  than  for  foreign  conquest,  re- 
called Agcf^ihuis  from  Asia  Minor  to  defend 
his  own  dominions. 

The  Spartiins  rallied  for  the  conflict  with 
unusual  energy.  They  advanced  by  way  of 
Mantinea  to  Sicyon,  where  they  were  con- 
fronted by  the  allies,  twenty-four  thousand 
strong.  The  latter,  however,  fell  back  to  the 
more  defensible  country  in  the  immediate  vi- 
cinity of  Corinth.  Here  was  fought  a  severe 
battle,  in  which  the  Spartans  won  an  indeci- 
sive victory. 

In  the  mean  time  Agesilaiis  had  left  Asia 
Minor,  and  was  approaching  by  the  old  Thra- 
cian  route  marked  out  by  Xerxes.  He  was 
joined  en  route  by  the  Ten  Thousand  Greeks, 
who  were  now  making  their  way  homewards 
from  the  Euxine.  After  reaching  Phocis, 
Agesilaiis  heard  of  the  defeat  and  death  of 
Pisandcr  at  the  battle  of  Cnidus,  but  he  con- 
cealed the  news  from  the  army.  On  the  plain 
of  CoROXEA  he  was  confronted  by  the  allied 
army.  The  Thebans,  who  led  the  advance, 
made  a  headlong  charge  and  broke  the  oppos- 
ing lines,  but  in  other  parts  of  the  field  the 
Spartans  were  victorious.  The  Thebans  turned 
about  and  fought  their  way  back  to  their 
friends  in  one  of  the  most  desperate  hand-to- 
hand  conflicts  recorded  in  Grecian  history. 
Though  the  field  remained  to  Agesilaiis,  his 
success  was  so  little  decisive  that  the  only 
mark  of  defeat  on  the  side  of  the  allies  was 
their  petition  for  the  privilege  to  bury  the 
dead.  After  the  Itattle  the  Spartan  king  at 
once  made  his  way  into  Peloponnesus,  where 
be  was  received  with  great  joy  by  the  alarmed 
Lacedaemonians  and  their  allies.  In  the  three 
battles  which  had  been  recently  fouL'ht,  two 
on  land  and  one  at  sea — Corinth,  Coronea, 
Cniilus — the  naval  engagement  had  been  espe- 
cially di.sii.strous  to  the  Spartans,  while  the 
land  conflicts  had  given  them  no  decided  ad- 
vantage. On  the  sea,  Conon  and  Pharna- 
bazus,  acting  in  concert,  were  sweeping  every 


thing  before  them,  and  the  Spartan  dominion 
in  the  .^gean  faded  away  more  rapidly  than 
it  had  been  acquired  by  the  battle  of  ^gos- 
potami. 

In  the  year  B.  C.  3i)3,  the  allied  fleet,  hav 
ing  completed  its  woik  among  the  islands, 
bore  down  upon  Greece.  Presently  the  strange 
spectacle  was  witnessed  of  a  friendly  Persian 
armament  lying  in  the  harbor  of  Pirseus! 
Pharnabazus,  in  his  intense  dislike  of  the 
Spartans,  assented  heartily  to  the  plans  of  his 
colleague,  Conon,  who  took  advantage  of  the 
situation  to  secure  the  resurrection  of  Athens. 
The  gold  of  Persia  was  freely  used  in  the 
work  of  restoring  the  walls  and  fortifications 
of  the  city.  Nor  was  the  hearty  aid  given  to 
this  enterprise  by  the  Thebans — at  whose  in- 
stance Athens  had  been  dismantled  and  de- 
stroyed— a  less  conspicuous  example  of  the 
mutability  of  parties  among  the  Greeks.  By 
the  assistance  thus  lent  by  her  former  enemies 
mo.st  bitter  and  unrelenting,  the  capital  city 
of  Attica  again  assumed  her  place,  and  though 
shorn  of  her  renown  and  glory,  was  soon  a 
scene  of  busy  life  and  ambitious  projects. 

The  whole  brunt  of  the  war  now  fell  on 
Corinth.  The  allies,  attempting  to  penetrate 
Peloponnesus  by  way  of  the  isthmus,  were 
resisted  by  the  Spartans,  who  from  their  head- 
quarters at  Sicyon  ravaged  the  country  along 
the  gulf  at  will.  They  finally  broke  down  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  long  walls  by 
which  the  city  of  Corinth  was  connected  with 
her  .seaport  of  Lechseum,  and  also  gained  a 
victory  over  those  who  tried  to  prevent  the 
demolition.  An  army  of  carpenters  and 
masons  was  soon  sent  out  from  Athens,  and 
the  walls  were  quickly  rebuilt ;  but  Agesilaiis, 
by  the  aid  of  his  brother  Teleutias,  who  com- 
manded the  fleet,  gained  possession  of  Le- 
chieum,  and  rendered  the  barricades  of  no 
111  It  her  u.se  to  the  city.  Corinth  herself  waa 
driven  to  the  verge  of  capitulation,  and  a 
company  of  Thebans,  who  came  as  an  em- 
bassy to  sue  for  peace,  were  treated  with  insult 
and  contempt  by  the  king,  who  was  now  con- 
fident of  his  aljiiity  to  inflict  a  complete  dis- 
comfiture upon  his  enemies. 

Just  at  this  juncture  an  unexpected  turn 
occurred    in    the    relations    of    the     parties. 


592 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Hitherto  the  important  wing  of  a  Greek  army 
had  always  consisted  of  the  hoplttes,  or  heavy- 
armed  soldiers.  The  peltastcF,  or  troops  of 
light  armor,  hait  ever  been  regarded  as  of  but 
secondary  importance  in  battles.  It  was  consid- 
ered the  business  of  the  peltasts  to  skirmish — 
to  annoy  and  distract  the  enemy  rather  than 
actually  to  beat  him  from  the  field  or  into 
the  dust.  That  work  was  reserved  for  the 
hoplites,  who  came  to  the  death  grapple  and 
were  the  actual  combatants — the  determining 
force  of  a  Greek  army. 

Some  of  the  allied  forces  in  Corinth  were 
at  the  time  referred  to  under  command  of 
the  Athenian  Iphicrates.  For  two  years  he 
had  been  engaged  in  the  training  of  a  body 
of  peltasts  with  a  view  to  making  them  more 
formidable  in  battle.  For  the  coat-of-mail 
worn  by  the  hoplites  he  substituted  a  linen 
corselet,  which  did  not  impede  the  freedom  of 
the  body.  He  lessened  the  weight  aud  diam- 
eter of  the  shield.  The  length  of  the  javelin 
and  short  sword  hitherto  carried  by  the  pel- 
tast  was  increased  one  half.  The  new  tactics 
laid  stress  upon  rapidity  of  evolution  in  the 
field  rather  than  upon  the  mere  momentum 
of  the  column. 

Having  got  his  corps  well  disciplined, 
Iphicrates  succeeded  in  several  unimportant 
engagements  in  inflicting  considerable  injury 
upon  the  enemy.  An  opportunity  now  offered 
to  test  the  value  of  the  new  service  on  a  more 
extensive  scale.  A  body  of  hoplites  from 
Amycla,  desiring  to  participate  in  a  festival 
at  home,  were  escorted  by  a  division  of  Spar- 
tans, also  hoplites;  and  when  the  latter  were 
returning,  Iphicrates,  with  what  appeared  to 
aU  a  piece  of  reckless  audacity,  drew  out  his 
corps  of  peltasts,  and  gave  them  battle. 

The  conflict  grew  sharp  and  then  furious. 
The  heavy-armed  Spartans  began  to  fall  on 
every  side  under  the  assaults  of  their  more 
active  and  less  encumbered  assailants.  They 
were  bewildered  at  the  novel  and  dangerous 
onsets  of  the  new  soldiery.  After  a  large 
part  of  their  number  had  been  cut  down 
without  ability  on  their  part  to  inflict  much 
injury  in  return,  they  broke  and  fled.  They 
were  pursued,  decimated,  driven  into  the  sea. 
rhe  effect  was  such   that  Agesilaiis  withdrew 


from  before  Corinth  and  returned  lu  a  very 
humble  plight  to  Sparta,  Iphicrates  there- 
upon sallied  forth  and  retook  nearly  all  the 
towns  in  the  eastern  aud  northern  districts  of 
Corinth. 

The  Spartans,  now  thoroughly  alarmed  by 
the  successes  of  the  allies,  and  especially  by 
the  exposure  of  their  coast  to  the  ravages  of 
Conon's  fleet,  liable  at  any  moment  to  drop 
upon  them,  concluded  that  it  was  time  for 
peace.  They  accordingly  opened  negotiations 
by  sending  Antalcidas,  their  best  diplomatist, 
to  the  court  of  Tiribazus,  who  had  succeeded 
Tithraustes  as  satrap  of  Ionia.  For  the  time, 
however,  the  ambassador  was  unsuccessful. 
The  representatives  of  the  allies  were  able  to 
thwart  his  efforts,  although  Tiribazus  was  in 
hearty  sympathy  with  the  Spartan  cause.  It 
was  at  this  juncture  that,  by  the  connivance 
of  the  satrap  and  the  Persian  court,  Conon 
was  seized — a  perfidious  act — and  imprisoned. 
Though  he  soon  afterwards  made  his  escape 
aud  returned  to  his  old  refuge  at  the  court  of 
Evagoras  in  Cyprus,  he  never  again  took  part 
in  the  public  affairs  of  his  country. 

By  this  time  Athens  had  sufficiently  re- 
vived to  send  out  a  fleet  of  forty  triremes  tf 
recover  her  possessions  on  the  Hellespont 
The  command  of  the  expedition  was  given  to 
Thrasybulus,  who  had  complete  success  in 
his  mission.  The  Athenian  authority  was 
reestablished,  and  the  toll  of  ten  per  cent 
reimposed  on  all  vessels  sailing  out  of  the 
Euxine.  After  this  work  was  accomplished, 
Thrasybulus  sailed  to  Lesbos  and  deposed 
the  Spartan  governor  of  the  island.  Landing 
on  the  coast  of  Pamphylia,  he  began  to  lay 
contributions  on  the  inhabitants;  but  the  lat- 
ter gathered  a  force,  attacked  his  camp  by 
night,  and  killed  him.  Like  many  another 
illustrious  Greek  who  had  served  his  country 
in  the  day  of  her  need,  he  was  doomed  to 
perish  in  an  ignominious  way  on  the  shore  of 
a  foreign  land. 

The  attention  of  the  Athenians  was  next 
called  to  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  island 
of  ^gina.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Ly- 
sander  had  restored  the  exiled  .lEginetans  and 
reestablished  the  oligarchy.  Without  suf- 
ficient resources  to  create  a  regular  navy,  the 


GREECE.— SPARTAN  AXD  THEBAN  ASCENDENCIES. 


593 


people  of  the  island  began  to  fit  out  privateers 
to  prey  upon  Athenian  commerce.  The  Lace- 
daemonian commander,  Tcleutias,  went  to 
^giua  witli  a  small  squadron,  and  turned  the 
attention  of  the  buccaneers  to  an  enterprise 
hardly  less  dangerous  but  somewhat  more 
honorable.  This  was  an  attempt  to  capture 
Piraeus.  With  a  fleet  of  only  twelve  ships  he 
sailed  audaciously  into  the  bay,  landed  his 
men  on  the  (juays,  seized  all  the  portable 
merchandise  which  was  exposed  about  the 
warehouses,  robbed  most  of  the  ships  in  the 
harlior,  and  sailed  back  to  ^glna. 

In  the  mean  time  Antalcidas,  accompanied 
by  the  Ionian  satrap  Tinl)azus,  had  made  his 
way  to  the  Persian  court  at  Susa.  The  Great 
King  was  now  more  inclined  than  hitherto  to 
favor  the  establishment  of  a  general  peace. 
After  much  negotiation  the  conditions  were 
finally  determined ;  and  in  B.  C.  387  the  am- 
bassadors returned  to  Asia  Minor  to  promul- 
gate the  terms  of  the  treaty.  The  forces 
with  which  Antalcidas  was  now  backed  were 
so  overwhelming,  both  by  land  and  sea,  as  to 
render  resistance  well-uigh  hopeless.  Amba.s- 
Badors  from  the  Grecian  states  were  invited  to 
meet  Tiribazus,  and  before  them,  under  the 
royal  seal  of  Persia,  the  treaty  was  delivered. 
It  was  couched  in  the  following  terms:  "King 
Artaxerxes  thinks  it  just  that  the  cities  in 
Asia  and  the  islands  of  Clazomenaj  and  Cyprus 
ehould  belong  to  him.  He  also  thinks  it  just 
to  leave  all  the  other  Grecian  cities,  both 
small  and  great,  independent — except  Lemnos, 
Imbros,  and  Scyros,  which  are  to  belong  to 
Athens,  as  of  old.  Should  any  parties  refuse 
to  accept  this  peace,  I  will  make  war  upon 
them,  along  with  those  who  are  of  the  same 
wind,  both  by  laud  and  sea,  with  ships  and 
with  money." 

Such  was  the  celebrated  Peace  of  Antal- 
<!1DAS,  dictated,  as  it  was,  by  an  Asiatic  mon- 
arch, the  threats  of  whose  ancestors  liad  been 
laughed  to  scorn  by  the  Greeks  in  the  heroic 
days  of  old.  Now,  however,  the  conditions 
were  tamely  accepted  by  a  degenerate  race, 
whose  resources  had  been  consumed  in  inter- 
necine strife  and  whose  patriotism  had  per- 
ished in  the  miserable  heats  of  faction.  The 
«nly  incident  in  the  acceptance  of  the  treaty 


by  the  Greek  states  was  that  Thebes,  instead 
of  taking  the  oath  in  her  own  name  only, 
persisted  in  swearing  for  the  whole  Boeotian 
confederacy,  of  which  she  claimed  to  be 
the  head. 

It  was  this  assumption  of  something  more 
than  local  indeijcndence  on  the  part  of  the 
Thebaus  that  gave  to  the  Spartans  their  first 
excuse  for  interfering  with  the  terms  of  the 
treaty.  They  accordingly  insisted,  at  the  ear- 
liest opportunity,  that  the  other  Boeotian 
cities,  as  well  as  Thebes  herself,  shoUid  be  lo- 
cally independent.  These  cities,  with  the 
exception  of  Orchomenus  and  Thespiae,  all 
preferred  to  remain  in  their  present  relations 
as  members  of  the  confederacy;  but  Sparta, 
determining  to  have  her  will  by  force,  pro- 
ceeded to  establish  garrisons  in  the  two  towns 
which  favored  her  views,  and  at  the  same 
time  undertook  the  resurrection  of  Plataea,  in 
order  to  make  the  same  a  basis  of  her  future 
operations  in  Central  Greece.  After  the  de- 
struction of  this  place,  as  previously  narrated, 
the  Plataeans  who  escaped  destruction  became 
domiciled  in  Athens,  and  by  intermarriages 
were  now  distinguished  only  by  tradition  from 
the  other  inhabitants;  but  when  their  city 
was  rebuilt,  most  of  these  descendants  of  the 
exiled  families  were  induced  to  return. 
Thebes,  meanwhile,  looked  on  and  witnessed 
these  insulting  proceedings  without  the  pres- 
ent power  to  interfere. 

As  soon  as  this  work  was  accomplished  in 
the  North,  Sparta  found  time  to  settle  an  old 
grudge  which  she  held  against  the  town  of 
Mantinea,  in  Arcadia.  There  was  nothing 
more  specific  to  be  alleged  against  this  place 
than  that  in  the  course  of  the  Lacedaemonian 
wars  the  Mantineans  had  always  been  un- 
friendly, supplying  encouragement  to  the 
enemies  of  Sparta  and  rejoicing  in  her  mis- 
fortunes. Agesipolis  was  now  dispatciied  to 
jiunisli  the  spirit  rather  than  ;ae  overt  acts 
of  Mantinea.  When  the  city  refused  to  de^ 
molish  her  walls,  the  Spartans  dammed  up 
the  river  Ophis  until  the  back-water,  rising 
against  the  bulwarks  of  sun-dried  bricks, 
undermined  them.  The  people  were  then 
obliged  to  surrender  at  discretion.  All  the 
fortifications  were  destroyed,  and  the  city  wa» 


594 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


resolved  into  the  five  villages  of  which  it  was 
originally  composed.  Over  each  of  these  vil- 
lages a  petty  oligarchy  was  established,  and 
then  the  Lacediemonians  retired  to  their  own 
place. 

Meanwhile,  the  city  of  Olyuthus,  at  the 
head  of  tiie  Toronaic  gulf,  in  the  southern- 
most of  the  Chalcidieian  peninsulas,  had  be- 
come the  center  of  a  formidable  confeder- 
acy. Nearly  all  the  towns  in  that  region, 
with  the  exception  of  Acanthus  and  ApoUo- 
nia,  had  entered  a  league  for  the  maintenance 
of  their  independence.  But  the  two  just 
named,  being  under  the  influence  of  oligar- 
chies, and  threatened  with  war  by  the  confed- 
erate cities,  appealed  to  Sparta  for  aid.  Their 
ambassadors  were  supported  by  Arayntas  of 
Macedon,  and  the  Lacedsemonians  were  not 
hard  to  convince  of  the  propriety  of  taking 
up  arms  against  Olynthus.  An  army  of  ten 
thousand  was  at  once  put  into  the  field,  and 
two  thousand  of  these  were  hurried  to  the 
North. 

This  advance  force  gained  some  advan- 
tages over  the  league,  and  Potidsea  was 
won  over  to  Sparta.  When  the  remainder 
of  the  Lacedaemonian  army,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Phoebidas,  was  sent  forward,  it  passed 
through  Boeotia,  and  by  a  singular  act  of 
treachery  gained  possession  of  Thebes.  The 
Thebans  had  joined  the  Olynthian  alliance,  and 
thus  aggravated  the  existing  animosity  of  the 
Spartans,  but  the  latter  concealed  their  pur- 
poses, and  acting  in  conjunction  with  Leonti- 
ades,  one  of  the  Theban  polemarchs,  laid  a 
plan  to  overthrow  the  government.  It  hap- 
pened that  at  this  time  the  festival  of  the 
Thesmophoria  was  celebrating  in  Thebes,  and 
that'  in  accordance  with  the  custom  the  Cad- 
mea  or  citadel;  was  given  up  to  the  women. 
While  the  city  was  thus  in  a  defenseless  con- 
dition, Phoebidas,  pretending  to  continue  his 
march,  suddenly  turned  about,  seized  the 
Cadmea,  arrested  and  put  to  death  Ismenias, 
the  popular  leader,  and  compelled  three  hun- 
dred of  his  followers  to  fly  for  their  lives. 

The  sequel  of  this  audacious  villainy  was 
in  keeping  with  the  Spartan  character.  With 
profound  duplicity  the  Ephors,  ivho  had  authnr- 
vied  the  act,  now,  in  answer  to  the  indignant 


voice  of  Greece,  disavowed  what  Phoebidas 
had  done  and  imposed  on  him  a  fine  for  his 
conduct.  Then  they  restored  him  to  his  com- 
mand, and  were  meanwhile  careful  to  keep 
possession  of  the  Cadmea ! 

Thebes,  thus  overrun,  was  obliged  to  enter 
into  a  Spartan  alliance,  and  to  furnish  troops 
to  assist  in  the  prosecution  of  the  Olynthian 
war.  For  four  years  (B.  C.  383-379)  the 
conflict  was  continued.  Agesipolis  died  and 
was  succeeded  by  Polybiades.  The  Spartans 
gradually  gained  on  the  allies  until  the  latter 
were  broken  up.  Olynthus  wa-s  besieged,  and 
after  a  long  investment,  was  taken  and  dis- 
mantled. All  the  Macedonian  towns  which 
had  been  in  rebellion  against  Amyutas  were 
restored  to  his  authority.  The  influence  of 
the  democratic  states  in  the  North,  so  neces- 
sary as  a  counterpoise  to  the  growing  power 
of  Macedon,  was  destroyed,  and  the  flood- 
gates left  open  for  the  coming  deluge. 

For  three  years  the  city  of  Thebes  re- 
mained in  the  hands  of  the  Spartan  confeder- 
ates. The  leaders  of  the  democracy  were  liv- 
ing in  exile  in  Athens.  Chief  among  these 
was  the  wealthy  young  Pelopidas,  who  had 
already,  by  his  virtues  and  abilities,  acquired 
an  ascendency  over  the  minds  of  his  country- 
men. The  leader  in  Thebes  was  the  great 
Epaminondas,  between  whom  and  Pelopidas 
the  warmest  ties  grew  up.  On  one  occasion, 
when  Pelopidas  was  scarcely  of  the  military 
age,  he  had  fought  rashly  in  battle  and  was 
beaten  down  by  the  enemy  ;  but,  in  the  crit- 
ical moment,  Epaminondas  threw  his  broad 
shield  between  the  gallant  youth  and  de- 
struction. 

Ever  afterwards  Pelopidas  looked  to  Epam- 
inondas as  to  a  father.  Between  the  two  he- 
roes communication  was  now  opened,  and  a 
conspiracy  was  formed  for  the  liberation  of 
Thebes  from  thralldom.  A  banquet  was  given 
to  the  polemarchs,  Archias  and  Philippus,  and 
when  they  were  well  drunken  Pelopidas,  and 
six  others,  who  had  come  into  the  city  in  dis- 
guise, were  introduced  dressed  as  women. 
When  the  intoxicated  officers  undertook  to 
lift  their  veils  the  conspirators  drew  their 
daggers  and  stabbed  them.  Leontiades,  the 
military    governor,    was    surrounded    in    his 


GREECE.— SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  ASCENDENCIES. 


595 


he  use  and  killed.  Epaminondas  issued  a  proc- 
lamation of  freedoni,  aud  the  Theljaus  from 
every  side  rushed  to  arms.  Au  assembly  was 
caKed  and  the  conspirators  were  publicly 
crowned  with  wreaths  of  flowers.  Tlie  old 
office  of  Bceotrarch  was  revived,  and  Pelopi- 
das,  Charon,  and  Mellon  were  chosen  to  ad- 
minister the  affairs  of  the  state.  The  city 
was  soon  filled  with  returning  exiles.  Athe- 
nian volunteers  poured  into  the  country,  aud 


but  the  fact  of  the  invasion  remained,  and 
the  exasjieratiou  of  Athens  could  not  be  ap- 
peased. 

Having  once  more  completely  broken  with 
the  Lacedsemoniaus,  the  Athenians  set  to  work 
with  great  energy  to  establish  a  new  league 
which  should  be  powerful  enough  to  uphold 
the  independence  of  the  democratic  states. 
The  plan  proposed  was  the  constitution  of  the 
old  confederacy  of  Delos.     A  congress  was  to 


El'AMIXONDAS  SAYKS  THE  LIFE  OF  I'ELOl'lDAS. 
Drawn  by  II.  Vogel. 


Epaminondas  soon  found  himself  at  the  head 
of  a  courageous  and  powerful  force. 

Sparta  was  thunderstruck  with  the  intelli- 
gence. R;illying  from  her  consternation  she 
dispatched  an  army  under  Ci.f.omrkotus  and 
Sphoduias  to  suppress  the  alarming  insurrec- 
tion. The  former  soon  retired  from  Boeotia 
without  accomplishing  any  thing,  and  the 
latter  was  bribed  by  the  Thebans  to  invade 
Attica — this  for  the  purpose  of  comi)elling  the 
Athenians  to  enter  into  an  active  alliance 
with  themselves.  The  ruse  was  successful. 
The  Spartans  disavowed  the  act  of  Sphodrias, 


be  created  of  delegates  from  the  seventy  in- 
dependent cities  composing  the  league,  and 
this  body  was  to  have  the  power  to  advise 
and  direct  in  all  matters  of  common  interest, 
under  the  leadcr.'<hip  of  Athens.  It  was  at 
once  voted  to  raise  an  army  of  twenty  thou- 
sand hoplites  and  five  hundred  cavalry,  and 
to  equip  a  fleet  of  two  hundred  galleys.  A 
sj)ecial  ta.x  was  assessed  in  Athens  to  push 
forward  the  preparations,  and  in  Thebes  the 
army  was  rapidly  brought  into  a  state  of  per- 
fect discijjline. 

Now   it   was  that   the    military  genius  of 


596 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Epaminondas  began  to  shine  with  inextin- 
guishable luster.  He  had  every  quality  req- 
uisite in  a  popular  hero.  He  was  a  man  of 
the  people.  To  the  intellectual  acquirements 
most  prized  in  his  own  country — music,  danc- 
ing, and  gymnastic  skill — he  added  the  best 
accomplishments  of  Athenian  learning.  By 
the  study  of  Pythagoras  and  Socrates  he  had 
familiarized  himself  with  the  best  aspects  of 
Greek  thought.  To  the  gifts  of  persuasive 
eloquence  he  added  personal  virtue,  and  to 
courage  of  the  most  heroic  pattern  the  high- 
est military  genius  ever  produced  in  Greece. 

After  the  failure  of  Cleombrotus  and 
Sphodrias,  the  now  aged  Agesilaiis  himself 
tock  the  field  to  restore  the  fortunes  of  Sparta. 
In  B.  C.  378  he  invaded  Bceotia  with  a  large 
army.  The  country  was  ravaged  to  the  gates 
of  Thebes,  but  no  decisive  battle  was  fought, 
nor  did  the  Spartans  manifest  any  extreme 
anxiety  to  incur  the  hazard  of  a  general  en- 
gagement. In  the  next  year  the  same  scenes 
were  witnessed  and  the  same  results  reached, 
except  that  Agesilaiis  was  injured  in  his  lame 
leg  and  for  several  seasons  disabled  from  com- 
mand. The  campaign  of  B.  C.  376  was  in- 
trusted to  Cleombrotus,  but  the  Thebans  met 
him  in  the  passes  of  the  Cithteron  and  he 
was  obliged  to  retire  without  crossing  the 
Boeotian  frontier. 

During  this  same  year  the  Athenian  fleets 
under  Chabrias  and  Phocion  gained  complete 
control  of  the  seas.  The  Spartan  squadron 
commanded  by  PoUio  was  defeated  off"  Naxos, 
and  on  the  western  coast  the  islands  of  Ceph- 
ellenia  and  Corcyra  were  recovered  for  the 
league.  So  great  was  the  success  of  the  allied 
navy  that  by  the  close  of  the  year  there  was 
less  cause  to  apprehend  danger  from  the  fleet 
of  Sparta  than  from  the  privateers  of  ^gina. 
But  for  a  growing  jealousy  between  Thebes 
and  Athens  every  thing  would  have  foreto- 
kened the  complete  triumph  of  the  allies. 

The  years  B.  C.  375  and  374  were  marked 
by  still  greater  successes  of  the  Theban  arms. 
In  the  former  summer  Pelopidas  gained  a  de- 
cisive victory  over  the  Spartans  at  the  town 
of  Tegyra.  The  harmost  of  Orchomenus  had 
begun  an  invasion  of  Locris,  and  at  the  same 
time  Pelopidas  undertook  the  capture  of  Or- 


chomenus ;  but  both  leaders  were  foiled  in  the 
objects  of  their  campaigns.  In  returning, 
however,  the  Thebans  fell  in  with  the  enemy 
near  Tegyra,  and  although  greatly  inferior  in 
numbers  Pelopidas  did  not  hesitate  to  join 
battle.  Depending  upon  the  splendid  Theban 
phalanx  known  as  the  Sacred  Band,  he  boldly 
made  the  onset,  and  when  a  mesisenger  big 
with  alarm  ran  to  him  and  cried  out,  "We 
are  fallen  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy,"  ha 
coolly  replied,  "  AVhy  then  the  enemy  are 
fallen  into  the  midst  of  us!"  The  result  of 
the  battle  was  ruinous  to  the  Lacedemonians. 
Both  of  their  generals  were  killed,  and  the 
losses  in  the  ranks  were  very  severe.  All  of 
the  region  round  about,  with  the  exception  of 
Orchomenus  and  Chffironea,  was  detached 
from  Spartan  rule. 

By  this  stage  of  the  war  it  had  become 
with  Thebes  not  so  much  a  question  of  inde- 
pendence as  how  far  she  might  extend  her 
influence.  Phocis  was  the  first  state  against 
which  she  felt  called  to  take  up  arms.  The 
Phocians  had  refused  to  pay  the  tribute 
levied  by  the  congress  of  the  confederacy, 
and  felt  comparatively  safe  in  doing  so  be- 
cause of  the  support  of  her  ar^cient  allies,  the 
Athenians.  The  latter,  oflended  at  the  atti- 
tude of  Thebes,  proposed  peace  to  the  Spar- 
tans, and  terms  were  at  once  agreed  upon. 
But  the  treaty  was  broken  almost  as  soon  as 
made,  and  hostilities  continued. 

After  a  few  years  of  varying  successes,  the 
desire  for  a  settlement  became  general  through- 
out Greece.  Antalcidas  was  again  dispatched 
(B  C.  372)  to  the  court  of  Persia  to  represent 
that  Thebes,  by  the  restoration  of  the  Boeotian 
confederacy,  had  violated  the  terms  of  the 
treaty  dictated  by  the  Great  King,  and  to  ask 
his  intervention.  This  proceeding  quickened 
the  desire  for  peace  on  the  part  of  the  demo- 
cratic states;  for  they  greatly  preferred  to 
settle  the  affairs  of  Greece  without  the  aid  or 
interference  of  Persia.  In  furtherance  of 
such  a  desire  a  conference  was  held  at  Sparta 
in  the  spring  of  B.  C.  371,  and  after  con- 
siderable discussion  the  conditions  of  peace — 
known  as  the  Peace  of  Callias  from  the 
name  of  the  Athenian  ambassador  —  were 
agreed  to  by  the  deputies. 


GREECE.— SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  ASCENDENCIES. 


597 


The  terras  of  the  compact  were — the  iude- 
pendence  of  the  various  Greek  cities,  the  dis- 
banding of  the  hostile  fleets,  and  the  dismissal 
of  all  the  Spartan  garrisons  from  the  towns 
now  occupied  by  them.  When  it  came  to 
signing  the  treaty  there  was  a  strange  inci- 
dent, which  revealed  more  plainly  than  words 
the  hollowness  of  the  settlement,  or  perhaps 
it  might  be  said  of  any  settlement  between 
the  states  represented  in  the  congress.  Sparta 
ratified  the  terms  for  herself  and  her  allies. 
Athens  signed  for  herself  only,  and  each  of 
the  confeiierate  cities  gave  a  separate  ratifica- 
tion until  it  came  to  Thebes.  Epaminondas  in 
sisted  that  lie  would  sign  for  himself  and  for 
the  Eieotian  confederacy.  When  this  proceed- 
ing was  resisted  by  Agesilaiis,  the  Theban 
boldly  defended  his  right,  maintaining  that 
the  same  difi'ered  in  no  respect  from  the  right 
of  Sparta  to  sign  for  the  Lacediemouian 
league.  He  declared  that  in  either  case  the 
right  depended  on  the  sword,  and  that  a  Boeo- 
tian sword  was  as  good  as  a  Spartan.  Agesi- 
laiis was  greatly  angered  at  this  "insolence," 
and  the  altercation  became  so  violent  that  the 
king  in  a  rage  ordered  the  name  of  Thebes 
to  be  struck  out  of  the  treaty.  So  Epamin- 
ondas was  left  to  himself  and  his  sword. 

Of  course  there  was  but  one  thing  to  be 
expected — the  immediate  invasion  of  Boeotia 
by  the  Lacedemonians.  Nor  was  it  regarded 
as  within  the  range  of  things  possible  that 
Thebes,  even  with  the  support  of  her  great 
general,  could  long  withstand  the  assaults  of 
her  inveterate  and  jiowerful  foe.  Neverthe- 
less, when  Cleombrotus,  who  now  held  com- 
mand of  the  Spartan  army  in  Phocis,  was 
onlered  to  march  into  Bceotia  and  put  down 
all  opposition,  Epaminondas,  notliing  daunted, 
made  preparations  to  give  him  battle.  The 
combatants  met  on  the  plain  of  Leuctka.  The 
Thebans  were  greatly  discouraged  at  the  ap- 
proach of  the  cncniy.  Bad  omens  were  re- 
ported b_v  the  seers.  Three  of  the  seven 
Bceotnirciis  voted  to  return  to  the  city  and  to 
send  tlu'ir  wives  and  children  to  Athens. 
But  I'][)aruin()n(las  could  not  be  appalled. 
Just  before  the  battle  began  an  exile  dis- 
covered that  the  field  contained  the  tombs  of 
two  Theban  virgins  who  had  killed  themselves 


after  liaviug  been  violated  by  Spartan  sol- 
diers. The  general  had  their  graves  covered 
with  garlands,  and  demanded  that  the  out- 
raged honor  of  Theban  womanhood  should 
now  be  vindicated  on  the  ilastardly  race  that 
had  committed  the  deed.  The  spirit  of  the 
soldiers  was  fired  with  the  appeal,  and  the 
conflict  began. 

The  tactics  adopted  by  Epaminondas  were 
a  novelty  in  Grecian  warfare.  Hitherto  there 
had  been  but  little  variation  from  the  estab- 
lished usage  of  the  field.  The  Greek  com- 
mander generally  arranged  his  forces  so  as  to 
"attack  in  line."  The  theory  of  battle  was 
that  the  whole  line — center,  left  wing,  right 
wing — must  be  maintained  unbroken.  It  is 
to  Epaminondas  that  the  method  of  attacking 
in  column,  that  is,  of  throwing  upon  some 
particular  part  of  the  enemy's  lines  a  heavy 
mass  of  men  moving  in  a  column  with  a  nar- 
row front,  but  of  great  depth,  must  be  re- 
ferred. He  adopted  this  policy  for  the  first 
in  the  battle  of  Leuctra.  Concentrating  his 
best  troops  in  the  left  wing,  where  they  were 
massed  to  the  depth  of  fifty  files,  he  threw 
them  with  irresistible  force  against  the  Spar- 
tan right.  The  Theban  center  and  right  were 
not  advanced  at  all,  but  held  in  reserve  to 
act  according  to  the  emergency.  With  the 
onset  the  Lacedtemoniau  right  wing  was 
utterly  routed.  Gleombrotus  was  mortally 
wounded — the  first  Spartan  "king"  who  had 
fallen  in  battle  since  the  da}'  of  Therm(>pyl£e. 
The  rout  was  complete.  The  Spartans  were 
granted  the  privilege  of  burying  their  dead, 
but  these  were  first  stripped  of  their  armor, 
which  was  hung  as  a  trophy  in  Thebes. 

The  effect  of  this  victory  was  tremendous 
in  all  Greece.  It  had  been  believed  that  in  a 
general  field  battle  the  Spartan  hoplites  were 
invincible.  Here  at  Leuctra,  though  superior 
in  numbers,  advantageously  posted,  and  ably 
commanded,  they  had  been  beaten  down  by 
the  hitherto  comjiarativelv  undistinguished 
soldiery  of  Thebes,  and  this,  too,  l)y  a  method 
of  attack  which  was  an  innovation  upon  the 
established  rules  of  battle.  Sparta  had  never 
before  suflered  so  great  a  disaster  in  the  field.' 


'As  illustrative  of  Spartan  character  ami  nian- 
ipr«.  the  reception  of  Uie  news  of   tlie   batt/e  of 


598 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


'\\Tiether  viewed  iu  itself  as  a  ruinous  defeat, 
or  considered  as  a  precedent  of  what  might 
be  expected  hereafter,  the  shock  might  well 
be  regarded  as  fatal  to  Spartan  military 
fame. 

At  this  epoch  in  Grecian  history  appeared 
on  the  stage  Jason  of  Pher.e,  generalissimo 
of  Thessaly.  After  the  battle  of  Leuctra,  the 
Thebans  sent  to  him  for  assistance  in  the  fur- 
ther prosecution  of  their  war  with  Sparta. 
Already  ambitious  of  extending  his  own  in- 
fluence in  Northern  and  Central  Greece,  he 
gladly  joined  his  forces  with  those  of  Thebes 
to  complete  the  expulsion  of  the  La,cedsemo- 
nians  from  the  country.  This  was  accom- 
plished, however,  rather  by  strategy  than  by 
force ;  for  Jason  assumed  the  office  of  an  ar- 
biter, and  the  three  hundred  surviving  Spar- 
tans were  permitted  to  escape  from  Breotia 
and  return  home. 

It  was  evident  from  this  transaction  that 
Jason  of  Pherae,  having  had  a  taste  of  Greek 
politics,  was  enamored  of  the  situation,  and 
that  he  saw  in  the  same  an  opportunity  for  the 
extension  of  his  own  influence  and  authority. 
After  scanning  the  horizon,  it  appeared  to 
him  that  Southern  Greece  offered  the  most 
favorable  field  for  his  operations.  Accord- 
ingly he  announced  his  intention  to  partici- 
pate in  the  ensuing  Pythian  Festival  of 
August,  B.  C.  370.  He  caused  it  to  be  pro- 
claimed that  he  would  himself  take  charge  of 
the  celebration,  and  that  his  sacrifice  to 
Apollo  should  consist  of  one  thousand  bulls 
and  ten  thousand  sheep,  goats,  and  swine. 
The  Delphian  priests  and  Amphictyons  were 
thrown  into  consternation  by  these  tidings, 
but  the  oracle  gave  assurance  that  Phoebus 
would  guard  his  shrine.  A  short  time  after- 
wards, and  i)efore  the  date  of  the  festival, 
Jason  was  brought  to  a  pause  by  assassina- 
tion.    Seven    young   men    rushed    upon    him 

Leuctra  forms  a  striking  incident.  The  festival 
of  Gyinnopsedia,  wliich  was  celebrating  at  the 
time,  went  on  without  interruption.  Women 
were  forbidden  to  wail  for  their  dead.  The  rela- 
tives of  those  wlio  were  slain  went  about  the 
streets  laughing;  while  those  whose  friends  had 
survived  from  the  battle  wept  from  shame  and 
mortification.  As  for  the  rest,  Sparta  merely  pre- 
pared to  rescue  her  army. 


and  gave  him  his  quietus  while  he  sat  in  pub- 
lic hearing  causes. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Mantineans,  whose 
city,  as  heretofore  related,  had  been  disman- 
tled by  the  Spartans,  had  availed  themselves 
of  the  decline  of  Lacedjemonian  influence  to 
rebuild   their  ramparts.     In   this  work  they 
were  supported  by  other  Arcadian  towns  and 
also  by  Thebes;   for  the  latter  saw  in  these 
movements  a  sign  of  the  cloud  that  was  to 
break  over  Sparta.     Agesilaiis  marched  into 
Arcadia,  but  was  unable  to  prevent  the  Man- 
tineans from  restoring  their  city.     He,  how- 
ever,   did    much    damage    by    ravaging    the 
country    round    about,    and    then    withdrew. 
Epaminondas  was  already  on  the  march  to 
the  south,  where  he  was  joined  by  the  Argives 
and  the  Eleans,  by  whom  his  already  large 
army  was  increased  to  seventy  thousand  men. 
His  plan  now  contemplated  the  restoration  to 
independence  of  Messenia,  whose  people  for 
generations  had  been  scattered  into  all  parts 
of    Greece.     So    great    was    the    enthusiasm 
created  by  the  presence  of  Epaminondas  in 
Peloponnesus    that    the    enemies    of    Sparta, 
availing  themselves  of  the  manifest  paralysis 
of  that  power,  exhorted  him  to  make  an  in- 
vasion of  Laconia.     To  this  he  assented,  and 
his  army   was    immediately  advanced    across 
the  border  and  was  soon  at  Amj'clse,  on  the 
the    Eurotas,    only   a    few    miles    from   the 
capital. 

The  alarm  at  that  city  knew  no  bounds. 
The  women  of  Sparta,  who  had  never  seen  the 
face  of  an  enemy,  went  about  wailing. 
Nothing  but  the  energy  and  courage  of  Ages- 
ilaiis saved  the  city  from  capture  and  de- 
struction ;  but  through  his  exertions,  assisted 
by  the  Ephors,  the  walless  capital  of  Laconia 
was  soon  brought  into  a  state  of  defense. 
And  though  the  king  did  not  dare  to  go 
forth  and  give  his  antagonist  battle,  he  yet 
succeeded  in  protecting  the  city.  Ejjaminon- 
das,  however,  wasted  the  country  at  wUl,  and 
withdrew  unmolested  to  the  west.  Here,  in 
Arcadia  and  Messenia,  he  prosecuted  success- 
fully his  purpose  of  establishing  an  Arcadian 
confederation  and  restoring  the  state  of  Mes- 
senia to  independence.  To  secure  the  latter 
object,  the  ancient  cliffs    of   Ithome  were  se- 


GREECE.— SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  ASCENDENCIES. 


.599- 


lected,  and  a  new  capital,  called  Messene,  was 
established  on  the  summit. 

Such  was  the  present  abasement  of  Sparta 
that  she  now  sent  humbly  to  Athens  to  solicit 
an  alliance  against  the  Thebans.  The  Athe- 
nians rcadilv  assented,  but  SpartM,  in  order  \i> 


bans  soon  broke  through  the  passes,  and  in 
B.  C.  369  made  the  usual  invasion  of  South- 
ern Greece.  Still  the  campaign  was  not  at- 
tended with  much  success,  and  in  the  mean 
time  the  Lacediemouian  cause  was  cousider- 
idilv    revived    1)V    tlie    Mrrival    of  a   squadroQ 


w^^^^ 


BANQUET  I 


secure  the  league,  was  obliged  to  renounce 
her  claims  of  leadership.  It  was  agreed  that 
the  command  both  by  land  and  sea  should 
alternate  in  periods  of  five  daj-s  between  the 
generals  of  the  two  states.  The  first  move- 
ment of  the  new  allies  was  to  occupy  the 
isthmus  of  Coi'inth.  Thus  shoulil  Epaminon- 
das  be  cut  oR'  from  communication  with  his 
confederates  in  Peloponnesus.     But  the  Tlie- 


from  Syracuse,  the  same  being  sent  out  by  the 
Sicilian  tyrant,  Dionysius."  AVith  the  approach 

'  It  was  at  the  court  of  the  Tyrant  Dionysius 
that  tlie  celebrated  incident  occurred  in  which 
the  courtier  Damocles  figured  as  the  principal 
actor.  As  narrated  by  Cicero,  this  distinguished' 
sycophant  liad,  after  the  manner  of  liis  kind, 
lauded  Dionysius,  and  ascribed  to  him  snoh  hap- 
piness as  belongs  only  to  the  immortals.  In  order 
to  rebuke  tliis  unseemly  (lattery,  tbe   Tyrant  in- 


600 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


of  winter  Epaminondas  retired  to  Thebes  and 
the  allies  to  their  respective  states. 

The  year  B.  C.  368  was  mostly  occupied 
by  an  expedition  of  Pelopidas  into  Thessaly. 
After  the  death  of  Jason,  Alexander,  a  Thes- 
ealian  prince,  had  succeeded,  by  murdering 
his  two  brothers,  in  becoming  generalissimo 
of  the  country.  Against  him — for  he  enter- 
tained the  same  ambitious  projects  of  his 
predecessor — the  Thebau  campaign  was  di- 
rected. Pelopidas  was  entirely  successful. 
Alexander  was  obliged  to  solicit  a  settlement, 
and  the  cities  of  Thessaly  were  mostly  in- 
duced to  enter  into  a  league  against  the  ex- 
tension of  his  power.  As  soon  as  the  state 
was  reduced  to  quiet  Pelopidas  marched  into 
Macedonia,  whose  regent  Ptolemy  was  induced 
to  make  an  alliance  with  the  Thebans;  and 
to  bind  the  compact  the  young  Macedonian 
prince,  Philip,  son  of  Amyntas,  was  given  as 
a  hostage  and  taken  to  Thebes,  where  he  spent 
several  years,  keenly  alive  to  the  influences 
of  Greek  politics  and  the  culture  of  the 
South.  Thus  was  brought  about  the  first  con- 
tact between  the  Greek  states  and  the  great 
power  of  the  North  by  whose  sword  their  lib- 
«rties  were  so  soon  to  be  extinguished. 

Meanwhile,  the  league  of  the  Arcadian 
cities  had  grown  strong  as  well  as  over-con- 
fident under  the  leadership  of  Lycomedes. 
Like  all  the  other  Greeks  the  Arcadians,  as 
soon  as  freedom  dawned,  rushed  forward  to 
gain  first  independence  and  then  ascendency. 
This  haste  to  be  great  roused  the  jealousy  of 
Thebes,  and  she  now  looked  coldly  on  the 
Arcadian  confederation  or  even  sympathized 
with  its  enemies.  After  the  arrival  of  the 
Syracusan  reinforcements  the  Spartans,,  feel- 
ing strong  enough  to  assume  the  offensive,  in- 
vaded Arcadia,  and  succeeded  in  bringing  on 
an  action  in  which  the  forces  of  the  towns  of 
the  league  were  completely  routed.  Not  a 
single  Spartan  fell  in  the  conflict,  and  the 
.'€ght  was  for  this  reason  given  the  name  of 
the  Tearless  Battle. 


vited  Damocles  to  a  lianquet.  When  the  courtier 
arrived  and  was  seated,  he  glanced  upward  and 
beheld  ahove  his  head  a  sword  suspended  by  a 
single  hair!  Tlius  would  his  master  teach  him 
*he  peril  and  precarious  tenure  of  greatness. 


The  important  event  of  the  years  B.  C. 
367-366  was  the  embassy  sent  by  Thebes  to 
Persia.  Ever  since  the  Peace  of  Antalcidas 
the  Great  King  had  claimed  and  exercised 
the  rights  of  an  arbiter  in  the  internal  afiairs 
of  Greece.  The  Thebans,  now  claiming  the 
position  of  leadership,  felt  that  it  was  neces- 
sary for  their  assumption  to  be  recognized  by 
the  Persian  court.  Pelopidas  and  Ismenias 
were  accordingly  sent  to  Susa  to  secure  the 
sanction  of  the  royal  power  to  the  claim  of 
Thebes,  and  also  to  obtain  the  decision  of 
the  king  respecting  several  disputes  now 
pending  between  the  Greek  states.  The 
Athenians,  in  order  if  possible,  to  counteract 
the  arguments  of  the  Theban  ambassadors, 
sent  Timagoras  and  Leon  to  represent  Athens 
and  the  Peloponnesian  league.  But  the  king, 
who  had  now  learnt  that  the  easiest  way  to 
maintain  his  ascendency  in  Greece  was  to 
support  the  strongest  state,  readily  inclined 
to  the  side  c  Thebes.  Her  leadership  was 
formally  recognized,  and  the  pending  difficul- 
ties in  Peloponnesus  were  all  decided  accord- 
ing to  her  wish. 

The  settlement,  however,  was  unfavorably 
received  in  Greece.  In  vain  did  Thebes  in- 
sist that  the  rescript  of  the  Great  King  should 
be  accepted  by  the  assembly  convened  to  hear 
the  conditions  of  the  adjustment.  The  Arca- 
dians withdrew  from  the  council.  Other 
states  refused  to  ratify  the  terms.  Pelopidas 
and  Ismenias  went  in  person  to  Thessaly  to 
secure  a  ratification.  Alexander  had  them 
seized  and  imprisoned  at  Pherse.  When  the 
Thebans  undertook  to  recover  their  general 
and  sent  an  army  of  more  than  eight  thou- 
sand men  into  Thessaly  they  were  defeated 
and  driven  from  the  country.  For  in  a  fit 
of  folly  they  had  refused  that  year  to  reelect 
Epaminondas  Bceotrarch,  and  the  commanders 
who  went  against  Alexander  were  incompe- 
tent as  leaders. 

The  great  general,  however,  was  serv- 
ing in  the  ranks,  and  when  the  army,  pur- 
sued by  Alexander,  was  about  to  be  ruined, 
the  soldiers  called  on  Epaminondas  to  save 
them.  He  accordingly  took  command  and 
the  Theban  forces  were  delivered  from  their 
peril.     A  reaction  in  his  favor  was  the  imme- 


GREECE.— SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  ASCENDENCIES. 


m 


diate  result.  He  was  restored  to  his  office 
and  intrusted  with  a  new  expedition  to  se- 
cure the  release  of  Pelopidas.  He  at  once 
proceeded  into  Thessaly  and  induced  Alexan- 
der rather  by  diplomacy  than  by  force  to  set 
Pelopidas  at  liberty.  Epamiuoudas  then  re- 
frained from  any  severe  retaliation  against 
the  generalissimo  on  the  ground  of  ex- 
pediency. 

The  next  incident  of  the  struggle  to  main- 
tain the  Theban  ascendency  was  the  capture 
of  Oropus.  This  town,  situated  near  the  bor- 
der line  between  Athens  and  Thebes,  had  for 
a  long  time  been  in  possession  of  the  former 
city;  but  the  people  of  Oropus,  composed  for 
the  most  part  of  Theban  exiles,  sympathized 
with  the  mother  state,  and  watching  their  op- 
portunity seized  the  city  and  delivered  it  over 
to  Thebes.  About  the  same  time  the  Arca- 
dians, under  the  load  of  Lycomodes,  having 
been  alienated  by  the  course  of  the  Thei)an 
authorities,  sought  and  obtained  an  alliance 
with  Athens,  though  in  the  course  of  the 
negotiations  Lycomedes  was  assassinated  by 
some  exiles  acting  in  the  Theban  interest. 
By  this  league  it  became  more  than  ever  de- 
sirable for  Athens  to  have  possession  of  the 
isthmus  of  Corinth  to  the  end  that  she  might 
keep  a  free  conmuinication  between  herself 
and  her  Peloponnesian  allies.  She  accord- 
ingly with  singular  moral  obliquity  formed 
the  design  of  seizing  Corinth,  though  ])etw('en 
herself  and  that  city  there  was  not  the  slight- 
est cause  of  quarrel.  The  Corinthians,  how- 
ever, gathered  an  intimation  of  the  .scheme, 
and  were  able  by  judicious  measures  to  thwart 
the  purpose  of  her  friend.  They  then  turned 
to  Thebes  with  a  proposition  for  a  general 
peace.  To  this  the  Thebans  assented,  and  a 
conference  was  accordingly  convened  at  Sparta, 
but  only  the  minor  states  could  agree  on  the 
terms  of  settlement.  Thebes,  Athens,  Sparta, 
and  Arcadia  could  not  be  reconciled,  and  the 
struggle  continued  as  before. 

During  the  years  B.  C.  36.5-364  the  Athe- 
nians regained  in  some  measure  their  ascen- 
dency at  sea.  A  fleet  under  command  of 
Timothcus  conquered  Samos  and  restored  the 
authority  of  his  country  in  most  of  the  Cyc- 

lades.     The  effect  of  this  revival  of  maritime 
K.— Vol.  1—37 


power  was  to  arouse  and  exasperate  the  The- 
bans, who  had  never  hitherto  wielded  any 
influence  in  the  J<]gean.  Epaminondas  en- 
couraged his  countrymen  to  build  a  fleet  of 
one  hundred  triremes  and  was  himself  put  in 
command  of  the  squadron.  Sailing  to  the 
Hellespont  in  B.  C.  363  he  made  as  though 
he  would  begin  a  conquest  of  the  countries 
adjacent  thereto,  but  nothing  came  of  the  ex- 
pedition. The  sea-service  was  a  novelty  both 
to  himself  and  his  men. 

While  this  maritime  andiition  had  pos- 
session of  the  mind  of  Ejjaminondas,  Pelopi- 
das organized  a  laud  force  and  again  invaded 
Thessaly.  The  recollection  of  his  imprison- 
ment rankled  within  him,  and  he  determined 
that  Alexander  should  feel  the  force  of  his 
vengeance.  The  latter  raised  a  large  army 
and  advanced  to  meet  the  Thebans.  The  two 
enemies  confronted  each  other  in  the  field  of 
Cynoscephal.e,  where  the  Thessalians,  though 
greatly  superior  in  numbers,  were  completely 
routed.  Pelopidas,  however,  like  Cyrus  the 
Younger  at  Cunaxa,  inspired  by  a  sudden 
rage  on  beholding  Alexander  in  the  enemy's 
confused  ranks,  made  a  rash  and  furious 
charge  with  the  hope  of  reaching  him.  But 
Alexander  was  surrounded  by  his  friends,  and 
Pelopidas,  cutting  at  them  with  blind  fury, 
was  himself  struck  down  and  killed.  His  loss 
was  so  great  as  to  counterbalance  the  victory. 
Shortly  afterwards,  however,  a  .second  Theban 
campaign  against  Thessaly  was  completely 
successful.  Alexander  was  stripped  of  all  his 
dependencies  and  confined  to  the  limits  of  his 
own  city  of  Pherro. 

In  the  mean  time  a  war  had  broken  out 
between  Elis  and  Arcadia.  The  latter  state 
in  B.  C.  364  had  transferred  the  presidency 
of  the  Olympic  games  from  the  Eleans  to  the 
Pisatans,  and  the  former  enileavorcd  to  main- 
tain their  rights  by  force.  During  the  prog- 
ress of  the  festival  they  came  armed  into  the 
sacred  ]>recinct.'i,  and  were  resisted  by  the  Ar- 
cadians. The  temjile  of  Zeus  was  seized  and 
used  as  a  fortress,  and  the  celebration  was 
broken  up  in  a  shameful  conflict.  The  Eleana 
were  finally  compelled  to  retire,  but  ihey 
sought  revenge  by  striking  the  one  hundred 
and    fiuirtli    01ym])iad    from    the    list   of    the 


602 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


festivals  and  counting  it  ever  afterwards  a 
dies  non. 

After  the  war  had  continued  for  two  years 
Epamiaoudas  again  undertook  the  pacification 
of  Peloponnesus  and  marched  a  large  army 
across  the  isthmus.  He  was  joined  by  reen- 
forcements  from  those  states  and  towns  favor- 
able to  the  Theban  cause,  while  those  who 
were  opposed  rallied  in  great  force  at  Man- 
tinea.  The  aged  Agesilaiis,  of  Sparta,  set  out 
for  this  place  at  the  head  of  the  Lacedsemo- 
nian  forces,  and  Epaminondas  seeing  the  La- 
conian  capital  thus  exposed,  once  more  formed 
the  design  of  capturing  it.  By  a  swift  move- 
ment he  reached  the  city  before  Agesilaiis 
could  reenter ;  but  the  houses  were  so  well 
defended  and  the  old  king  so  alert  that  the 
Theban  was  obliged  to  retire.  Sparta  again 
escaped  destruction  by  the  skin  of  her  teeth. 

Epaminondas,  however,  at  once  made  his 
way  to  Mantinea,  and  here  was  fought  the 
decisive  battle  of  the  war.  The  conflict  oc- 
curred in  the  plain  between  the  city  and  Te- 
gea.  On  coming  upon  the  field  Epaminondas 
ordered  his  soldiers  to  ground  arms.  From 
this  movement  the  Spartans  and  Mantinseans 
inferred  that  the  battle  would  not  occur 
until  the  following  day.  They  accordingly 
took  off  their  breastplates  and  disposed  them- 
selves at  ease.  But  Epaminondas  was  busy 
with  preparations,  and  had  no  thought  of 
procrastination.  He  adopted  the  same  plan 
of  battle  as  at  Leuctra.  He  massed  his  best 
troops  into  a  column  of  great  depth  and 
hurled  them  upon  the  enemy,  who,  hurrying 
into  rank,  were  unable  to  withstand  the 
shock.  The  field  was  swept  at  a  single  charge, 
and  the  soldiers  of  Sparta  were  again  seen  in 
flight.  But  the  victory  was  purchased  by 
Thebes  at  too  dear  a  price.  Epaminondas, 
fighting  in  the  foremost  ranks,  was  struck  in 
the  breast  with  a  spear  and  fell  mortally 
wounded.  He  was  carried  from  the  field  in 
a  dying  condition.  Having  satisfied  himself 
that  his  shield  tvas  safe,  and  that  the  victory 
was  certainly  won,  he  ordered  the  spear-head 
to  be  drawn  from  his  breast,  and  died. 

The  Theban  ascendency  perished  with  him. 
Both  of  those — lolaidas  and  Daiphantus— 
whom  he  had  indicated  as  his  successors  per- 


ished in  the  battle,  and  his  oyu  dying  advice 
to  make  peace  was  as  necessary  as  it  was  judi- 
cious. His  great  rival,  Agesilaiis,  survived 
him  but  a  short  time,  and  then  ended  his 
career  in  a  most  dramatic  manner.  At  the 
age  of  eighty  years,  the  indomitable  old  man, 
hobbling  about  on  his  lame  leg,  organized  a 
force  of  one  thousand  hoplites  and  went  on 
an  expedition  into  Egypt.  That  country, 
under  the  leadership  of  Tachos,  was  now  en- 
gaged in  an  insurrection  against  the  Persians, 
and  the  Spartan  king  went  to  his  aid.  He 
cut  so  ridiculous  a  figure  on  his  arrival  that 
Egyptian    ridicule   could    not    be   restrained. 

But  the  party  of  Neetanebis,  who  presently 
rose  against  Tachos,  better  appreciated  the 
military  genius  of  the  short  old  octogenarian, 
who  went  stumping  about  the  ranks  with  the 
imperturbable  spirit  for  which  his  race  had 
always  been  noted.  Agesilaiis  actually  raised 
Neetanebis  to  power,  and  was  by  him  re- 
warded with  a  present  of  two  huudred  and 
thirty  talents.  But  on  his  way  homeward 
the  old  man  died.  His  body  was  embalmed 
in  wax  and  carried  to  Sparta,  where  it  was 
buried  with  great  honor.  The  ancient  proph- 
ecy which  had  confronted  him  at  the  be- 
ginning of  his  reign,  and  which  Lysander 
had  to  explain  away,  had  indeed  been  ful- 
filled. Sparta  had  good  reason  to  beware  of 
the  "lame  reign,"  for  her  prominence  in  the 
afliairs  of  Greece  ceased  with  the  death  of 
Agesilaiis. 

Mention  has  been  recently  made  of  a 
squadron  sent  to  the  aid  of  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians by  Dionysius,  tyrant  of  Syracuse.  The 
incident  naturally  suggests  a  few  paragraphs 
on  the  progress  of  Grecian  civilization  in  Sic- 
ily and  Southern  Italy.  After  the  complete 
collapse  of  the  Athenian  expedition  of  B.  C. 
413,  at  which  time  the  government  of  Syra- 
cuse was  in  the  hands  of  the  oligarchic  or 
Spartan  party,  a  revolution  occurred  in  favor 
of  the  democracy.  One  Diodes,  a  learned 
and  patriotic  citizen,  was  appointed  to  draft 
a  popular  constitution.  Hermocrates,  the 
leader  of  the  oligarchy,  was  banished;  but 
a  counter  revolution  was  soon  organized  by 
which  he  was  enabled  to  return  and  Diodes 
was  himself  sent  into  exile.      \Miile   the  oli- 


GREECE.— SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  ASCENDENCIES. 


603 


garchic  chief  was  endeavoring  to  regain  pos- 
session of  Syracuse  he  was  slain;  but  his 
cause  was  immediately  tiiken  up  by  the  young 
Dionysius,  a  man  of  great  abilities  and  au- 
dacity, who  soon  obtained  a  vote  of  the  assem- 
bly by  which  he  was  raised  first  to  authority 
and  then  to  despotism.  He  first  made  suc- 
cessful war  upon  several  of  the  Sicilian  cities, 
and  then  began  a  conflict  with  Carthage.  But 
this  undertaking  proved  beyond  his  capacity 
to  manage.  The  island  was  invaded  by  an  im- 
mense force  of  Carthaginians,  and  Syracuse 
was  only  saved  from  capture,  and  perhaps 
destruction,  by  the  ravages  of  a  pestilence 
which  broke  out  iu  the  camp  of  the  besiegers. 
ImilcDii,  the  Canhagiuiau  general,  then  pur- 
chased from  Dionysius  the  privilege  of  a  safe 
retreat  from  the  island. 

Under  the  direction  of  the  tyrant,  Syracuse 
soon  became  the  foremost  city  in  the  west. 
And,  indeed,  in  all  continental  Greece,  Sparta 
only  could  rival  the  power  and  grandeur  of 
the  Sicilian  capital.  Dionysius  himself  set 
the  example  in  artistic  and  literary  culture. 
He  courted  the  Muses.  He  had  his  poems 
publicly  recited,  not  only  iu  his  own  city,  but 
also  iu  Athens.  He  contended  for  prizes  at 
the  Lenrean  festival  and  at  the  Olympic 
games.  Several  second  and  third  prizes  were 
awarded  to  him,  and  finally  the  first  ])rize  in 
tragedy,  given  for  his  play  entitled  the  Ran- 
toni  of  Hector.  For  thirty-eight  years  he 
wielded  the  destinies  of  the  city,  and  died 
without  an  overthrow. 

After  him  his  sou.  known  as  Dionysius  the 
Ydunger,  became  master  of  Syracuse,  and  for 
A  'vhile,  under  the  influence  of  Pi.ato,  who 
was  invited  to  his  court,  showed  some  signs 
of  mitigating  the  rigorous  rule  established  by 
his  father ;  but  the  influence  of  courtiers  ])re- 
vailed  against  these  tendencies,  and  Plato  liini- 
flelf,  falling  into  disrepute,  was  for  a  season  in 
clanger  of  Ids  life.  At  length,  however,  the 
philosopher  escaped  and  returned   to  Greece. 

Soon  afterwards,  in  B.  C.  .3.")7,  Dion,  the 
leader  of  the  opposing  party  in  politics,  headed 
an  insurrection  against  the  tyrant,  and  the 
latter  was  overthrown,  to  the  great  joy  of  the 
peoiile.  Dion  then  became  ruler  of  the  city, 
and  was  expected  to  make  an  eflbrt  at  reform. 


He  had  been  the  friend  of  Plato,  and  had  im- 
bibed that  great  thinker's  profound  but  some- 
what impracticable  views  of  government,  and 
the  people  looked  for  a  millennium;  but  in 
this  they  were  so  grievously  disappointed  that 
Dion  was  soon  assassinated  by  one  Callippus, 
who  held  the  city  for  about  a  year,  when  he 
was  iu  turn  driven  out  by  a  nephew  of  Dion. 
Several  revolutions  followed  in  quick  succes- 
sion, untd  finally  an  appeal  was  sent  to  Sparta 
for  the  restoration  of  order.  The  Lacedje- 
mouiau  authorities  thereupon  disjiatched  the 
celebrated  Timoleon  to  quiet  the  disturbances 
in  Sicily,  and  especially  to  restore  the  ascen- 
dency of  Spartan  influence  in  Syracuse.' 

The  squadron  given  to  Timoleon  numbered 
only  ten  vessels,  but  with  this  small  armament 
he  made  his  way  into  Sicily.  Having  arrived 
at  Adranum  he  encountered  Hicetas,  the  then 
leader  of  the  democratic  party  iu  the  island, 
who  came  out  with  a  large  force  to  drive  back 
the  Spartans.  Timoleon,  however,  gained  a 
decisive  victory,  and  then  marched  into  Syra- 
cuse without  further  opposition.  Dionysius 
(the  third  of  that  name),  who  now  headed 
the  oligarchy,  surrendered  to  him,  and  he  thus 
became  master  of  the  city.  He  at  once  pro- 
ceeded to  the  demolition  of  the  fortifications 
of  Orytigia  and  the  destruction  of  the  other 
relics  of  the  reign  of  the  Elder  Dionysius,  in- 
cluding his  splendid  mausoleum ;  and  when 
this  work  was  accomplished  the  new  governor 
erected  courts  of  justice  on  the  sites  of  the 
overthrow.  Those  who  had  been  banished 
were  invited  to  return,  and  of  these — together 
with  companies  of  citizens  who  joined  them — 
there  came  from  Corinth  ton  thousand  in  a 
single  colony.  The  constitution  was  revised, 
and  most  of  the  statutes  of  Dioclcs  again  made 
operative  in  the  government  of  the  city. 

'  The  story  of  Timoleon's  previous  life  is  a 
tragedy.  Once  in  battle  be  saved  the  life  of  his 
elder  brother  Tiniojihenes,  but  afterwards,  when 
the  latter  was  overtaken  in  a  piece  of  treacliery 
to  bis  country,  he  consented  to  his  death.  Then 
remorse  seized  him,  and,  loaded  with  the  impre- 
cations of  his  mother,  he  slunk  out  of  sight  and 
tried  to  starve  himself  to  death.  After  a  long 
seclusion  lie  was,  by  one  of  those  strange  caprices 
for  which  the  Greek  mind  was  so  peculiarly  noted, 
called  to  take  charge  of  the  expedition  just  organ- 
ized in  aid  of  the  Syracusans. 


604 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


After  the  defeat  of  Hicetas,  that  leader 
Btill  held  out  for  a  season,  defending  himself 
in  the  town  of  Leoutini.  Here  he  was  pres- 
ently besieged  by  Timoleou  and  obliged  to 
capitulate ;  but  he  sought  revenge  by  inviting 
jn  the  Carthaginians,  who  immediately  re- 
sponded by  sending  into  the  island  an  army 
of  seventy  thousand  men.  Against  these 
Timoleon  could  muster  but  twelve  thousand ; 
but  with  this  small  force  he  went  boldly  into 
battle  at  the  river  Crimesus,  and,  assisted  by 
a  terrible  storm  which  burst  suddenly  in  the 
face  of  the  enemy  with  hail  and  lightning 
and  wind,  gained  a  complete  and  decisive 
victory.     Ten  thousand  of  the  Carthaginians 


PLATO. 

Museum  of  DePauw  University. 

were  destroyed  in  the  battle  and  fifteen  thou- 
sand made  prisoners.  The  effect  of  the  vic- 
tory was  such  that  the  enemy  was  glad  to  ac- 
cept the  terms  of  peace  which,  in  B.  C.  338, 
Timoleon  saw  fit  to  offer. 

In  the  mean  time,  Hicetas  was  overthrown, 
taken  prisoner,  and  condemned  to  death 
for  his  treachery.  The  various  despots  who 
under  the  influence  of  the  oligarchy  had  ob- 
tained possession  of  most  of  the  Sicilian 
towns  were  now  ejected,  and  the  whole 
island  speedily  brought  to  a  condition  of 
quiet  never  before  enjoyed.  As  soon  as  this 
happy  condition  of  affairs  had  been  reached, 
Timoleon  resigned  his  trust  and  retired  to 
private  life.  For  his  services  he  would  accept 
nothing  but  a  modest  house  given  him  by  the 
city.     He  soon  afterwards  brought  his  family 


from  Greece,  and  passed  the  rest  of  his  life 
in  honorable  seclusion.  It  was  impossible, 
however,  that  his  influence  should  not  be 
sought  and  felt  in  the  public  business  of  the 
city  and  island.  He  was  frequently  consulted 
as  a  kind  of  patriotic  oracle  in  deciding  the 
gravest  questions  of  state.  After  his  blindness, 
which  ensued  not  long  after  his  retirement, 
he  continued  to  be  a  mark  of  the  distin- 
guished esteem  and  confidence  of  the  Syracu- 
sans,  who  took  delight  in  bringing  him  in  a 
car  into  the  public  assembly  or  theater,  and 
on  such  occasions  he  was  always  received 
with  a  burst  of  popular  enthusiasm.  At  his 
death,  in  B.  C.  336,  he  was  honored  with  a 
splendid  funeral  at  the  public  expense,  and  a 
concourse  of  weeping  people  gathered  at  his 
tomb  to  bear  witness  to  his  heroic  virtues  and 
unselfish  patriotism. 

Before  the  events  which  have  just  been 
narrated,  the  final  act  in  Hellenic  history  had 
begun  in  Greece.  It  will  have  been  noticed 
that,  with  the  decline  of  Sparta,  the  appre- 
hensions of  the  Athenians  and  Thebans  were 
directed  to  the  North  rather  than  to  Pelopon- 
nesus. The  imbroglio  with  Alexander  of 
Pherse  had  indicated  that  even  within  the 
limits  of  Northern  Greece  the  elements  of 
danger  to  the  independence  of  the  smaller 
states  lay  hidden  ready  for  development;  but 
more  particularly  was  there  cause  for  alarm 
from  the  growing  power  of  the  great  kingdom 
just  beyond  Olympus. 

The  giving  of  the  youth,  Philip  of  Mace- 
don,  as  a  hostage  to  the  Thebans,  and  his 
residence  of  several  years  among  the  Greeks, 
have  already  been  mentioned.  While  in 
Thebes  the  young  man  made  good  use  of  his 
opportunities.  He  studied  the  Greek  lan- 
guage and  literature.  He  made  the  acquaint- 
ance of  Plato.  He  studied  military  science 
under  Epaminondas,  and  familiarized  himself 
with  the  current  condition  of  the  afl^airs  of 
Greece.  His  great  natural  abilities  were  thus 
stimulated  in  a  school  well  calculated  to  bring 
out  the  best  energies  of  his  genius.  Before 
leaving  Thebes — which  he  did  in  B.  C.  359 — 
to  assume  the  duties  of  the  Macedonian  gov- 
ernmeut  during  the  absence  of  his  brother 
Perdiccas  on  the  Illyrian  campaign,  he   ha<1 


GREECE.— SPARTAX  AND  THEBAN  ASCENDENCIES. 


605 


already  attracted  the  attentiou  of  the  most 
eminent  Greeks  of  his  time.  Nor  were  there 
wanting  those  who  could  discover  in  the 
young  prince  the  forecastings  of  a  remarkable 
career. 

AVhen  Perdiccas  was  slain  by  the  lilyriaus, 
the  crown  of  Macedonia  fell  to  his  son,  with 
Philip  for  regent.  Two  claimants  to  the 
throne  now  arose — Pausanias,  who  was  sup- 
ported by  the  king  of  Thrace,  and  Argseus, 
with  whom  the  Athenians  were  leagued  on 
account  of  the  favor  which  he  had  shown 
them    in    gaining   possession   of  Amphipolis. 

But  Philip,  by  his  address,  soon  secured  the 
withdrawal  of  support  from  both  of  the  pre- 
tenders, and  thus  brought  their  cause  to 
naught.  Having  thus  provided  for  peace  at 
home,  he  at  once  entered  upon  his  campaign 
against  the  Pseoniaus  and  Illyrians.  Both  of 
these  peoples  were  quickly  and  easily  sub- 
dued. The  tactics  whicii  Philip  had  learned 
from  Epaminondas  were  put  to  use  in  the 
very  first  battle,  and  with  terrible  effect  upon 
the  Illyrians.  who  were  put  to  utter  rout  by 
the  beavy  column  whiili  the  Macedonian 
mas.scd  against  a  single  point  in  their  lines. 
The  effect  of  the  victory  so  strengthened 
Philip  at  home  that  by  common  consent  he 
assumed  the  crown ;  Init  the  son  of  Perdiccas 
was  treated  with  con-^ideration  by  the  new 
king,  who  gave  him  liis  daughter  in  marriage. 
The  first  contact  of  Philip  with  the  Athe- 
nians was  respecting  the  possession  of  Amphip- 
olis. It  will  be  remembered  that  this  city 
had  been  wrenched  from  Athens  by  Brasidas 
of  Sparta,  and  had  subsequently  had  a  nom- 
inal independence.  With  the  organization  of 
the  Olynthian  league  the  mendiers  of  that 
confederacy  became  extremely  anxio\is  that 
Amphipolis  should  become  a  member  of  the 
alliiince.  The  position  of  the  city  at  the 
niDUiii  of  the  Strymon  rendered  it  of  vast  im- 
portance to  Philip,  whose  ambition  reached 
towards  the  ocean  as  well  as  landward.  With 
extraordinary  skill,  not  unmixeil  with  crafti- 
ness, ne  secured  the  friendliness  and  support 
of  Athens  by  promising  to  give  her  Amph''i- 
olis  if  she  would  yield  Pydna  to  him ;  and 
at  the  same  time  he  procured  the  withdrawal 
of  the  claim  of  Olvntlius  by  agreeing  to  cede 


to  that  city  the  town  of  Anthemus.  These 
measures  having  cleared  the  field  of  opposi- 
tion, he  suddenly  laid  siege  to  Amphipolis  and 
took  it  before  assistance  could  be  rendered  by 
any.  He  also  kept  Pydna  ;  and  the  Olyn- 
thians  and  Athenians  ipere  left  to  nurse  their 
complaints.  The  people  of  Olynthus  were 
soon  placated  by  the  recovery  of  Potidsea, 
which  town  Philip  graciously  turned  over  to 
them  as  a  kind  of  compensation  for  the  loss 
of  Amphipolis. 

The  year  B.  C.  356  was  a  fortunate  epoch 
for  the  Macedonian  king.  In  that  year  his 
general,  Parmenio,  gained  a  great  victory 
over  the  Illyrians,  by  which  the  previous  con- 
quest of  Philip  was  strengthened  and  con 
firmed.  In  the  Olympic  games  the  king's 
chariot  won  a  ])rize  in  the  face  of  the  sharpest 
competition  ;  and  last,  but  not  least,  a  son 
was  born  and  named — Alexander. 

At  this  time  Central  Greece — especially 
Athens — was  distracted  by  the  Social  War. 
A  coalition  was  formed  against  tliat  state  by 
Byzantium,  Rhodes,  Chios,  and  Cos;  and  the 
efforts  of  the  mother  city  to  suppress  the  re- 
volt proved  unavailing.  The  conflict,  how- 
ever, was  continued  (B.  C.  357-355)  until 
Artaxerxes  interfered,  and  Athens  was  obliged 
to  assent  to  the  independence  of  her  insurgent 
dependencies.  Meanwhile  another  contest, 
known  as  the  Sacred  War,*  had  broken  out 
between  Thebes  and  Phocis.  The  people  of 
the  latter  state  had  long  been  held  in  dislike 
by  the  Thebans,  who  now,  using  their  great 
influence  in  the  attkirs  of  Greece,  secured  a 
vote  at  the  Amphictyonic  council  by  which  a 
heavy  fine  was  imposed  on  the  Phocians,  who 
had — as  was  alleged — been  cultivating  a  por- 
tion   of    the    consecrated    jilain    of    Cirrha. 

Phocis,  after  protesting  in  vain  and  being 
afllicted  with  a  second  fine,  flew  into  a  pas- 
sion, and,  under  the  lead  of  Philomelus,  seized 
Delphi,  temple,  oracle,  and  all.  With  the 
enormous  treasures  thus  secured,  the  Phocians 
bid  defiance  to  the  Thebans.  Ten  thousand 
mercenaries  were  hired,  and  with  this  force 
Philomelus,  making  his  way  into  Locris,  de- 
feated  the  army  which  Thebes  had  put  into 

'  This  was  the  second  conflict  so-called.  See  »u- 
pra,  p.  518. 


606 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


the  field  against  hira.  But  the  tide  soon 
turned,  and  in  a  second  battle  the  Phoeians 
■were  routed  and  their  leader  killed.  Ono- 
marchus  succeeded  to  the  command,  and  the 
war  continued  with  varying  success  and 
great  barbarity ;  for  the  sacrilegious  nature 
of  the  quarrel  embittered  the  contest  by 
as  much  as  superstition  is  more  cruel  than 
reason. 

Thus  by  the  Social  and  the  Sacred  War 
was  Greece  weakened.  Philip  saw  in  the  dis- 
tractions of  his  neighbors  on  the  south  an 
opportunity  to  interfere  for  the  aggrandize- 
ment of  his  own  influence.  First  he  invaded 
Thessaly,   where   the  exactions  of  Alexander 

of  Pherse  and  his 
successors  had  so 
embittered  the 
people  that  an 
easy  conquest  was 
open  to  any  lib- 
eral-minded and 
sagacious  general. 
The  town  of  Phe- 
rie,  however,  more 
subjected  to  the 
influence  of  the 
recent  tyrants 
than  other  Thes- 
salian  cities,  re- 
■^isted  Philip  and 
was  besieged. 
Ouomarchus,  the 
Phocian,  who  had 
received  some  assistance  from  the  Pherse- 
ans,  now  sent  a  force  of  seven  thousand  men 
to  their  aid,  and  Philip  was  obliged  to  retire 
fo"  a  time  from  the  country.  Returning, 
however,  with  an  army  of  twenty  thousand 
men  he  overran  all  Thessaly,  but  Onomarchus 
again  marched  into  the  country  and  gave  the 
Macedonian  battle  near  the  gulf  of  Pagasse. 
The  latter  was  this  time  completely  victorious. 
The  Phocian  general  was  slain.  Philip  pro- 
claimed himself  the  defender  of  the  Delphic 
shrine,  and  was  about  to  march  at  once  into 
Central  Greece,  but  was  turned  back  by  a 
strong  force  posted  at  Thermopylse. 

Now  it  was  that  the  great  Demosthenes 
appeared   in  the  arena  at  Athens.     The  peo- 


DEJiobTHESES. — Berlin. 


pie  of  the  city  divided  into  a  Macedonian  and 
an  anti-Macedonian  party.  The  latter  was 
led  by  the  orator;  the  former,  by  his 
rivals,  Phocion  and  JEschines.  The  story  of 
the  life  of  Demosthenes  is  full  of  interest  and 
instruction.  Defrauded  by  his  guardians  and 
turned  out  in  poverty  on  the  world,  weak  in 
body,  and  subject  to  great  dejection,  he  began 
a  struggle  for  preeminence  against  every  dis- 
advantage. His  first  public  appearance  on 
the  bema  was  a  failure;  but  he  applied  him- 
self with  indefatigable  industry  to  study  and 
practice,  and  soon  wrested  from  public  oj)in- 
ion  the  jialm  of  oratory  which  twenty-two 
centuries  have  not  plucked  away. 

The  subject  which  then  agitated  the  Athe- 
nians— the  encroachments  of  Philip  and  the 
consequent  peril  to  the  liberties  of  Greece — 
was  of  a  sort  to  evoke  the  highest  interest  and 
to  arouse  the  most  patriotic  passions.  In  a 
series  of  orations  known  as  the  Philvpjncii  the 
orator  discussed  the  whole  question  involved 
in  the  present  state  of  his  country,  and  more 
particularly  sought  to  stimulate  the  Athenians 
to  a  vigorous  and  united  eflbrt  to  stay  the 
approach  of  the  Macedonians.  His  efforts, 
however,  were  comparatively  unavailing.  In 
B.  C  352  the  assembly  voted  to  organize  a 
fleet  to  operate  against  Philip,  but  the  move- 
ment was  marked  by  neither  energy  nor  suc- 
cess. Two  years  later  the  city  of  Olynthus, 
still  at  the  head  of  the  Northern  confederacy, 
sent  an  urgent  appeal  to  Athens  to  assist  in 
repelling  the  insidious,  but  now  scarcely  dis- 
guised, ambitions  of  PhUip.  Demosthenes 
delivered  three  orations,  known  as  the  OlifntJii- 
acs,  on  the  question  thus  presented  to  the  as- 
sembly. But  no  energetic  action  could  be 
evoked,  even  by  the  fiery  appeals  of  the 
matchless  orator.  Greece  sat  languidly  by 
and  saw  town  after  town  of  the  Olynthiaa 
league  won  over  or  conquered  by  Philip,  until 
finally  Ol3'nthus  herself  was  taken,  her  forti- 
fications leveled,  her  people  sold  as  slaves,  and 
the  whole  Chalcidician  peninsula  reduced  to 
a  Macedonian  province. 

Meanwhile,  the  disgraceful  Sacred  War 
continued.  As  long  as  the  treasures  in  the 
Delphian  temple  held  out,  the  Phoeians  were 
able  year  after  year  to  hire  new  armies  of  mer- 


GREECE.— SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  ASCENDENCIES. 


607 


cenaries  and  continue  the  struggle.  Thebes 
was,  perhaps,  as  nearly  exhausted  as  her 
rival.  In  this  condition  of  affairs  the  ques- 
tion was  bruited  of  a  league  which,  l)egiuniug 
with  the  Thebans  and  the  Athenians,  should 
extend  to  most  of  the  states  of  Central 
Greece — to  the  end  that  civil  hostilities  might 
cease,  and  the  country  t)e  united  to  repel  for- 
eign aggression. 

The  news  of  this  promising  enterprise, 
however,  was  carried  to  Philip,  and  in  the 
summer  of  B.  C  347  he  sent  indirect  pro- 
posals to  Athens  inviting  a  conference  in  the 
mutual  interests  of  the  two  powers.  In  re- 
sponse the  Athenians  sent  an  embassy  to  the 
court  of  Philip  headed  by  Demosthenes,  JEs- 
chines,  and  Philoeratos.  They  were  enter- 
tained by  that  wily  monarch,  but  nothing 
came  of  the  negotiations.  The  Macedonian 
king  soon  afterwards  sent  an  embassy  to 
Athens,  and  tlie  terms  of  a  treaty  were 
agreed  upon.  In  oi-der  to  secure  the  ratifica- 
tion of  this  compact  the  former  Athenian 
envoys  were  again  dispatched  to  IMacedon, 
but  Philip  was  absent  on  a  campaign ;  and 
even  when  he  was  found  he  insisted  that  the 
ambassadors  should  accompany  him  into  Tlies- 
saly  to  mediate,  as  he  averred,  between  Phar- 
salia  and  Halus.  The  whole  object  was  to 
gain  time  to  prosecute  his  plans  in  Central 
Greece. 

The  treaty,  however,  was  ratified.  The 
envoys  of  Athens  returned  home.  Demos- 
thenes entered  a  protest  against  the  conditions 
of  the  settlement.  His  following  in  the  city 
declared  that  .^Eschines  iiad  deluded  the  peo- 
ple with  a  false  notion  of  security.  Tlie 
usual  political  wrangle  occurred ;  but  the 
Macedonian  party  was  in  the  ascendant,  and 
o  vote  of  thanks  to  Philip  teas  passed  by  t]ie  as- 
temlhj  for  the  ternu  wlilch  he  had  dictated!  That 
monarch  was  already  on  his  march  into 
Greece.  The  supine  Athenians  sent  him 
word  that  unless  tho  Phocians  would  redeliver 
to  the  Amphictyons  the  .shrine  of  Apollo  they 
would  unite  with  him  against  the  defilers  of 
the  sacred  city.  The  curtain  was  up  for  the 
last  scene  in  the  independence  of  Greece. 

In  the  mean  time,  Phalajcus,  general  of 
the   Phocian  army,  entered    into   negotiations 


with  Philip  and  withdrew,  with  the  monarch's 
consent,  into  Peloponnesus.  The  Macedonian 
then  entered  Phocis  without  opposition.  The 
towns  made  a  virtue  of  necessity  by  surren- 
dering. Delphi  was  taken.  The  Amphicty- 
ons were  convened.  To  them  was  referred 
the  question  as  to  what  disposition  should  be 
made  of  those  who  had  profaned  the  temple 
of  Apollo  and  wasted  his  treasures.  The 
council  voted  that  every  Phocian  town,  with 


^ESCiiiNES— Naples. 

the  exception  of  Aba;,  should  be  leveled  to 
the  ground.  The  people  should  be  scattered 
into  hamlets  of  not  more  than  fifty  houses. 
The  Phocians  should  be  taxed  until  the  an 
nual  tribute  should  amount  to  ten  thousand 
talents — this  to  replace  the  squandered  treas- 
ures of  the  temple.  The  Spartan  members 
of  the  Amphictyony  should  be  deposed. 
Finally  and  specially  :  the  two  votes  of  Phocb 
in  the  council  .should  be  taken  away  and  con- 
ferred on  Philip  of  Macedon !  Thus,  in  the 
year  B.  C.  .346,  was  a  foreign  king,  with  full 
power  to  enforce  his  will,  given  a  seat  at  the 
head    of  that  venerable  bodv,    which    for   so 


608 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


many  centuries  had  been  reserved  with  sacred 
fidelity  for  members  of  the  Hellenic  race. 

It  was  now  no  more  than  a  question 
of  time  when  the  Macedonian  monarch  would 
assert  his  advantage  and  absorb  the  Greek 
states  in  his  dominions.  The  cry  of  patriot- 
ism might  now  be  lifted  in  the  streets,  but  to 
what    purpose?     The    rapid    decline    of   the 


and  versatile  people  who  contributed  to  an- 
tiquity her  brightest  pages.  The  voice  of  the 
Greek,  so  shrill  in  battle  so  musical  in  peace; 
his  gay  activities,  his  energy,  so  often  reviv- 
ing from  humiliation  and  ruin;  his  brush,  his 
chisel — alas,  for  all  these !  where  are  they  ? 
The  beauty  of  Athens  has  sunk  into  the  dust. 
The  wolves  of  Mount  Taygetus  howl  in  the 


ANCIENT  CORINTH. 


Grecian  communities,  their  failure  in  public 
spirit,  the  decadence  of  Grecian  institutions, 
and  the  substitution  of  centralization  for  indi- 
viduality— all  this  will  come  properly  into  the 
field  of  view  in  the  course  of  the  following 
Book,  which  will  contain  the  history  of  the 
Macedonian  a.?cendency. 

For  the   present,  it    is   sufficient    to    take 
leave,   not  without  regret,  of  that  brilliant 


dark  among  the  broken  stones  of  Sparta. . 
The  splendor  of  Corinth  Ls  no  more.  Only 
by  the  imperishable  Thought — the  verse  of 
Homer,  the  page  of  Herodotus,  the  infinite 
spirit  of  Plato,  the  clarion  of  Demosthenes — 
has  the  renown  of  Hellas  survived,  illumining 
the  world  that  now  is,  and  shedding  a  glory 
over  her  name,  even  to  the  far-ofi"  shores  of 
the  setting  sun. 


look  f  14. 


MACEDONIA. 


Chaf»ter   XTvVIIT.— Country,  Cities,  and  tribes. 


i  HE  most  ancient  name  of 
the  country  known  in  the 
times  of  Philip  and  Alex- 
ander, as  Macedon,  or 
Macedonia  was  Emathia. 
By  this  appellation  it  is 
™-^  referred  to  in  the  Iliad. 
Doubtless  the  more  recent  name  was  derived 
from  the  mythical  founder  of  the  nation,  a 
certain  JIaccdo,  who  was,  of  course,  one  of 
the  sons  of  Zeus.  Another  ancient  appella- 
tive of  this  country  was  Macetia,  or  the  land 
of  the  Maceta,  which  name,  in  its  turn,  has 
been  associated  by  the  curious  with  the  word 
Kittim,  used  in  the  tenth  chapter  of  Genesis. 
Already  in  the  times  of  Herodotus  the  more 
ancient  names  had  been  rtyected  in  favor  of 
Macedon ;  but  the  region  so  called  was,  in  the 
times  of  that  ancient  story-teller,  only  a  small 
district  in  the  vicinity  of  Mount  Pindus.  A 
better  acquaintance  with  the  primitive  lan- 
guage 'of  the  AEacedonians  would,  no  doubt, 
throw  much  light,  not  only  on  the  origin  of 
the  tribes  by  which  Macedon  was  peopled,  but 
also  on  the  geographical  districts  in  which 
they  settled 

Of  the  general  character  of  the  countries 


which  constituted  the  empire  of  Alexander, 
much  has  already  been  said.  Nearly  all  of 
the  provinces  within  the  limits  of  that  vast 
dominion,  except  Macedonia  Proper,  had  been 
previously  included  in  one  or  more  than  one 
of  the  kingdoms  which  preceded  the  advent 
of  the  conqueror.  What  had  been  Egypt, 
Chaldaea,  Assyria,  Media,  Babylonia,  became 
Persia ;  and  the  various  countries  dominated 
by  Cyrus  and  Cambyses  were  in  turn  subdued 
by  the  son  of  Philip.  These  countries,  having 
been  described  in  the  preceding  Books,  from 
the  First  to  the  Seventh  inclusive,  will  here 
require  no  further  consideration  as  it  respects- 
their  geography  or  productions.  It  is  only  of 
the  character  of  the  original  kingdom  of  Philip 
that  something  should  now  be  added. 

Macedonia,  then,  is  bounded  on  tha  south 
by  the  fambunian  mountains,  which  divide 
it  from  Tliossaly.  On  the  west  rises  the  chain 
known  in  different  parts  of  it.s  course  as  Scar- 
dus,  Bernus,  Pindus.  Beyond  this  range  lie* 
Illyria.  From  Miesia  on  the  north,  Macedo- 
nia is  divided  by  the  Orbeliau  mountains, 
while  on  the  east  it  is  separated  from  Thrace 
by  the  river  Strymou  The  country  was  thus- 
included  on  three  sides  by  mountainous  eleva- 

1611) 


€12 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


dons,  and  on  the  fourth  by  a  stream  of  con- 
siderable volume.  In  the  time  of  Herodotus, 
Macedon  had  boundaries  not  nearly  so  great 
as  those  here  given ;  but  in  the  age  of  the 
geographer  Strabo,  the  limits  were  made  to  in- 
clude a  large  part  of  Illyria  and  Thrace. 

The  rivers  of  Macedonia  are  three  in  num- 
ber; the  Axius,  the  Lydias,  and  the  Haliac- 
mon.  All  of  them  find  their  way  into  the 
Thermaic  gulf.  The  most  easterly  and  largest 
is  the  Axius,  now  called  the  Vardar.  It 
gathers  its  waters  from  the  hill-country,  be- 
tween the  ranges  of  Scardus  and  Orbelus,  and 
flows  in  a  course  somewhat  south-easterly,  re- 
ceiving several  tributaries,  the  most  important 
being  the  Ericon.  The  second  of  the  princi- 
pal streams  is  the  Lydias,  now  called  the 
Kara  Azmac.  This  is  the  river  which  passes 
through  the  lake  on  which  Pella,  the  capital 
of  Macedonia  was  situated.  It  drains  the  cen- 
tral part  of  the  country,  and  becomes  conflu- 
ent with  the  Axius  about  a  league  above  the 
entrance  of  that  stream  into  the  sea.  Still 
further  to  the  south-east  is  the  Haliacmon 
which  gathers  its  streams  from  the  Cambu- 
nians,  and  flows  through  the  marshy  districts 
of  Macedonia  into  the  sea.  In  the  time  of 
Herodotus,  however,  it  was  in  its  lower  course 
deflected  to  the  north  and  joined  its  waters 
■with  those  of  the  Lydias  before  falling  into 
the  gulf. 

The  valleys  of  these  three  rivers  are  sepa- 
rated from  one  another  by  tranverse  chains  of 
mountains,  branching  from  the  Scardus.  The 
range  dividing  the  Haliacmon  from  the  Lydias 
is  called  Bermius,  and  that  between  the  Ly- 
dias and  the  Axius,  Dysorum.  Macedonia  was 
thus  geographically  constituted  of  three  prin- 
cipal valleys,  all  opening  out  upon  the  Ther- 
maic gulf. 

It  is,  however,  with  the  political  divisions 
of  the  country  rather  than  its  physical  con- 
stitution that  the  historian  is  mostly  concerned. 
Within  the  limits  of  Macedonia,  then,  as  it 
was  inherited  by  Philip,  son  of  Amyntas, 
were  to  be  found  the  following  provinces: 
Lyncestis,  Stymphalia,  Orestis,  Elimea,  Eor- 
daea,  Pieria,  Bottisea,  Emathia,  Mygdonia, 
Chalcidice,  Bi^^altia,  and  Pseonia  with  its  sub- 
divisions.     Lyncestis,  the  first  of  these  dis- 


tricts lay  to  the  west,  next  to  Illyria,  from 
which  it  was  divided  by  the  Bernus  range. 
It  was  bounded  on  tlie  north  by  Pseonia. 
The  principal  stream  was  the  Erigonus,  and 
the  principal  thoroughfare  the  Egnatian  Way. 
The  district  was  originally  inhabited  by  an  in- 
dependent tribe  governed  by  their  own  king. 

To  the  south-east  of  Lyncestis  lay  the  ter- 
ritory of  Orestis.  The  barbarians  of  this  dis- 
trict also  were  originally  independent  of  the 
Macedonian  kings.  The  country  was  of  small 
extent  and  contained  but  few  towns,  the  prin- 
cipal being  Celetrum  and  Orestia,  the  latter 
the  birthplace  of  Ptolemy  Lagus.  Immedi- 
ately south  of  this  district  was  the  small  coun- 
try of  Stymphalia,  the  principal  town  of 
which  was  Gyrtona.  Like  the  two  preceding, 
the  original  Stymphffii  were  barbarians,  and 
retained  their  independence  until  conquered 
by  the  Macedonian  kings.  Immediately  east 
was  the  province  of  Elimea,  a  mountainous 
and  barren  country,  but  of  great  importance 
to  the  Macedonians ;  for  through  this  district 
lay  the  passes  into  Epirus  and  Thessaly.  The 
principal  river  of  Elimea  was  the  Haliacmon ; 
the  principal  towns  were  a  city  of  the  same 
name  as  the  province  and  ^Eane,  said  to  have 
been  founded  by  colonists  from  Tyre. 

Adjacent  to  Elimea  on  the  east  was  the 
little  barbarian  state  of  Eord/EA,  which,  like 
its  neighbors,  maintained  its  independence 
until  subjugated  by  Macedon.  Through  this 
district  passed  the  great  Egnatian  Way,  which 
reached  from  Edessa  and  Pella  into  Greece. 
The  two  principal  towns  of  the  state  were 
Cellse  and  Arnissa.  Further  to  the  south-east 
was  the  celebrated  district  of  Pieria,  said  to 
have  been  the  birthplace  of  Orpheus  and  the 
native  seat  of  the  Muses.  Pieria  was  contig- 
uous to  Thessaly,  and  was  nestled  at  the  base 
of  Olympus.  It  contained  the  towns  of  Phila — 
situated  near  the  famous  Thessalian  vale  of 
Tempe — Heraclia,  and  Dium,  one  of  the  chief 
cities  of  Macedonia;  also  the  small  town  of 
Pimplea,  in  which  Orpheus  was  born,  and 
near  which  is  the  conical  tumulus,  said  to  be 
the  tomb  of  that  mythical  maker  of  song.  In 
this  same  district  was  the  city  of  Pydna,  cele- 
brated for  the  great  victory  gained  there  bj 
Publius  .^milius  over  the  Macedonians  under 


MACEDONIA.— COUNTRY,  CITIES,  AND  TRIBES. 


6]3 


Perseus — by  which  ovent  the  Empire  founded 
by  Philip  was  at  last  extinguished.  Some 
miles  to  the  north  of  this  city  was  the  town 
of  Methone,  before  the  walls  of  which,  as  will 
be  remembered,  the  right  eye  of  Philip  was 
shot  out  by  an  archer.'  Another  Pieiiau  town 
of  some  importance  was  Phylace ;  and  a  sliort 
distance  to  the  north  of  this  was  Agassie,  which 
was  occupied  by  ^Emilius  after  the  battle  of 
Pydna. 

The  next  .«idxlivision  of  ancient  Macedonia 
was  the  province  of  Botti.ea,  situated  between 
the  Haliacmon  and  the  Lydias.  One  of  the 
principal  towns  of  this  district  was  Alorus,  on 
the  left  hank  of  the  Haliacmon.  At  the 
mouth  of  the  Lydias  was  the  city  of  Jehnse, 
and  a  hundred  and  twenty  stadia  up  that 
river  was  Pella,  the  Macedonian  capital. 

Emathea  was,  as  already  said,  the  most 
ancient  of  tlie  Macedonian  districts.  It  was 
the  small  but  fertile  region  in  which  was 
planted  the  central  root  of  that  great  tree 
which  was  destined  to  overshadow  the  nation. 
According  to  tradition  this  province  was  first 
colonized  Viy  a  company  of  Argives,  called 
the  Teinenida;.  The  chief  city  was  ^"Egre,  or 
Edes-sa,  which  up  to  the  time  of  Philip  was 
regarded  as  the  capital  of  Macedonia.  The 
other  important  cities  were  Cydrre,  Brysi, 
Mieza,  and  Cyrrhus,  in  the  latter  of  which 
was  the  temple  of  Athene,  built  by  Alexander. 
Nor  should  failure  be  made  to  mention  the 
two  cities  of  C'itium  and  Idomene,  the  former 
of  which  was  the  head-quarters  of  Perseus,  and 
the  latter  of  some  note  on  account  of  its  cap- 
ture by  Sitalces,  king  of  the  Odrysie. 

The  province  of  Mygdonia  extended  from 
the  Axius  to  the  Strymon.  It  remained  under 
the  dominion  of  the  primitive  barbarians  until 
they  were  expelled  by  the  Teraenidse.  The 
principal  river  of  the  district  was  the  Axius, 
and  the  cliief  town  Amydon,  which  is  men- 
tioned in  the  Iliad  as  a  place  of  note.  At  the 
mouth  of  the  Axius  was  the  city  of  Chalastra, 
which  was  one  of  the  first  places  taken  by 
Xerxes  in  his  invasion  of  Greece.  On  the 
river  Echedorus,  which  loses  itself  in  a  vast 
marsh  close  to  the  Axius,  was  situated  the 
ancient  city  of  Thernse,  the    modern  Thessa- 

'  See  »c9W'("r,  p.  621. 


lonica,  one  of  the  most  celebrated  of  the  Mace- 
donian cities. 

To  the  south  and  east  of  Mygdonia  lay  the 
peculiar  province  of  Chalcidice,  consisting  of 
several  peninsulas,  jutting  into  the  ^gean. 
This  region  was  originally  colonized  by  people 
from  the  island  of  Euboea.  The  Chalcidicians 
for  a  long  time  maintained  their  independence, 
but  were  at  length  subjugated  and  added  to 
the  conquests  of  the  Macedonian  kings.  The 
peninsula  of  Pallene  was  of  special  importance. 
Here  was  said  to  have  occurred  the  combat 
between  the  gods  and  the  Titans.  A  more 
authentic  distinction  was  the  possession  of  the 
rich  city  of  Potida?a,  which  occupied  the  neck 
of  the  isthmus  by  which  Pallene  was  joined 
to  the  main-land.  This  place  was  founded  at 
a  very  early  date  by  a  colony  of  Coiinthians, 
but  in  after  times  it  became  a  dependency  of 
Athens.  Afterwards,  near  the  same  site,  was 
founded  by  Cassander  the  city  of  Cassandrea, 
which  atone  time  was  the  most  opulent  munic- 
ipality in  all  Macedonia.  Other  important 
towns  in  the  peninsula  were  Clitie,  Aphytis, 
Neapolis,  Thrambus,  Mende,  and  Seioue,  all 
of  which  are  mentioned  by  Herodotus. 

Between  Pallene  and  the  next  of  the  three 
peninsulas,  named  Sithonia,  at  the  head  of 
the  gulf,  was  the  celebi-ated  city  of  Olynthus, 
founded  by  Eretrians  fiDm  Eulxea.  This  cor- 
poration at  a  very  early  date  adopted  a  demo- 
cratic form  of  government,  and  taking  up  the 
federative  .system,  which  had  been  so  success- 
fully employed  by  the  Athenians,  became  the 
center  of  that  Olynthian  league  which  will 
occupy  our  attention  in  the  times  of  King 
Philip.  The  people  of  the  Sithonian  penin- 
sula were  of  Thracian  origin,  though  several 
of  the  towns — such  as  Galepsus  and  Torone — 
were  founded  by  Greek  colonies. 

The  third  of  the  Chalcidician  peninsulas  is 
called  Acte.  It  is  that  tongue  of  land  which 
terminates  in  Mount  Athos,  and  which  was  cut 
off  from  the  shore  by  the  canal  of  Xei'xes. 
Acte  abounded  in  towns,  of  which  the  princi- 
pal were  Sane — on  the  Singitic  gulf — Uranop- 
olis,  Dium,  ApoUonia,  Thyssus,  Cleona;,  and 
Acanthus,  which  stood  at  the  other  extremity 
of  the  canal  from  Sane.  This  was  perhaps  the 
most  ini]iortant  city  in  this  part  of  Chalcidice, 


614 


UNIVERSAL  EISTORY.—THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


aud  will  be  frequently  mentioned  as  the  scene 
of  historical  events.  Nor  should  Arethusa, 
the  burial-place  of  Euripides,  be  omitted  from 
a  list  of  Chalcidiciau  towns. 

The  next  of  the  Macedonian  provinces  was 
BiSALTiA,  situated  between  the  river  Strymon 
and  the  lake  Bolbe.  This  district  was  orig- 
inally settled  by  colonists  from  Thrace.  It  was 
governed  by  native  kings  until  the  time  of 
Xerxes,  and  soon  afterwards  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Macedonians.  The  chief  town  of  the 
province  was  Argil  us,  said  to  have  been  founded 
by  a  colony  from  the  island  of  Andros.  In 
the  interior  were  several  other  towns — Ossa, 
Bisaltes,  Berta,  Arolus,  and  Callithera — of  no 
great  importance  in  Macedonian  history. 

The  country  of  Pjeonia,  though  after  the 
times  of  Philip  included  in  Macedon,  was  pre- 
viously an  independent  state.  It  was  by  far 
the  largest  of  those  original  territories  on  which 
the  son  of  Amyntas  laid  the  foundations  of 
his  dominion.  As  early  as  the  time  of  the 
Trojan  war  the  Pseonians  were  powerful  enough 
to  be  conspicuous  in  the  host  of  Agamemnon. 
They  embraced  originally  several  barbarian 
tribes ;  but  these  were  ultimately  gathered  into 
one  nation,  governed  by  a  single  chief.  The 
subordinate  provinces  into  which  Pseonia  was 
divided  were  Pelagonia,  with  its  cities  of  Stu- 
bera  and  Bryauium ;  Deuriopis;  and  the 
countries  of  the  Almopes,  lori,  Agrianes,  and 
Doberes.  The  various  tribes  inhabiting  these 
districts  gradually  lost  their  individuality,  and 
were  absorbed  into  a  single  people. 

The  geography  of  Macedonia  should  not  be 
dismissed  without  a  reference  to  the  great 
thoroughfare  by  which  the  different  provinces 
and  towns  were  connected.  This  was  known 
by  its  Roman  name  of  Via  Egnatia,  or  the 
Egnatian  Way.  It  was  a  great  military  road 
leading  from  Lyncestis,  on  the  confines  of  II- 
lyria  to  Edessa,  Pella,  Methone,  and  the  other 
principal  Macedonian  cities.  From  the  main 
way  several  roads  branched  north  and  south, 
the  former  leading  into  Pfeouia,  Dardania, 
Moesia,  and  the  Danubian  districts,  and  the 
latter  into  the  southern  provinces  of  the  king- 
dom, Thessaly  aud  Central  Greece. 

In  the  course  of  these  geographical  notes 
on  Macedonia  references  not  a  few  have  been 


made  to  the  primitive  peoples  by  whom  the 
country  was  settled.  It  will  now  be  appro- 
priate to  notice  somewhat  more  fully  those 
early  populations  aud  their  movements  down 
to  the  time  when  the  kingdom  was  firmly  es- 
tablished by  the  House  of  Amyntas.  The 
origin  of  the  Macedonian  dynasty  has  been 
involved  in  much  dispute.  Only  one  thing 
may  be  regarded  as  certainly  established,  and 
that  is  that  the  royal  family  was  sprung  from  the 
race  of  the  Temenidse  of  Argos,  and  that  these 
were, according  to  tradition,  the  descendants  of 
Hercules.  The  myth  is  to  the  effect  that  the 
Argive  Cavanus,  who  was  the  son  of  Temenus, 
who  was  the  son  of  Hercules,  led  out  a  colony 
from  his  native  city,  and,  arriving  in  Emathia, 
overcame  the  reigning  king,  Midas,  and  took 
possession  of  Edessa,  the  capital.  It  would 
thus  appear  that  the  dynasty  was  Dorian  in 
its  origin,  being  thus  allied  with  the  Lace- 
diemonians,  more  than  with  the  .^olian  and 
Ionian  races.  Herodotus,  however,  recites  the 
tradition  somewhat  differently.  By  him  we 
are  told  that  three  brothers — Gavanes,  ^ro- 
pus,  and  Perdiccas — descendants  of  Temenus, 
left  Argos,  and  making  their  way  into  Upper 
Macedonia,  succeeded  in  establishing  a  king- 
dom which  fell  to  Perdiccas,  the  youngest  of 
the  three ;  and  with  this  statement  of  the  Fa- 
ther of  History  the  concurrent  testimony  of 
Thucydides  may  also  be  adduced.  By  some 
authors  it  is  held  that  there  was  a  double  mi- 
gration, and  that  the  three  brothers  were  the 
grandsons  of  Cavanus. 

Of  the  reigns  of  the  first  four  kings  who 
succeeded  the  mythical  Perdiccas  nothing  is 
known ;  but  in  the  reign  of  Amyntas  (B.  C. 
537-498),  who  was  the  fifth  in  descent  from 
the  founder,  the  affairs  of  Macedonia  begin  to 
come  into  the  light.  It  was  already  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Persian  aggressions  in  the  West. 
Megabazus,  the  general  of  Darius,  having  al- 
ready made  considerable  conquests  in  Thrace 
and  Pseonia,  advanced  to  the  northern  bor- 
ders of  Macedonia ;  and  Amyntas  was  glad  to 
make  his  submission  as  a  condition  of  peace. 
Soon  afterwards  some  of  the  Persian  officers 
offered  grave  insults  to  the  Macedonian  women, 
whereupon  Alexander,  son  of  Amyntas,  took 
summary  vengeance  on  the  offenders.     A  diffi- 


MACEDONIA.— COUNTRY,  CITIES,  AND  TRIBES. 


615 


cultv  thus  arose  which  was  about  to  bring  on 
war,  but  hostilities  were  avoided  by  the  timely 
marriage  of  Gygea,  daughter  of  Amyutas,  to 
Bubares,  the  Persian  deputy,  who  had  been 
sent  out  to  obtain  siitisfaction  for  the  murder 
of  the  Great  King's  otiicers. 

On  his  accession  to  the  throne  this  prince 
Alekander  presented  liimself  for  admission  to 
participation  in  the  Olympic  games.  He  was 
at  fi.rst  refused,  but  on  an  examination  of  his 
claims  to  be  an  Argive  by  descent,  the  man- 
agers decided  that  the  Macedonian  dynasty 
was  indeed  Greek,  and  the  prince  was  accord- 
ingly admitted. 

The  reign  of  Alexander  covered  the  period 
<tf  the  great  Persian  invasion  of  Greece.  Mace- 
donia was  occu|)i('d  by  the  invaders,  and  the 
king  had  a  ditficult  part  to  perform  between 
tlie  Greeks  with  wiioni  he  sympathized,  and 
the  Persians  whom  he  dreaded.  He  sent  much 
secret  information  to  the  allied  commanders, 
but  at  the  same  time  succeeded  in  retaining 
the  confidence  of  the  barbarians.  At  last 
Mardonius  sent  him  to  Athens  in  a  final  cffbrt 
which  he  made  to  detach  that  commonwealth 
from  the  Greek  league. 

During  the  reign  of  Perdiccas,  who  suc- 
«eeded  his  father,  Alexander  (B.  C.  476),  on 
the  throne,  the  alfairs  of  the  kingdom  became 
more  complicated.  The  prince  was  of  a  crafty 
disposition,  and  took  part  according  to  hLs  in- 
terest in  the  politics  of  Greece.  He  sided  first 
with  the  Lacediemonian  and  then  with  the 
Athenian  party,  as  success  inclined  froin  one 
to  the  other.  While  in  league  with  llic  Spar- 
tans, he  induced  the  revolt  of  several  Athenian 
dependencies  in  the  north  ;  but  for  this  course 
he  Wiis  presently  punished  with  an  invasion  of 
his  own  kingdom  by  Sitalces,  king  of  Thrace, 
by  whom  Macedonia  was  well-nigh  overrun. 

From  a  description  given  by  Thucydides 
of  the  extent  of  the  Macedonian  dominions  in 
the  time  of  Perdiccas,  it  may  be  seen  that  the 
country  then  embraced  nearly  all  the  provinces 
and  tribes  which  were  included  under  the  au- 
thority of  Philip,  the  father  of  Alexander. 
Pieonia  had  not  yet  been  subjugated,  lint  the 
remaining  districts  were  nearly  all  ruled  by 
the  house  of  Temenus.  It  was  a  proper  retri- 
bution to  the  Macedonian   kins:  that  the  war 


which  he  fomented  in  the  north  between  Ath- 
ens and  Sparta,  and  which  led  to  the  expedi- 
tion of  Brasidas,  brought  to  him  no  augmenta- 
tion of  power,  but  only  disappointment. 

Quite  unlike  Perdiccas  was  his  son  and 
successor,  Archelaijs.  He  soon  proved  him- 
self to  be  the  most  prudent  and  liberal  of  the 
earlier  kings.  To  his  single  reign  Thucydides 
ascribes  a  greater  improvement  in  the  condi- 
tion of  the  kingdom  than  to  all  the  eight  that 
had  preceded.  The  interhal  affairs  of  the  state 
now  began  to  receive  the  attention  and  sup- 
port of  the  government.  Koads  were  built, 
fortresses  erected,  the  army  equipped  and  or- 
ganized. It  was  the  dawn  of  art  and  litera- 
ture at  the  Macedonian  court.  Distinguished 
men  were  invited  thither  by  the  king,  who 
sought  to  substitute  the  reign  of  intelligence 
for  the  reign  of  force.  At  his  capital  Eu- 
ripides resided  for  many  years,  supported  by 
royal  favor.  Zeuxis,  the  celebrated  painter, 
lent  his  genius  to  the  work  of  decorating  the 
residence  of  the  king.  Socrates  also  was  in- 
vited to  reside  in  Edessa,  but,  as  usual,  that 
resolute  and  saturnine  genius  refused  to  be 
beholden  to  any.  A  great  light  began  thus 
to  be  diffused  through  the  North,  which,  if 
less  resplendent  than  the  glow  which  kindled 
over  Athens,  was  nevertheless  such  as  to  dis- 
pel the  shadows  beyoud  Olympus. 

Ai-chelaiis  fell  by  the  hand  of  an  assa,ssin, 
though  the  occasion  and  circumstances  of  his 
death  are  not  fully  known.  After  his  reign 
Macedonia  suffered  a  decline.  Of  the  careers 
of  the  four  following  kings  very  little  has  been 
preserved  either  in  history  or  tradition.  The 
fifth  sovereign  from  Archelaiis  was  Amyntas, 
wlio  inherited  the  kingdom  in  a  distracted  con- 
dition, and  suffered  most  of  the  ills  of  kingly 
misfortune.  Domestic  troubles  kept  him  em- 
broiled, and  foreign  foes  were  busy  on  his 
borders.  Of  these  the  most  active  wore  the 
Elyrians  on  the  west,  and  the  Olynthians  on 
the  north-east.  From  the  former  he  purchased 
a  respite  by  means  of  bribes  and  presents,  and 
from  the  latter  he  was  saved  by  the  interfer- 
ence of  the  Spartans.  For  twenty-four  years 
(B.  C.  393-369)  he  supported  the  arduous 
duties  of  government  and  died,  leaving  three 
sons  to  the  care  of  their  mother,  Kurvdice. 


ou; 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Of  these  sons  the  eldest  was  Alexander; 
the  second,  Perdiccas ;  and  the  youngest, 
Philip — that  Pliilip  who  was  destined  to  make 
his  power  felt  in  all  the  West,  and  to  pave  the 
way  for  the  still  greater  achievements  of  his 
son.  Thus  through  the  region  of  myth  and 
tradition  have  been  traced  the  brief  annals  of 


Macedonia  from  the  days  of  the  earlier  Te- 
menidje  to  the  time  when  the  great  state  of 
the  North,  under  the  direction  of  the  son  of 
Amyntas,  began  first  to  be  distinctly  felt  as  a 
political  power,  and  then  to  rise  rapidly  to  an 
unequivocal  ascendency  over  all  the  surround- 
ing kingdoms. 


Chapter  XLix.— reiqn  ok  Philip. 


F  the  career  of  Philip  of 
jMacedon  a  sketch  has  al- 
ready been  given  in  the 
History  of  Greece.  To 
him  the  Macedonian  Em- 
pire owed  its  foundation 
and  strength.  Without 
the  masterful  abilities  of  his  more  distinguished 
son,  without  the  far-reaching  ambition  of  Cie- 
sar,  he  nevertheless  possessed  the  genius  to 
erras])  the  condition  of  his  times,  and  to  plant 
on  the  ruins  of  surrounding  states  the  foot  of 
power  and  dominion. 

Philip  was  the  third  and  youngest  son  of 
Amyntas.  The  eldest  brother,  Alexander,  lost 
his  life  in  a  civil  turmoil.  Perdiccas,  the  next 
eldest,  was  hard  pressed  by  opposition,  and  was 
on  the  eve  of  losing  the  kingdom,  when  Pelop- 
idas,  the  Theban,  interfered  in  his  behalf,  and 
secured  under  his  powerful  influence  the  peace- 
ful j)ossession  of  the  crown.  It  was  in  grati- 
tude for  this  support  that  Perdiccas,  as  an 
earnest  of  good  faith  and  a  pledge  for  the 
6delity  of  JIacedonia  to  the  interests  of  Thebes, 
gave  into  the  friendly  custody  of  Pelopidas 
the  youth  Philip  and  thirty  others  from  the  best 
families  in  the  kingdom. 

Thus  it  was  that  destiny  prepared  the  way 
#3r  greatness.  For  Philip  could  hardly  have 
lecorae  the  distinguished  monarch  that  he  was 
but  for  the  incident  which,  bringing  him  to 
Thebes,  threw  him  into  contact  with  the  civil- 
ization of  the  Greeks.  His  education  was  of 
precisely  the  sort  to  fashion  a  hero.  He  was 
established  in  the  family  of  Polymnus,  father 
of  Epaminondas;  and  here  he  absorbed  his 
tirst   ideas  of  politics  and   generalship.      He 


became,  at  an  early  age  familiar  with  the  lit- 
erature and  customs  of  the  Greeks,  learned 
then-  language,  became  a  Greek  himself.  The 
example  and  influence  of  Epaminondas,  whose 
conversation  and  friendship  he  enjoyed  with- 
out restriction,  molded  his  views  and  senti- 
ments. The  Theban  became  his  model.  He 
grew  like  that  which  he  admired ;  and  although 
his  native  talents  and  ambitions  were  by  no 
means  subordinated  to  the  Theban  environ- 
ment, yet  so  far  as  education  could  go  towards 
the  shaping  of  character  and  the  determination 
of  future  activities,  to  that  extent  undoubt- 
edly was  Philip  the  result  of  the  forces  which 
played  upon  him  while  domiciled  in  Thebes. 
It  must  be  confessed,  moreover,  that  the  Mac- 
edonian prince  showed  himself  to  be  an  apter 
puj)il  of  Epaminondas  in  the  matter  of  acquir- 
ing military  skill  than  in  imitating  the  sterling 
integrity  and  moral  virtues  of  his  model.  For 
in  essential  soundness  of  character  Philip  was 
by  no  means  comparable  with  the  Theban 
general. 

During  his  residence  at  the  Boeotian  capital 
the  prince,  accompanied  by  his  masters,  trav- 
eled into  other  parts  of  Greece.  He  visited 
Athens  and  was  profoundly  impressed  with 
the  institutions  and  peculiarities  of  that  city. 
There  he  became  acquainted  with  the  greatest 
geniuses  of  the  age.  Among  his  acquaintances 
and  friends  were  Plato,  Isocrates,  and  Theo- 
phrastus.  He  studied  the  Athenian  character 
and  apprehended  its  weakness  and  its  strength. 
He  w-as  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  Deme- 
ter,  and  while  attending  one  of  the  celebra- 
tions held  in  honor  of  this  divinity,  had  the 
good  fortune  to  meet  Olympias,  daughter  of 


MACEDONIA.  — REIGN  OF  PHILIP. 


617 


jhe  king  of  Epirus,  and  mother  that  was  to  be 
of  Alexander. 

Soon  afterwards  the  prince  was  called  home 
to  enter,  under  trying  circumstances,  upon  the 
duties  of  the  kingdom.  For  a  long  time  Illyria 
had  claimed  tribute  of  Macedonia.  During 
the  period  when  Amyntas,  and  after  him  Per- 
diceas,  was  supported  by  the  powerful  influence 
of  Thebes,  the  claim  had  been  refused.  But 
when  Pelopidas  fell  in  the  struggle  with  Alex- 
ander of  Pherte  and  Epaminoudas  was  pres- 
ently killed  at  the  battle  of  Mantinea,  Mace- 
donia was  left  to  her  own  resources,  and  the 
claims  of  the  lllyrians  were  renewed.  This  pre- 
tense, however,  was  resisted  by  Perdiccas,  who 
raised  an  army  and  took  the  field  to  maintain 
the  independence  of  his  kingdom.  A  hard 
battle  was  fought  with  the  king  of  Illyria,  in 
which  the  latter  was  completely  victorious. 
Perdiccas  was  killed  and  four  thousand  of  his 
troops  cut  to  pieces.  Macedonia  was  thus  to 
all  seeming  left  to  the  mercy  of  the  foe. 

Now  it  was,  in  B.  C.  383,  that  the  youth- 
ful Philip  was  hurriedly  recalled  from  his 
sojourn  in  Greece  to  assume  the  duties  of  the 
tottering  government.  It  was,  however,  as 
regent  for  the  infant  son  of  Perdiccas,  and  not 
in  his  own  right,  that  he  began  his  public 
career.  The  circum.stances  were  disheartening 
to  the  last  degree.  The  lllyrians  were  ravag- 
ing the  country  as  the  sequel  of  the  victory 
over  Perdiccas.  The  Pieonians,  encouraged 
by  supposed  immunity  from  punishment,  de- 
scended from  the  mountains  and  plundered  as 
they  would.  Two  claimants  to  the  throne, 
Pausanias  and  Argseus,  came  forward  in  open 
opposition  to  Pliilip.  The  Athenians  were 
hostile  on  account  of  the  alliance  of  Macedo- 
nia with  Thebes,  and  sent  an  army  to  the 
North  to  i)revent  the  rise  of  Philip  to  power. 
The  Thracians  also  availed  themselves  of  the 
opportunity  to  make  an  invasion  of  the  country. 

The  ])rince  of  Macedon,  nothing  daunted, 
ioon  showed  himself  equal  to  the  emergency 
of  his  country.  His  confidence  inspired  the 
people.  An  ancient  oracle  had  said  that  Mac- 
edonia, under  a  son  of  Amyntas,  should  rise  to 
the  highest  pitch  of  power.  Philip  was  now 
the  only  son  of  Amyntas ;  and  should  the  pro- 
phetic voice  of  the  gods  prove  false?     Soldiers 


rallied  to  the  standard  of  the  prince  destined 
to  victory.  The  Macedonian  phalanx,  mod- 
eled after  that  of  Thebes  as  constituted  by 
Epamiuondas,  was  created.  From  every  side 
of  the  huge  living  mass' projected  an  impene- 
trable thicket  of  spears.  With  this  invincible 
body  of  destruction,  Philip  bore  down  upon 
the  lllyrians  and  Pa3onians,  and  in  a  short 
time  routed  them  from  the  country. 

This  work  was  less  serious  than  that  of  dis- 
posing of  the  rival  claimants.  In  the  princi- 
pal Macedonian  towns  there  was  a  strong  party 
in  favor  of  Argasus.  A  fleet  was  .sent  out  by 
Athens  to  uphold  his  pretensions.  The  squad- 
ron anchored  before  Methone,  a  city  on  the 
Thcrmaic  gulf,  and  here  a  junction  was  effected 
between  the  Macedonian  malcontents  and  the 
Athenians.  The  combined  forces  then  pro- 
ceeded to  lay  siege  to  Edessa,  the  capital  of 
the  province  of  Pieria ;  for  it  was  believed 
that  the  capture  of  this  place  would  decide 
the  fate  of  the  kingdom.  But  Philip  was  on 
the  alert,  and  before  the  arrival  of  Argoeus  be- 
fore the  town,  the  defenses  were  so  strengthened 
that  it  could  not  be  taken.  The  pretender 
then  became  alarmed  for  his  safety  and  sought 
to  retreat  to  Methone ;  but  on  the  way  thither 
he  was  attacked  by  Philip  and  killed.  The 
Macedonians  in  the  army  of  the  malcontenta 
were  kindly  treated  by  the  king  and  incorpo- 
rated with  his  own  forces ;  and  with  singular 
liberality  the  Athenians  under  the  command  of 
Argseus,  were  loaded  with  favors  and  sent  home 
without  any  mark  of  contempt  or  cruelty.  It 
Wits  upon  such  acts  as  these  that  the  future 
popularity  of  Philip  in  Central  Greece  wa» 
laid  upon  secure  foundations.  Generosity  in 
the  conduct  of  war  was  a  new  thing  under 
Grecian  skies — a  fact  which  at  the  first  it  was 
difficult  to  understand  or  appreciate. 

By  this  time  the  lllyrians  had  rallied  from 
their  first  chastisement  and  gathered  in  great 
force  on  the  western  frontier.  They  were  led 
by  their  king  Bardyllus,  now  more  than  ninety 
years  of  age.  A  decisive  battle  was  fought  in 
which  the  new  tactics  and  sjiirit  of  the  Mace- 
donians bore  down  all  oppositon.  A  signal 
victory  was  gained  by  Philip.  Bardyllus  waa 
slain  and  the  shattered  powers  of  his  govern- 
ment were  unable  to  ofl^er  further   resistance. 


618 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Dlyria  was  converted  into  a  Macedonian  prov- 
ince. This  was  the  last  of  the  premonitory 
struggles  by  which  the  authority  of  Philip  was 
•established  on  a  basis  that  could  not  be  shaken. 
The  ambition  of  the  king,  however,  was  by 
no  means  appeased  by  these  initial  successes. 
The  condition  of  Greece,  moreover,  at  this 
time  was  such  as  to  furnish  abundant  food  for 
the  aspiring  spirit  of  the  Macedonian  ruler. 
In  the  long  struggle  between  Thebes  and 
Sparta,  by  which  the  resources  of  each  had 
been,  in  a  measure,  exhausted,  Athens  had,  in 
«ome  degree,  regained  her  pristine  •  influence 
among  the  Grecian  states.  Epaminondas  was 
dead,  and  the  brief  but  glorious  ascendency 
of  Thebes  had  perished  with  him.  Sparta  was 
eo  broken  by  tlie  long  struggle  of  the  war,  that 

she  exhibited  no 
present  symptoms 
of  a  revival. 

The  Athenians 
were  thus  left  in 
a  temporary  pre- 
dominance in  the 
affairs  of  Greece. 
But  a  foe  more 
dangerous  than 
tlie  hosts  of  Per- 
sia, more  to  be 
dreaded  than  the 
Spartan  Phalanx, 
was  rapidly  sap- 
ping the  founda- 
tion of  Attic  strength.  The  spirit  of  the  peo- 
ple had  given  way  to  fickleness  and  frivolity. 
Patriotism  was  well-nigh  dead.  The  old  heroic 
virtues  were  extinct.  The  new  vices  of  licen- 
tiousness ran  riot  in  the  streets ;  and  even  the 
ehrill  clarion  of  Demosthenes  was  unable  to 
evoke  from  the  lethargy  of  his  country,  the  in- 
dignant flash  of  ancient  heroism. 

Nor  were  the  Phocians  and  Thessalians  in 
a  better  condition  to  resist  the  possible  growth 
of  Macedonia.  The  former  people,  brave  and 
daring  as  they  were,  had  exhausted  their  en- 
ergies in  the  conflict?  of  the  Sacred  War,  and 
the  latter  had  been  so  mischievously  governed 
by  Alexander  of  Pherte,  and  were  by  disposi- 
tion so  reckless  and  eager  for  change  as  to 
form  no  bulwark  against  the  designs  of  such  a 


ARISTOTLE.— Museo  Visconti, 
Iconographica  Greca. 


prince  as  PhUip.  That  discerning  monarch 
readily  perceived  in  the  condition  of  ttie  Gre- 
cian states  that  Athens,  being  the  most  influ- 
ential, should  be  first  won  to  his  interests. 

Being  by  nature  crafty  and  diplomatic, 
Philip  adopted  the  policy  of  creating  and  fos- 
tering in  Athens  a  Macedonian  party,  upon 
which  he  could  rely  in  the  work  of  extending 
his  influence  over  Greece.  He  accordingly 
espoused  the  Athenian  cause  in  the  Olynthian 
war,  and  aided  the  Greeks  in  regaining  pos- 
session of  Amphipolis.  The  latter,  with  their 
usual  duplicity,  soon  repaid  him  by  inducing 
the  seaport  town  of  Pydna  to  revolt,  and  it 
was  in  vain  that  Philip  remonstrated  against 
the  bad  faith  of  his  allies.  Thus  early  in  the 
relation  of  the  two  powers  was  a  breach  eflected 
and  the  seed  sown  of  unending  distrust.  The 
immediate  ettect  was  as  unfortunate  for  Athens 
as  it  was  displeasing  to  Philip ;  for  the  Greeks 
were  obliged,  for  the  time,  to  abandon  the 
siege  of  Amphipolis,  and  to  try  to  save  the 
honor  of  the  state  by  the  capture  of  a  few  un- 
important towns  in  Thrace.  But  what  they 
thus  failed  to  accomplish  by  force  of  arms  waa 
soon  effected  by  one  of  their  commanders.  A 
certain  Charidemus,  having  gone  over  to  the 
Olynthians,  succeeded  in  persuading  the  Am- 
phipolitans  that  their  interests  required  them 
to  ent«r  into  an  alliance  with  Athens. 

In  the  mean  time  Philip  added  to  the  dig- 
nity and  promise  of  his  court  by  marrying 
Olympias,  daughter  of  the  king  of  Epirus,  a 
princess  of  great  vivacity  and  beauty.  AVithin 
a  year,  and  on  the  very  day  of  the  announce- 
ment of  a  great  victory  by  his  general,  Par- 
menio,  Philip  received  the  news  that  an  heir 
was  born  to  the  throne  of  Macedon.  It  was 
to  the  king  an  event  of  great  joy.  He  imme- 
diately expressed  his  delight  in  the  following 
letter  the  philosopher  Aristotle,  whom  he  at 
once  selected  as  the  future  teacher  of  his  son : 

" King  Philip  to  Aristotle.  Health!  You 
are  to  know  that  a  son  hath  been  born  to  us. 
"We  thank  the  gods  not  so  much  for  having 
bestowed  him  on  us  as  for  bestowing  him  at  a 
time  when  Aristotle  lives.  We  assure  our- 
selves that  you  will  form  him  a  prince  worthy 
to  be  our  successor,  and  a  king  worthy  of 
Macedon.     Farewell." 


MACEDOMA.— REIGN  OF  PHILIP. 


619 


Returning  to  the  relation  of  Philip  to  the 
Greeks,  the  next  important  complications  to 
be  noted  were  those  arising  from  the  Social 
War.  Rhodes,  Chios,  Byzantium,  and  Cos, 
supported  by  king  Mausolus,  rose  against  the 
Athenians  and  entered  into  a  league  for  mu- 
tual defense.  A  declaration  was  published  that 
the  members  of  the  alliance  were  "resolved 
henceforward  to  protect  their  own  commerce 
with  their  own  fleets;  and  wanting  thus  noth- 
ing from  the  Athenian  navy  they  would,  of 
course,  pay  nothing  for  its  support."  At  the 
same  time  an  insurrection  broke  out  in  the 
island  of  Euboea ;  and  the  Thebans,  being 
solicited  to  aid  those  in  rebellion,  passed  over 
thither  with  an  army.  But  the  Athenian 
general,  Tiniotheus,  succeeded  without  great 
difficulty  in  bringing  tlie  insurgents  to  subniis- 
sion,  and  as  for  the  Thebans,  who  had  rashly 
rushed  into  the  conflict,  they  were  gla<l  to 
ca])itulate  with  the  privilege  of  retiring  from 
the  island. 

At  this  juncture,  however,  and  before  Ti- 
motheus  could  proceed  against  the  other  states 
in  insurrection,  the  alarming  news  was  borne 
from  the  North  that  Philip,  justly  angered  at 
the  Athenians  for  having  induced  the  inhab- 
itants of  Pydna  to  revolt  against  him,  had 
made  an  alliance  with  Olynthus,  thus  threat- 
ening the  overthrow  of  Potidaja,  Methone,  and 
all  the  other  dependencies  of  Athens  in  that 
region.  Owing,  however,  to  the  distracted 
condition  of  Attic  public  opinion,  it  was 
thought  better  to  enter  into  negotiations  with 
Philip  and  the  Olynthians  rather  than  to  take 
up  the  sword.  Thus  would  the  Atlienians  be 
left  free  to  bring  the  Social  War  to  successful 
conclusion.  Amba.ssadors  were  accordingly 
dispatched  from  Athens  to  Macedon,  and  a 
counter  emba.s.sy  was  presently  sent  by  Philip. 

Not  much  headway  was  made,  however,  to- 
ward the  establishment  of  peace.  The  jiolitic 
Macedonian  king  made  some  concessions  to  the 
Athenians,  especially  by  the  surrender  of  the 
town  Authemus,  but  he  reserved  his  settled 
purpose  to  wrench  from  the  Greeks,  at  the 
earliest  opportunity,  the  possession  of  Amphi- 
polis.  Nor  was  the  occasion  long  deferred. 
Having  fomented   the  discord   which   already 

existed  in  the  citv,  and  strengthened  as  for  as 
N.— Vol.  1—38 


nracticable  the  Macedonian  party  among  the 
Araphipolitans,  he  suddenly  besieged  the  place 
and  compelled  a  surrender.  The  Athenian 
party  within  the  walls  was  subjected  to  no 
persecutions.  The  prisoners  were  set  at  lib 
erty,  only  a  few  of  the  more  rampant  leaders 
of  the  Athenian  faction  being  reserved  for 
banishment. 

Having  secured  this  important  conquest, 
Philip  immediately  turned  his  attention  to  the 
two  towns  of  Pydna  and  Potidsea.  In  both 
of  these  cities,  as  well  as  in  all  the  other  Chal- 
cidician  towns,  a  strong  party  remained  at- 
tached to  the  interests  of  the  king,  and  by  a 
prudent  use  of  this  friendly  faction  the  work 
of  subjugation  was  abridged  and  facilitated. 
Such  was  the  influence  of  the  king  with  the 
inhabitants  of  both  Pydna  and  Potidwa  that 
both  places  were  taken  without  any  prolonged 
investment  or  serious  opposition  from  within. 

In  both  captures  Pliilip  again  displayed  his 
magnanimity.  Indeed,  Potidsea  was  volun- 
tarily restored  to  the  Olynthians,  the  king 
being  careful,  however,  to  protect  the  Athenian 
faction  from  the  rage  of  the  natives.  His 
liberality  extended  even  to  supplying  with  a 
free  hand  the  needs  of  those  who  had  been  sud- 
denly reduced  by  the  capitulation  to  poverty. 
The  effect  of  this  unusual  procedure  was  still 
further  to  strengthen  the  ever-widening  influ- 
ence of  the  Macedonian.  All  the  towns  from 
the  borders  of  Thessaly  to  the  Thracian  Cher- 
sonesus,  acting  of  their  own  accord,  renounced 
their  relations  with  the  Greeks  and  added 
themselves  to  the  dominions  of  the  king.  Even 
in  the  streets  of  Athens  the  praises  of  Philip 
were  freely  spoken  by  his  friends  and  admirers. 

So  great  was  the  embarrassment  of  the 
Greeks,  occasioned  by  the  liberality  of  the 
popular  nioiiarch  of  the  North,  that  the  latter 
was  left  comparatively  free  to  prosecute  what 
j)lan  soever  he  might  adopt  for  the  further  ex- 
tension of  his  ])ower.  His  next  enterprise 
was  the  conquest  of  Thrace.  The  king  of  this 
country  was  Sitalces — a  kind  of  "genius," 
being  a  mixture  of  ruler  and  rhapsodist.  He 
affected  in  his  government  the  manners  of  the 
East.  He  chose  not  war  as  a  jjursuit,  or  to 
devote  himself  to  those  works  which  the  an- 
cients regarded  as  heroic.     To  Iphicrates,  the 


620 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


favorite  Athenian  general,  lie  gave  his  daugh- 
ter in  marriage,  trusting  by  this  soft  method 
of  substitution  to  station  a  warrior  between 
himself  and  harm.  Thus  might  he  find  oppor- 
tunity to  retire  with  his  court  to  some  Arca- 
dian river-bank,  and  there  sit  musing  among 
the  flowers  while  the  brutal  race  of  his  fellow- 
men  surrendered  itself  to  the  bloody  intoxica- 
tions of  war.  Albeit  the  king  of  Macedon 
made  short  work  with  this  poetic  sovereign, 
who,  unable  to  meet  the  pupil  of  Epaminondas 
in  the  field,  sent  to  him  a  literary  eifusion, 
with  which  he  thought  to  soften  the  stony 
heart  of  Mars.  But  Mars  and  his  ofiicers 
were  infinitely  amused.  They  laughed  im- 
moderately at  this  new  species  of  tactics,  and 
then  proceeded  to  complete  the  conquest  of  the 
country.'  In  the  coarse  of  the  expedition  the 
gold  mines  of  Thrace  were  captured  by  the 
Macedonians,  who  immediately  began  to  work 
them  with  such  success  that  Philip's  revenues 
are  said  therefrom  to  have  been  augmented  by 
more  than  a  million  of  dollars  annually. 

The  king  of  Macedon,  caring  nothing  for 
his  friend  Sitalces,  whom  he  had  just  subdued, 
permitted  that  ruler  to  remain  in  nominal  au- 
thority. Scarcely,  however,  had  Philip  with- 
drawn from  Thrace  when  an  inisurrection  broke 
out  under  the  leadership  of  Miltocythes.  The 
latter  was  supported  by  the  Athenian  party. 
Nevertheless  Philip,  though  seeing  clearly  that 
the  movement  was  instigated  by  his  enemies, 
permitted  the  revolt  to  take  its  course  until 
Sitalces  was  assassinated  by  a  certain  Python, 
who  thereupon  repaired  to  Athens  and  was 
rewarded  for  the  murder.  Not  even  this  cir- 
cumstance, nor  the  subsequent  persecution  of 
the  infant  son  of  Sitalces  by  the  Athenian 
party,  induced  Philip  to  interfere.  Keeping 
steadily  in  view  the  one  great  purpose  of  ex- 
tending his  authority  over  the  whole  of  the 
Grecian  peninsula,  he  was  willing — even  de- 
sired—  that  the  Athenians  and  Thracians 
should  exhaust  themselves  in  the  struggle,  to 

'  It  was  during  this  campaign  of  Philip  in 
Thrace  that  he  came  upon  the  Thsesian  colony  of 
Crenidse.  Liking  the  situation  of  the  settlement, 
he  dislodged  the  occupants,  and  substituted  in 
their  place  a  company  of  Macedonians.  The  new 
colony  was  named  Philippi — afterward  rendered 
femous  by  the  overthrow  of  Brutus  and  Cassius. 


the   end    that   he   might   be   the  gainer  from 
their  weakness. 

The  events  which  led  to  the  outbreak  of 
the  Sacred  AVar,  beginning  as  it  did  in  the 
animosity  of  Thebes  and  Phoeis,  and  involving 
in  its  course  nearly  all  of  Central  and  most 
of  Southern  Greece,  have  already  been  nar- 
rated in  the  preceding  Book.'  It  will  be  re- 
membered that  the  Phocians,  under  the  lead 
of  the  able  PhUomelus,  and  supported,  though 
somewhat  feebly,  by  Archidamus  of  Sparta, 
availed  themselves  of  the  resources  of  the 
Delphic  temple,  organized  an  array  of  merce- . 
naries  and  defended  themselves  year  after  year 
against  the  assaults  of  the  Thebans  and  their 
allies.  They  even  defied  the  wrath  of  heaven, 
for  the  decree  pronounced  against  them  by  the 
venerable  Amj^hictyons  was  set  at  naught. 

In  the  struggle  that  ensued  the  Athenians, 
though  nominally  arraying  themselves  with  the 
enemies  of  Phoeis,  in  reality  stood  aloof  For 
their  own  complications  in  the  North,  and 
especially  the  dread  and  suspicion  of  Philip, 
kept  their  attention  directed  to  himward  rather 
than  to  the  vortex  which  was  whirling  around 
Delphi.  There  is  good  ground  for  believing 
that  Athens,  even  at  this  time,  contemplated 
sending  an  invitation  to  Philip  to  interfere  ac- 
tively agaiust  the  defilers  of  the  Delphic  tem- 
ple, and  thus  to  become  a  member  of  the 
Hellenic  body.  Perjiaps  the  suggestion  of 
such  a  course  was  inspired  by  the  king  him- 
self, who  greatly  desired  in  this  half-peaceable 
way  to  become  a  participant  in  the  affairs  of 
Greece. 

In  the  mean  time,  however,  Philip's  in- 
terest was  more  immediately  excited  by  the 
project  of  adding  Methone  to  his  possessions. 
This  city  was  accordingly  invested,  and  was 
brought  to  the  brink  of  capitulation  before 
the  Athenians  could  interfere.  Nor  did  their 
troops  arrive,  even  at  the  last,  in  time  to  save 
the  Methoneans  from  the  clutches  of  their 
adversary.  The  town  was  taken  in  B.  C.  353, 
and  although  the  fortifications  were  razed  to 
the  ground  and  the  lands  divided  among  the 
soldiers,  the  prisoners  were  treated  with  the 
greatest  moderation  and  humanity.  Each  was 
allowed  without  molestation  to  go  quietly  fortb 

'  See  Book  Eighth,  p.  605. 


MACEDONIA.— REIGN  OF  PHILIP. 


621 


in  searcli  of  a  new  home.  Whether  acting 
from  huniane  and  philanthropic  motives  or 
merely  from  the  suggestions  of  policy,  the 
conduct  of  the  great  Macedonian  was  in  most 
grateful  contrast  with  that  of  the  other  heroes 
of  his  age. 

It  was  during  the  siege  of  Metlione  that 
Philip  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  one  of  his 
eyes.  A  raiulom  arrow  discharged  from  the 
rampart  fell  square  in  the  king's  face  and  de- 
stroyed one-half  of  his  sight.     When  the  ar- 


was  succeeded  by  Onomarchus,  who  in  a  short 
time  effected  an  alliance  with  Lycophron,  gen- 
eralissimo of  Thessaly,  whom  Philip  had  re- 
cently deposed  from  office.  The  issue  was 
thus  made  of  sustaining  Lycophron  by  Pho- 
ciau  and  overthrowing  him  by  IMacedonian 
influence.  Philip  marched  into  Thessaly,  as 
did  also  Phayllus,  brother  of  Onomarchus.  A 
severe  battle  was  fought  and  the  Phocians 
were  defeated ;  but  Onomarchus  immediately 
came  to  the  scene  with  another  array,  and  the 


'ASTOIi  TO  PHILIP'S  l;l',il  1    1-Vi:. 


row-head  was  drawn  away,  it  was  found  to 
contain  the  following  label :  "  Astor  to  Philip's 
right  eye."  It  appeared  on  inquiry  that  the 
unerring  missile  had  been  discharged  by  an 
offended  archer  who  had  recently  oflered  his 
services  to  the  king  and  been  rejected.  He 
hatl  represented  to  Philip  that  his  skill  with 
the  bow  was  so  great  that  he  could  kill  a  small 
bird  on  the  wing.  The  king  nut  l)elicviug  the 
story  had  put  off  the  applicant  witii  the  re- 
mark, "Well,  well,  I  shall  make  use  of  thee 
when  I  go  to  war  with  the  starlings."  Astor 
had  then  joined  the  Methoneans  and  now  vin- 
dicated his  skill  in  a  way  never  to  be  forgotten. 
Meanwhile  the  Phoeian  general,  Philomelus, 


victory  was  reversed  by  the  overthrow  of  the 
Macedonians. 

It  was  now  the  turn  of  Philip  to  rally  and 
fight  for  hLs  kiugdom ;  for  had  Onomarchus 
successfully  followed  up  the  advantage  gained 
by  the  defeat  of  his  adversary,  the  king  might 
have  been  hard  pressed  to  save  his  crown ;  but 
to  him  the  defeat  which  he  had  sustained  was 
but  a  temporary  reverse.  He  at  once  reorgau: 
ized  his  forces  and  augmented  them  to  twenty 
thousand  men.  Onomarchus  again  came  to 
the  contest  with  an  eipial  number  of  troops. 
Philip  openly  avowed  his  cause  to  be  that  of 
the  Greeks — the  cause  of  Apollo  and  liberty 
against  irreligion  and  the  despotism  of  a  tyrant. 


623 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Taking  advantage  of  the  superstition  of  tte 
people,  he  decked  the  heads  of  his  soioiei-s 
with  laurel,  the  emblem  sacred  to  Phoebus.  A 
spirit  of  enthusiasm  was  thus  diffused  through 
the  army ;  uor  did  the  Phocians  come  to  the  con- 
flict without  the  highest  incentives  of  battle. 

The    struggle   that   ensued   was  long    and 
bloody.      As    between    the    Macedonian    and 
Phocian  phalanxes,  it  seemed  doubtful  which 
would  bear  the  other  down.     At  length,  how- 
ever,  the   fate  of  the  day  was  decided  hy  a 
charge  of  the  Thessalian  cavah-y  which  broke 
the  lines  of  Onomarchus,  and  was  the  begin- 
ning of  his  overthrow.     The  Phocians  wavered 
and  then  fled.     They  were  pressed  into  the  sea 
by  the  triumphant  ^Macedonians.     Nor  did  the 
Athenian  squadron,    which  just  then  hove  in 
sight,  arrive  in  time  to  bring  succor  to  the  fu- 
gitives.    Six  thousand  of  the  Phocians  fell  in 
the  battle  and  the  flight.     Onomarchus  him- 
self was  killed  and  his  body  hung  on  a  gibbet, 
Departing  trom  his  usual  method   in  victory, 
and  yielding  to  that  despicable  spirit  of  relig- 
ious bigotry,  which  caught  from  the  supposed 
vindictiveness  of  the  gods,  has  in  every  age  con- 
verted men  into  demons,  Philip  gave  his  assent 
to  the  murder  of  the  three  thousand  prisoners 
who   fell   into  his  hands.     The  effect  of  this 
decisive  victory  was  to  reverse  completely  the 
relative   prospects  of   the    two  parties  in   the 
North,  and  still  further  to  open   the  way  for 
the  ambitious  projects  of  the  king.  -  His  posi- 
tion was  already  such  as  to  enable  him  to  in- 
fluence the  destinies — at   least   indirectly — of 
most  of  the  states  of  Greece.     His  army  was 
the  most  effective  in  all  Europe.     His  soldiers 
believed  in  his  talents  and  courage.     He  had 
shown  himself  capable  of  magnanimity.  Even 
superstition  looked  out  from  under  her  cowl, 
and  gave  him  a  sardonic  smUe  as  the  avenger 
of  sacrilege. 

After  the  defeat  and  death  of  Onomarchus, 
the  command  of  the  Phocian  army  was  de- 
volved on  Phayllus.  The  treasures  of  Delphi 
still  sufficed  to  hire  and  equip  armies.  When_ 
it  was  seen  that  Apollo  did  not  come  down  in 
sublime  anger  to  destroy  the  profaners  of  his 
shrine,  several  of  the  other  states  seemed  to 
have  caught  an  itching  palm  for  a  share  in  the 
divine  resources.     The  pliable  Athens  was  not 


proof  against  the  seductions  of  the  sacred  gold, 
and  a  force  of  five  thousand  of  her  citizens 
were  enrolled  under  the  mercenary  banner  of 
Phocis.  The  Achaeans,  too,  were  ready  to 
share  the  spoils,  and  sent  a  contingent  to  be 
paid  from  the  Delphic  treasury. 

Notwithstanding  these  preparations,  how- 
ever, the  Thebans  showed  themselves  more 
than  a  match  for  the  heterogeneous  soldiery 
commanded  by  Phayllus.  The  war  continued 
with  varying  successes  until  finally  at  Ch.ero- 
NEA  a  decisive  battle  was  fought  in  which  the 
Phocians  were  disastrously  routed.  After  this 
the  scene  of  hostilities  was  transferred  to  Pe- 
loponnesus. Sparta  took  up  the  cause  of  Pho- 
cis. Megalopolis  was  besieged,  and  the  adhe- 
rents of  the  sacred  cause  were  hard  pressed, 
until  the  Thebans  came  to  the  rescue. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Athenians  were  busy 
in  planning  trouble  for  Philip  in  Thrace  and 
Thessaly.     Their  most  successful  piece  of  di- 
plomacy was  in  the  instigation  of  the  revolt 
of  Olynthus.    The  king  himself  was  absent  on 
a  campaign   in  Thrace   when   the  news  was 
borne  to  him  of  the  Olynthian  secession.     It 
was  not  easy  to  perceive  for  what  reason  that 
people  had  rebelled  against  his  authority ;  but 
it  is  certain  that  the  Athenians  were  priv^y  to 
what    was    done,    for    they    immediately    de- 
spatched a  fleet  under  the  command  of  Chares 
to  uphold  the  insurgents.     It  was  late  in  the 
year  before  Philip  could  return  from  his  Thra- 
cian  campaign  and  direct  his  attention  to  the 
rebellious  city.     When  he  approached  with  a 
large  army  the  fears  of  the  inhabitants  got  the 
better  of  their  rash  patriotism,  and  they  sent 
out  envoys  to  the  king  to  discuss  the  question 
of  a  settlement.     But  Philip  was  now  thor- 
oughly angered,  and   resolved   to  punish  the 
Olvnthians   according    to   their  deserts.     The 
city  was  rigorously   besieged,   and  was  soon 
obliged    to   surrender  at   discretion.     In   this 
case  the  discretion  was  used  with  great  sever- 
ity.   Olynthus  was  leveled  to  the  ground.   The 
people  were  made  prisoners  and  sold  by  public 
auction    into    slavery.      No    age   or   sex  was 
spared  by  the  enraged  king,  whose  wrath,  as  is 
alleged,  was  fanned  by  the  philosopher,  Aris- 
totle, who  was  present  at  the  sale,  pointing 
out  to  Philip  the  richest  citizens,  and  suggest 


MACEDONIA.— REIGN  OF  PHILIP. 


623 


ing  in  what  manner  the  heaviest  ransoms  might 
be  obtained. 

By  this  time  the  power  of  the  king  of  Jlace- 
don  was  so  well  established,  and  his  warlike 
fame  liad  sounded  so  far,  a:?  to  make  even  the 
factious  Greeks  wary  of  further  hostilities. 
They  accordingly  made  overtures  for  peace, 
and  sending  a  deputation  of  their  most  distin- 
guished citizens  to  represent  the  sUite,  opened 
negotiations  with  the  king.  The  two  orators, 
Demostifenes  and  ^Esciiine.s,  were  the  spokes- 
men on  behalf  of  the  Greeks.  After  some 
length  of  discussion,  in  which  it  is  said  that 
the  former,  owing  to  the  strangeness  of  the 
situation  and  the  importance  of  the  business 
in  hand,  appeared  to  a  great  disadvantage  as 
compared  with  his  rival,  the  conference  was 
adjourned,  and  a  counter  embassy  was  pres- 
ently thereafter  sentto  Athens  to  make  known 
the  views  of  the  king  respecting  the  terms  of 
peace. 

Then  followed  the  usual  hot  discussions  in 
the  Athenian  assembly,  and  then  in  B.  C.  346, 
five  plenipotentiaries  were  appointed  to  go  to 
Pella,  the  Macedonian  capital,  and  conclude  a 
Rettlcnient.  Here  the  terms  of  the  treaty  were 
finally  decided.  All  the  states  were  brought 
to  peace  except  Halus,  which  was  excluded  at 
the  dictation  of  Athens,  and  I'hoeis,  which  was 
made  an  exception  by  the  demand  of  riiilip. 
Thus  was  a  pacification  effected  between  Ath- 
ens and  Macedonia,  and  Philip  was  freed  to 
bring  the  Phociau  war  to  a  conclusion. 

Accordingly,  as  soon  as  the  treaty  was  made, 
a  decree  was  pa.-^sed  by  the  Athenian  assembly 
declaring  that  unless  the  Phocians  should  at 
once  surrender  the  temple  of  Delphi  to  the 
Aniphictyons,  Athens  would  enter  the  league 
again.-t  them.  Philip  himself  addressed  a  let- 
ter of  the  same  tenor  to  his  allies  in  Central 
Greece,  inviting  all  to  join  him  in  bringing  to 
a  sudden  end  the  resistance  of  the  contuma- 
cious Phocians.  Phis  proposition  was  rejected, 
however,  by  the  Athenians,  wlio  greatly  de- 
sired the  friendly  interest  of  Phili]>  when  it 
was  manifested  at  a  proper  distance.  Their 
duplicitv,  moreover,  soon  led  them  to  open 
negotiations  with  Phocis ;  but  the  latter  dis- 
trusted the  overtures  of  her  would-be  ally,  and 
tontinued  the  war. 


It  was  at  this  juncture  of  affairs  that  the 
scholarly  and  eloquent  Isocrates  gave  to  the 
Greeks  his  elaborate  oration  on  the  condition 
and  true  policy  of  the  country.  On  the  whole 
the  theory  of  the  address  was  that  the  Greek 
race  should  accept  the  leadership  of  Philip  in 
a  crusade  against  barbarism.  A  pacific  tone 
was  assumed  throughout,  and  the  idea  of  a 
common  cause  in  which  the  Greeks  and  Mace- 
donians should  embark  against  a  common 
enemy  was  made  predominant.  The  oration 
was  after  the  manner  of  the  times  addressed 
to  Philip,  and  concluded  in  the  following 
words:  "The  .sum  of  what  I  advise  is  this — 
that  you  act  beneficially  toward  the  Greeks; 
that  you  reign  constitutionally  over  the  Mace- 
donians; tliat  you  extend  your  sway  as  wide 
as  may  be  over 
the  barbarians. 
And  thus  will 
you  earn  the 
gratitude  of  all ; 
of  the  Greeks, 
for  the  good  you 
will  do  them  ; 
of  the  Macedo- 
nians, if  you 
will  preside  over 
them  constitu- 
tionally and  not 
tyrannically ; 
and  of  all  oili- 
crs,  as  far  as  you  relievo  them  from  bar- 
baric despotism,  and  place  them  under  the 
mildness  of  a  Grecian  administration.  Others 
must  have  their  opinions  of  what  the  times 
require,  and  will  judge  for  themselves  how  far 
what  is  here  written  may  be  adaj)ted  to  them; 
but  I  am  fully  confident  that  no  one  will  give 
you  better  advice  or  any  more  fitly  accommo- 
dated to  the  existing  state  of  things." 

The  efl'ect  of  this  able  and  dispassionate 
oration  was  favorable  to  a  general  pacification, 
but  not  on  the  basis  of  the  local  independence 
of  the  Greek  states.  The  positions  assumed 
by  Isocrates  were  ably  and  pa.ssionately  con- 
troverted by  Demosthenes  and  other  demo- 
cratic orators.  Nor  does  it  appear  that  Philip 
himself  was  at  this  time  especially  anxious  to 
assume   the   office   of  arbiter   in   settling  the 


ISOCRATES. 

Museo  Viscoiiti. 


624 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


quarrels  of  Ms  southern  neighbors.  For  the 
present  he  was  detained  with  his  campaign 
against  Halus.  That  brought  to  a  successful 
conclusion,  he  once  more  turned  his  attention 
to  the  affairs  of  Phocis  and  resolved  to  bring 
the  Sacred  War  to  a  sudden  end. 

Collecting  a  large  army,  Philip  advanced 
by  way  of  Thermopylie  into  Central  Greece. 
Here  he  was  joined  by  the  Thebaus.  The 
Phocians  quickly  perceived  that  their  day  had 
come.  Athens  was  not  to  be  trusted.  Sparta 
had  designs  of  her  own.  All  Peloponnesus 
was  wavering  toward  the  Macedonian  interest. 
The  Phocian  army  was  now  under  command 
of  Phalfficus,  who,  perceiving  the  hopelessness 
of  the  cause,  offered  to  capitulate.  Philip 
agreed  that  he  should  retire  unmolested  into 
Southern  Greece.  The  principal  towns  of 
Phocis  were  then  surrendered  to  the  king. 

The  passions  of  the  Thebans  against  those 
who  had  so  long  resisted  them  could  hardly  be 
restrained ;  but  PhUip  insisted  that  the  terms 
should  be  observed.  The  general  question  of 
what  should  be  done  with  Phocis  and  her  in- 
habitants remained  to  be  settled  by  a  congress 
of  the  states,  which  was  now  convened  by 
Philip  at  Thermopylse.  Before  this  body  the 
most  cruel  demands  wer3  made  by  the  extreme 
party  of  the  Amphictyons.  The  deputies  from 
CEta  demanded  that  all  the  Phocians  should 
be  hurled  down  from  the  cliffs  about  Deljjhi ; 
but  Philip  was  less  vindictive  than  Phoebus, 
and  the  penalty  finally  voted  by  the  council, 
though  excessive  in  its  severity,  was  less 
bloody  than  might  have  been  expected. 

The  terms  granted  were  these :  The  Phocians 
should  lose  forever  their  place  in  the  Amphic- 
tyonic  councU ;  the  three  principal  cities  of 
Phocis  should  be  dismantled,  and  the  remain- 
ing towns  destroyed ;  no  hamlet  should  be 
permitted  of  more  than  fifty  houses,  nor  any 
nearer  to  the  next  than  a  furlong ;  the  heavy 
arms  and  horses  belonging  to  the  people  should 
be  given  up;  finally,  a  tax  of  sixty  talents 
annually  should  be  assessed  upon  the  lands  of 
Phocis  until  all  the  squandered  treasures  of 
the  Delphic  shrine  should  be  replaced.  To 
PhUip  was  assigned  the  duty  of  enforcing  the 
conditions;  and  in  order  that  he  might  the 
more   consistently   undertake    the   settlement, 


the  two  votes  hitherto  belonging  to  Phocis  in 
the  council  of  the  Amphictyons  were  trans- 
ferred to  him,  with  full  membership  in  the 
body. 

It  appears  that,  with  the  exception  of  the 
anti-Macedonian  party  in  Athens,  nearly  all 
the  Greeks  were  satisfied  with  the  conditions 
of  peace.  The  moderation  of  PhUip  and  the 
general  wisdom  of  the  measures  which  he 
promoted  were  such  as  to  elicit  hearty  praises. 
Even  Demosthenes,  in  his  oration.  On  the 
Oi-own,  concedes  the  great  popularity  of  the 
king  in  the  time  just  succeeding  the  treaty. 
Diodorus,  who,  however,  was  more  favorable 
to  the  Macedonian  interest,  says:  "Philip, 
after  concurring  with  the  Amphictyons  in 
their  choice  for  the  common  welfare  of  Greece, 
providing  means  for  carrying  them  into  exe- 
cution, and  conciliating  good  will  on  all  sides 
by  his  humanity  and  affability,  returned  into 
his  kingdom,  bearing  with  him  the  glory  of 
piety,  added  to  the  fame  of  military  talents 
and  bravery;  in  possession  of  a  popularity 
which  gave  him  great  advantage  for  the  future 
extension  of  his  power." 

The  peace  thus  established  was  generally 
accepted  as  a  finality.  The  smaller  states, 
which  had  long  been  subject  to  the  domination 
of  the  stronger,  found  the  authority  of  PhUip 
more  tolerable  than  that  of  their  former  mas- 
ters. All  of  the  Peloponnesian  states  without 
exception  favored  the  new  regime,  and  in 
Central  Greece,  only  Athens  looked  askance 
at  the  preeminent  influence  thus  conceded  to 
the  king. 

The  promising  heir  to  the  throne  of  Mace- 
donia was  now  fourteen  years  of  age.  Asjs- 
TOTLE,  his  instructor,  resided  at  the  court. 
Upon  him  and  his  influence  over  the  prince, 
the  king  bestowed  the  most  anxious  attention. 
The  philosopher  received  royal  honors  at  the 
hands  of  his  liberal  master.  He  was  loaded 
with  favors.  His  birthplace,  the  town  of  Sta- 
gira,  was  rebuUt  and  beautified  by  the  orders 
of  PhUip.  The  monarch,  as  a  farther  mark 
of  consideration,  laid  out  near  Pella  a  spacious 
and  beautiful  park,  in  which  were  shady  walks, 
rustic  seats,  marble  statues,  and  cool  retreats 
in  which  the  Peripatetics  gathered  to  discuss 
the  origin  of  things  and  the  destiny  of  man. 


MACEDONIA.— REIGN  OF  PHILIP. 


625 


At  this  time  the  most  disturbed  region  ad- 
jacent to  King  Philip's  dominions  was  Thrace. 
In  the  eastern  part  of  this  country  a  leader 
named  Cersobleptes  arose,  and  acting  under 
an  inspiration  from  Athens,  gathered  a  large 
force  of  iusurgtflCs.  It  was  found  necessary 
to  bring  a  Macedonian  army  into  the  country 
kefore  the  rebellion  could  be  suppressed.  The 
work,  however,  was  easily  accomplished,  and 


sickness  and  death  had  been  scattered  through- 
out Greece ;  nor  did  such  reports  fail  to  produce 
the  usual  results.  The  Athenians  seized  the 
opportunity  to  organize  a  fleet  and  send  it 
against  the  maritime  dependencies  of  Macedon. 
Marauding  expeditions  were  made  along  the 
coast,  and  in  defiance  of  the  terms  of  tho  recent 
treaty,  the  influence  of  the  Greeks  was  used 
to  induce  revolt  and   dissensions  in   Philip'? 


ARISTOTLE  .\.NU   ills   Pfl'IL.    AI.KXANPEK. 


the  coast  districts  of  Thrace  were  incorporated 
with  Macedonia. 

Soon  afterwards  the  king  undertook  an  ex- 
pedition into  barbarous  Scvthia  ;  but  the  north- 
ern wilds  proved  to  him  as  they  had  done  to 
Darius,  a  more  formidable  foe  than  a  phalanx 
of  spears  in  an  open  field.  Philip  was  snow- 
bound in  a  desolate  country  where  he  could 
find  no  enemies.  After  his  army  had  been 
brought  to  the  borders  of  starvation  he  was 
glad  with  the  opening  of  spring  to  make  bis 
way  back  to  his  own  capital. 

Before  his  return,  however,  rumors  of  his 


kingdom.  The  Athenian  admiral,  Diojiithes, 
instigated  by  the  clamors  of  the  assemlily,  now 
under  the  lead  of  Demosthenes,  proceeded  to 
jMisitive  hostility,  and  took  by  storm  two  towns 
licloiiging  to  Philij).  Those  who  escaped  from 
tlio  assault  were  dispersed  into  the  Cherso- 
nesus,  and  the  Macedonian  envoys  who  were 
sent  to  romonstiate  against  the  outrage,  were 
thrown  into  prison.  In  the  next  place  an 
embargo  was  laid  ujion  all  ships  sailiiig  into 
Macedonian  ports,  by  which  means  the  grow- 
ing commerce  of  the  kingdom  was  suddenly 
cut  off"  and  destroyed. 


626 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


While  this  business  was  progressing  in  the 
North,  Demosthenes  entered  into  correspond- 
ence with  Persia,  with  a  view  to  securing  the 
cooperation  of  that  country  against  the  grow- 
ing power  of  Philip.  The  project  was  suc- 
cessful to  the  extent  of  obtaining  from  the 
court  at  Susa  a  large  remittance  of  money  to 
be  used  by  the  Athenians  according  to  their 
discretion.  By  this  means  the  fleets  were 
Btill  further  strengthened,  and  the  island  of 
Eubtea,  long  alienated  from  Athens,  was  won 
back  to  her  old  relations. 

Meanwhile  Philip  returned  from  his  Scyth- 
ian campaign.  It  is  related  that  as  he  was 
making  his  way  back  to  his  capital  he  was 
attacked  by  a  wild  people  called  the  Triballi, 
in  the  passes  of  the  Msesian  mountains.  So 
sudden  and  fierce  was  the  onset  that  for  a 
while  the  Macedonians  were  well-nigh  over- 
whelmed. Nothing  but  the  desperate  exer- 
tions of  the  king  and  the  valor  of  his  soldiery 
saved  him  from  utter  rout.  Philip  himself 
was  dangerously  wounded  in  the  thigh,  and 
was  about  to  be  taken  when  the  prince  Alex- 
ander, rushed  to  his  side  and  covered  him 
with  his  shield.  Victory  finally  declared  for 
the  JIacedonians.  The  barbarians  were  driven 
back  with  great  los.ses,  but  the  king's  army 
also  suffered  not  a  little,  and  himself  was 
lamed  for  life.' 

As  soon  as  Philip  was  himself  again  he 
undertook  the  reconquest  of  those  cities  which 
had  revolted  against  him.  His  first  movements 
were  directed  against  Periuthus  and  other 
towns  on  the  Hellespont.  In  this  enterprise, 
however,  he  was,  on  account  of  the  weakness 
of  the  Macedonian  navy,  unable  to  make 
any  headway,  and  the  campaign  had  to  be 
abandoned.  This  want  of  success  greatly  ex- 
hilarated the  Athenians,  and  Demosthenes 
redoubled  his  exertions  to  secure  favorable 
alliances  for  Athens,  and  to  induce  further  de- 
fection among  the  dependencies  of  Macedonia. 


'  Philip  was  greatly  embarrassed  by  his  wounded 
limb.  He  is  reported  to  have  been  sensitive  on  the 
score  of  his  lameness.  It  was  on  this  account  that 
Alexander  indulged  in  his  famous  piece  of  pleas- 
antry at  his  father's  expense  :  "  How  can  you,  sir," 
said  the  prince,  "  be  displeased  at  an  accident 
which  at  every  step  serves  to  remind  you  of  vour 
valor?" 


At  this  juncture  of  affairs  the  Greek  states 
were  again  thrown  into  commotion  by  the 
prospect  of  war  among  themselves.  The  peo- 
ple of  Amphissa,  seeing  in  some  of  the  grounds 
sacred  to  Apollo  a  fine  opportunity  of  garden- 
ing, set  at  defiance  the  old  Amphictyonic 
decree  and  began  to  honor  nature  with  culti- 
vation. This  act  raised  the  cry  of  sacrilege, 
and  another  sacred  war  was  imminent;  but 
the  influence  of  Philip  was  so  great  that  he 
was  elected  president  of  the  Amphictyons  and 
was  thus  brought  into  a  position  to  mitigate, 
if  not  prevent,  the  expected  conflict. 

Athens,  meanwhile,  was  busy  in  creating 
a  coalition  against  Philip.  Thebes  was  induced 
to  join  her.  Corinth,  though  for  many  j'cars 
standing  aloof  from  the  hostile  broils  in  which 
most  of  the  states  had  been  immersed,  gave 
her  adherence  to  the  anti-Macedonians  and 
exhibited  an  unwonted  energy  of  preparation.' 
Philip,  though  cognizant  of  this  unfriendly 
business,  proceeded  in  his  own  way.  He  con- 
vened the  Amphictyons  at  Thermopylae  and 
laid  before  them  the  complaints  against  the 
people  of  Amphissa.  In  obedience  to  the 
order  of  the  council  he  issued  an  edict  requir- 
ing all  the  states  to  furnish  a  contingent  of 
troops  for  the  punishment  of  the  sacrilege  of 
tilling  Apollo's  ground.  The  Athenians  and 
their  allies  were  thus  thrown  into  a  most  un- 
pleasant dilemma.  Either  they  must  answer 
Philip's  call  and  join  him  in  a  crusade  against 
the  Amphissians,  or  else  they  must  array  them- 
selves by  the  side  of  those  who  had  profaned 
the  national  religion.  They  chose  the  latter 
course,  and  actually  sent  ten  thousand  merce- 
naries to  the  aid  of  the  sacrilegious  city!  It 
was  done,  not  that  they  loved  the  defilers  of 
Apollo's  lands,  but  dreaded  Philip  of  Macedon. 

The  alliance,  however,  was  of  no  great 
value  to  the  Amphissians.  Against  them  the 
king  at  once  proceeded  and   they  were  soon 


'  A  happy  incident  is  related  of  this  movement 
on  the  part  of  the  Corinthians.  While  they  were 
busily  engaged  in  preparing  for  war,  Diogenes, 
who  now  resided  in  Corinth,  was  seen  anxiously 
and  energetically  rolling  his  tub  from  one  place  to 
another.  When  inquiry  was  made  of  him  why  he 
did  so,  he  replied  that  he  did  not  desire  to  appear 
singular  by  being  the  only  man  in  Corinth  who 
was  not  absurdly  employed ! 


MACEDONIA.— REIGN  OF  PHILIP. 


62» 


subdued  and  punished,  but  with  far  less  sever- 
ity than  had  been  visited  upon  tiie  obstinate 
Phocians. 

As  soon  as  Philip's  success  had  been  such 
as  to  alarm  the  assembly  at  Athens  that  body 
dispatched  an  embassy  to  the  king  to  complain 
of  his  violation  of  the  treaty !  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  they  themselves  had  violated  it  from  the 
beginning-,  and  he  had  observed  the  terms 
with  scrupulous  fidelity.  Still  he  replied  to 
the  envoys,  and  through  them  to  the  Athenian 
people,  with  such  severe  courtesy  as  the  cir- 
cumstances seemed  to  warrant.  His  letter 
was  as  follows: 

"Philip,  King  of  the  Macedonians,  to  the 
Athenian  council  and  people,  greeting.  What 
your  disposition  towards  me  has  been  from  the 
beginning,  I  am  not  ignorant,  nor  with  what 
earnestness  you  have  endeavored  to  gain  the 
Thessalians,  the  Thebans,  and  the  rest  of  the 
Boeotians  to  your  party.  But  now  you  find 
them  too  wise  to  submit  their  interests  to  your 
direction,  you  change  your  course  and  send 
ministers  with  a  herald  to  me  to  admonish  me 
of  the  treaty,  and  demand  a  truce,  having  in 
truth  been  injured  by  me  in  nothing.  Nev- 
ertheless, I  have  heard  your  ambassadors,  and 
consent  to  all  your  desires ;  nor  shall  I  take 
any  step  against  you,  if,  dismissing  those  who 
advise  you  ill,  you  consign  them  to  their  de- 
served ignominy.     So  may  you  prosper." 

The  last  clause  of  the  king's  paper,  relating 
to  the  dismissal  of  the  democratic  leaders,  was 
directed  against  Demosthenes  and  his  associates. 
These  were  themselves  now  tlie  ruling  influ- 
ence in  the  a.ssembly,  and  Philip's  address  was 
not  therefore  likely  to  be  received  with  favor. 
The  passions  of  the  "sovereign  multitude" 
were  swayed  by  the  very  powers  which  were 
to  be  renounced  and  consigned  to  ignominy. 

Meanwhile  the  Thebans,  after  much  waver- 
ing between  interest  uiul  inclination,  decided  in 
favor  of  an  Athenian  alliance,  and  as  soon  as 
the  league  was  effected  the  assembly  of  Athens 
dispatched  into  Boeotia  a  large  force,  to  oc- 
cupy the  frontier  towns  which  wsuld  lie  first 
in  the  way  of  a  Macedonian  invasion.  Philip 
at  the  head  of  his  forces  took  ])osse.ssion  of  the 
town  of  Elateia,  which  commanded  the  pass 
of  Thermopylie.      While  occupying  this  posi- 


tion he  made  one  further  efibrt  to  secure  a 
settlement  of  their  difficulties  without  the 
shedding  of  blood ;  but  his  overtures  were  re- 
garded by  the  allies  as  so  many  symptoms  of 
fear.  The  ]\Iacedonian  party,  on  the  other 
hand,  urged  the  king's  sincerity,  as  evidenced 
in  his  previous  course;  and  but  for  the  hot 
apjieals  which  were  poured  from  the  popular 
tribunals  peace  might  still  have  been  preserved. 
It  was,  however,  in  Thebes,  rather  than  in 
Athens,  that  symptoms  of  wavering  were  most 
discoverable.  Demosthenes  accordingly  re- 
paired to  the  former  cit}%  and  poured  out  the 
fiery  torrent  of  his  eloquence  to  persuade  those 
who  faltered  to  stand  fast  in  their  resistance 
to  the  common  foe." 

The  allied  army  of  mercenaries  now  thrown 
into  the  field  consisted  of  fifteen  thousand  foot 
and  two  thousand  horse.  The  Boeotian  hop- 
lites  consisted  of  fourteen  thousand,  while  the 
Athenian  division  comprised  nearly  twenty 
thousand  men.  The  army  of  Philip  exceeded 
thirty  thousand,  and  though  inferior  in  num- 
bers to  the  combined  forces  of  the  allies  was 
greatly  superior  to  them  in  discipline  and  or- 
ganization. 

The  battle-field  on  which  the  destinies  of 
Greece  were  now  to  be  decided  was  at  Ghm- 
RONEA.  Here  in  the  summer  of  B.  C.  338 
it  was  to  be  determined  whether  the  old  organ- 
ization, involving  a  multitude  of  petty  and 
independent  states,  should  be  longer  main- 
tained, or  whether  the  expanding  kingdom  of 
the  North  should  dominate  the  whole  penin- 
sula of  Hellas.  The  issue  was  really  decided 
by  the  military  genius  of  Philip,  against  whom 
the  allied  Greeks  could  bring  no  commander 
of  equal  abilities.  The  youthful  Alexander, 
too,  bore  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  contest. 
The  battle  was  long  and  sanguinary.  The 
victory  inclined  to  the  ^lacedonians.  The  de- 
feat of  the  allied  forces  was  complete  and 
overwhelming.  Philip,  with  his  usual  moder- 
ation, dismissed  the  prisoners  without  punish- 
ment.     The  bodies  of  the  dead  were  sent  to 


'  It  was  in  the  course  of  tlie  oration  delivered 
on  this  occasion  that  Deinostlienes  swore  by  Pallas 
Athene  that  if  any  one  should  dare  to  say  that 
peace  ought  to  be  made  with  Pliilip  lie  would  him- 
self seize  him  by  the  hair  and  draf;  him  to  prisoR. 


628 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Athens  for  burial,  and  the  king  sent  thither 
his  general  Antipater  and  his  son  Alexander 
to  treat  with  the  Athenians  on  the  subject  of 
peace.  He  invited  them  to  renew  the  compact 
which  had  recently  existed  between  Greece 
and  Macedon.  A  counter  embassy  was  re- 
turned to  the  king,  and  the  Greeks  were  only 
loo  ready  to  accept  the  favorable  conditions 
which  were  offered. 

As  soon  as  peace  was  reestablished  the  at- 
tention of  Philip  was  directed  to  the  king  of 
Persia.  For  some  time  it  had  been  his  policy 
to  establish  himself  at  the  head  of  a  Hellenic 
confederacy,  and  then  hurl  the  united  forces 
of  Greece  and  ]Macedonia  upon  the  dominions 
of  the  Great  King,  against  whom  all  the  people 
of  the  West  cherished  so  profound  an  antipa- 
thy. Diodorus,  in  his  account  of  the  course 
pursued  by  Philip  at  this  juncture,  says:  "  The 
king,  encouraged  by  his  victory  at  Chseronea, 
by  wliich  the  most  renowned  states  had  been 
checked  and  confounded,  was  ambitious  of 
becoming  the  military  commander  and  head 
of  the  Greek  nation.  He  declared,  therefore, 
his  intention  of  carrying  war,  in  the  common 
cause  of  the  Greeks,  against  the  Persians.  A 
disposition  to  concur  in  this  purpose  and  to 
attach  themselves  to  him  as  their  chief  per- 
vaded the  Grecian  people.  Communicating 
then  with  all,  individuals  as  well  as  states,  in 
a  manner  to  conciliate  favor,  he  expressed  his 
desire  of  meeting  the  nation  in  congress  to 
concert  measures  for  the  great  object  in  view, 
and  such  a  body  was  accordingly  convened  at 
Corinth.  This  explanation  of  his  intentions 
excited  great  hopes,  and  so  produced  the  de- 
sired concurrence  that  at  length  the  Greeks 
elected  him  generalissimo  of  their  confederate 
powers.  Great  preparations  for  the  Persian 
war  were  put  forward,  and  the  proportion  of 
troops  to  be  furnished  by  every  state  was  cal- 
culated and  determined." 

The  final  scene  in  Philip's  eventful  and  am- 
bitious career  was  now  at  hand.  The  army 
of  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  men, 
raised  by  the  allied  states  to  war  against  the 
Persians,  was  destined  to  be  led  into  Asia  by 
another.  After  his  victory  at  Chscroiiea  the 
monarch  returned  to  his  capital,  and  in  B.  C. 
336,  occupied   a  brief  interval  with  the  mar- 


riage of  his  daughter  to  Alexander,  king  of 
Epirus.  A  feast  was  made  in  honor  of  the 
occasion.  When  the  banquet  was  at  its  height 
and  Philip,  after  the  manner  of  the  times,  had 
given  himself  freely  to  indulgence,  a  certain 
Pausanias,  who  harbored  a  grudge  against 
the  king  on  account  of  a  supposed  injury, 
plunged  a  dagger  into  his  breast  and  laid  him 
lifeless.  The  assassin  immediately  fled,  but 
before  he  could  make  his  escape  through  the 
city  gates  he  was  overtaken  and  instantly  cut 
down. 

The  causes  of  this  tragic  event,  beyond  the 
petty  resentment  which  the  murderer  was 
known  to  have  felt,  have  never  been  deter- 
mined. The  most  plausible  theory  of  the  as- 
sassination is  that  which  attributes  it  to  the 
revenge  of  Olympias,  who,  in  the  preceding 
year  had  been  discarded  by  the  king.  Philip 
had  chosen  in  her  place  a  maiden  named  Cle- 
opatra, daughter  of  Attains,  one  of  his  gen- 
erals. It  is  said  that  the  conduct  of  Olympias, 
on  hearing  of  the  murder  of  the  king,  waa 
such  as  to  warrant  the  suspicion  that  she  had 
been  privy  to  his  taking  off.  The  sudden  de- 
struction of  the  assassin  prevented  his  divulg- 
ins  his  motives,  and  it  is  therefore  not  known 
whether  political  influences  originating  in 
Greece  or  Persia  had  any  thing  to  do  with 
procuring  the  crime. 

Philip  of  Macedon  may  be  fairly  ranked  aa 
the  greatest  ruler  of  his  time.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  his  career  he  had  to' battle  with  lim- 
ited resources  to  create  and  consolidate  his 
kingdom.  Such  was  his  success  that  at  the 
close  of  his  reign — though  the  end  was  pre- 
cipitated by  sudden  violence — the  Macedonian 
supremacy  was  established  on  a  basis  not  to  be 
shaken.  Nor  was  it  more  by  force  and  mili- 
tary genius  than  by  the  possession  of  great 
civil  abilities  that  he  gained  his  preeminence. 
He  was  a  diplomatist,  a  thinker,  a  discernet 
of  motives.  His  disposition  was  more  humane 
than  the  age  he  lived  in.  His  self-possession 
was  remarked  by  all  who  came  into  his  pres- 
ence. His  power  of  conversing  and  his  affa- 
ble manners  made  his  company  to  be  sought 
by  the  learned  and  polite.  The  summary 
given  by  Diodorus  respecting  Philip's  charac- 
ter may   be  quoted  with   approval :   "  He   esr 


MACEDONIA.— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


629 


teemed  mere  physical  courage  and  physical 
strength  in  the  field  as  among  tlie  lowest  qual- 
ities of  a  superior  officer.  He  set  an  almost 
exclusive  value  on  military  science  as  distin- 
guished from  personal  prowess,  and  not  less  on 
the  t<ilent  of  conversing,  persuading,  and  con- 
ciliating those  over  whom  a  general  might  be 


appointed  to  preside.  Upon  these  qualities  he 
founded  the  only  favorable  opinion  which  he 
cnturtaiiK-'il  of  himself;  for  he  was  wont  to 
remark  that  the  merit  of  success  in  battle  he 
could  only  share  with  tliosc  under  him,  whereas 
the  victories  he  gained  liy  argument,  atfabilitji 
and  kindness  were  all  his  own." 


Chapter  L.— Alexander  the  Great. 


IIEN  Philip  was  assassi- 
nated the  prince  Alex- 
ander was  in  his  twen- 
tieth year.  Doubtless  the 
vague  suspicion  which  as- 
sociated him  with  his  fa- 
ther's murder  wasground- 

i  and  unjust.  Even  if  Olynipias  was  j)roperly 
charged  with  complicity  in  the  crime,  it  is 
not  likely  that  Alexander,  who  was  almost 
constantly  with  his  father,  and  a])pears  to 
have  been  greatly  attached  to  him,  would  con- 
nive at  his  destruction.  It  is  more  probable 
that  in  so  far  as  the  assassination  had  any  po- 
litical significance,  it  was  based  on  a  scheme 
to  transfer  the  crown  to  Amyntas,  the  son  of 
Autiochus,  and  was  therefore  in  the  highest 
degree  agahiM  the  interest  of  Alexander.  Nor 
was  it  in  accord  with  the  character  of  the 
prince  to  begin  his  career  with  parricide. 

In  accordance  with  custom,  tlie  new  king 
was  conducted  to  the  throne  with  military 
pomp.  He  addres.sed  the  Macedonian  nobles 
who  were  assembled  tn  witness  the  ceremony 
in  words  well  calculated  to  inspire  confidence. 
He  declared  his  purpose  to  rule  in  accordance 
with  the  policy  adopted  by  his  father,  and 
added  with  great  gravity:  "The  king's  name 
is  changed,  but  the  king  you  shall  find  re- 
mains the  same."  As  an  earnest  <<t'  liis  pur- 
pose, he  retained  his  father's  officers,  liotli  in 
the  government  and  in  the  army;  nor  might 
any  one  find  cause  to  complain  on  areoiint  of 
his  own  dis|)aragemeiit  in  the  esteem  and 
honor  of  the  court. 

It  was  not  to  be  apprehended,  however, 
that  a  prince  of  twenty  could  succeed  such  a 


ruler  as  Philip,  whose  powerful  arrn  had  made 
his  name  a  terror  to  conspirators,  without  many 
and  serious  trials.  It  was  to  be  expected  that 
not  a  few  of  the  turbulent  peoples  over  whom 
the  father  had  held  sway  would  try  the  cour- 
age and  ten\pt  the  patience  of  the  son.  At 
this  time,  moreover,  the  influence  of  Persia 
was  constantly  felt  in  the  West,  particularly 
in  the  states  of  Greece.  The  agents  of  Darius 
went  everywhere  to  promote  the  interests  of 
their  master  by  creating  confusion  in  the  coun- 
sels of  his  enemies.  The  purpose  of  Philip  to 
invade  Asia  was  well  known  at  the  court  of 
Su.sa,  and  the  news  of  that  monarch's  death 
was  received  with  delight  by  the  Persian  king, 
who  fondly  iiuagined  that  the  youthful  succes- 
sor of  the  great  Macedonian  would  be  unable 
to  prosecute  his  father's  ambitious  plans.  The 
emissaries  of  Darius  undci-stood  thoroughly  the 
factious  and  turbulent  .'ij)irit  of  the  Greeks,  and 
the  policy  pursued  was  that  of  fanning  the 
slumbering  jealousy  of  the  states  until  it  should 
burst  into  a  fiame  of  insurrection. 

The  first  attention  of  the  new  king  was  di- 
rected to  Thessaly.  Of  tliose  states  included 
within  the  limits  of  Northern  Greece,  this  was 
the  most  ])owerful  ally  of  the  Macedonians. 
The  agents  .sent  out  by  Alexiwider  found  the 
Thessalians  in  a  loyal  disi)osition,  and  the 
friendly  relations  existing  between  them  and 
Philip  were  easilv  confirmed.  The  civil  and 
military  authority  of  the  state  remained  in  the 
same  hands  as  before.  The  influence  of  Thes- 
Sivly  thus  became  of  great  im])ortance  to  Alex- 
ander, who  was  able  to  use  his  ally  to  good 
advantage  in  securing  the  allegiance  of  the 
other  states. 


630 


UNIVERSAL  EISTORY.—THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


The  next  important  matter  occupying  the 
attention  of  the  young  king  was  the  meeting 
of  the  Amphictyonic  council  at  Thermopylte. 
It  was  necessary  for  Alexander  to  have  con- 
ferred on  him  his  father's  seat  as  president 
of  that  venerable  body.  This  dignity,  however, 
was  easily  attained  at  the  hands  of  the  Am- 
phictyons,  and  Alexander  immediately  sought 
the  still  higher  honor  of  being  elected  general- 
issimo of  all  the  Greeks.     For  this  purpose  a 


congress  of  the  states  was  called  to  meet  at 
Corinth.  When  the  body  was  assembled,  the 
king  proposed  to  the  delegates  that  the  great 
expedition  against  Persia,  which  had  been  cut 
short  by  the  death  of  his  father,  should  now 
be  resumed,  and  that  himself  should  be  elected 
to  command  the  combined  forces  of  the 
West.  The  proposition  was  readily  assented 
to  by  a  majority  of  the  delegates,  though  not 
without  the  opposition  of  the  Lacedtemonians, 
who  held  that  they  were  restrained  by  an  an- 


cient custom  from  committing  the   command 
of  their  armies  to  another. 

It  appears,  withal,  from  this  circumstance, 
that  the  deliberations  of  the  congress  were  un- 
trammeled  by  any  fear  of  the  king,  each  state 
being  allowed  to  exercise  the  suffrage  in  its 
own  way.  Thus  was  brought  to  a  successful 
conclusion  the  preliminary  arrangements  by 
which  the  largest  and  most  important  expedi- 
tion ever  undertaken  in  Greece  was  intrusted 
to  a  youth  of  twenty 
years. 

Now  it  was  that  the 
ambitions  of  Alexander 
found  free  scope  for 
exercise.  Preparations 
were  immediately  re- 
sumed for  the  equipment 
of  the  army  for  the 
grand  campaign  into 
Asia.  It  was  perhaps 
fortunate  for  Alexander 
that  at  this  juncture 
difficulties  arose  which 
furnished  an  opportu- 
nity to  test  his  capacities 
and  try  the  mettle  of 
his  soldiery  in  a  field 
near  home.  Before  the 
expedition  could  set  out 
for  Asia  Minor,  ominous 
clouds  gathered  around 
his  kingdom,  and  threat- 
ening invasions  gathered 
on  three  sides  of  the 
realm.  On  the  west  the 
Ulyrians  revolted  and 
resumed  their  independ- 
ence. On  the  north  the 
Thracians,  headed  by  the  warlike  tribe  of  Tri- 
balli,  rose  in  arms;  and  on  the  east  the  mis- 
cellaneous nationalities  inhabiting  the  coasts 
and  islands  of  the  ^geau  threw  off  the  re- 
straints of  authority  and  again  betook  them- 
selves to  marauding  and  piracy. 

It  was  this  alarming  condition  of  affairs 
which  first  struck  fire  from  the  daring  spirit 
and  military  genius  of  the  young  king.  Has- 
tily dividing  his  forces  he  despatched  Parmenio 
with  one  division  against  the  Ulyrians,  while 


MACEDONIA.— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


G31 


he  himself  at  the  head  of  the  other  i)roceeded 
against  the  freebooters  of  the  coast.  AVith 
extraonliuary  rapidit}'  he  fell  upon  those  who 
had  defied  his  authority  and  scattered  them 
in  terror  before  him.  He  pursued  the  fugi- 
tives into  the  mountaiu.s  of  Hienius,  and  gave 
them  no  rest  even  in  the  rocky  defiles  where 
they  had  sought  refuge.  No  cami)aigii  con- 
ducted by  Philip  had  esiiibited  sueli  audacity 
or  been  crowned  with  such  speedy  success. 

Turning  from  his  expedition  to  the  coast, 
Alexander  next  made  his  way  into  Thrace. 
Here  the  enemy  had  seized  the  tops  of  the 
mountains,  and  having  fixed  their  war-chariots 
in  front  of  their  lines  so  as  to  form  a  rampart 
against  the  jjhalanx,  they  regarded  tiicir  po- 
sition as  im]iregnable.  It  was  propo.sed,  more- 
over, should  the  Macedonians  attempt  to 
scale  the  heights,  to  hurl  down  the  chariots  in 
their  faces.  But  Alexander,  nothing  daunted, 
ordered  his  men  to  ascend  the  acclivity,  and 
to  open  their  ranks  for  the  passage  of  any  en- 
gines that  might  be  sent  down  against  them. 
It  is  said  by  Arriau  that  not  a  single  Mace- 
donian was  killed  in  the  charge.  The  heights 
were  carried  and  the  barbarians  scattered  to 
the  winds.  Fifteen  hundred  of  their  dead, 
together  with  all  the  women  and  spoils  of  the 
battle,  were  left  on  the  field. 

The  king  next  turned  his  attention  to  the 
Triballi  whom  he  followed  northward  of 
Hsenuis  into  the  great  forests  which  stretch 
out  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Danube.  After 
hunting  the  barbarians  out  of  the  woods,  he 
assaulted  them  and  their  king,  Syrmus,  on 
the  island  of  Pence,  in  the  river  Ister;  but 
for  once  his  audacity  was  overdone.  The 
place  proved  impregnable,  and  he  was  obliged 
to  desist  from  the  attack.  The  Triballi,  how- 
ever, were  glad  to  escape  with  their  lives,  and 
made  no  further  attempt  to  disturb  the  peace 
of  the  kingdom. 

Alexander  next  crossed  the  Danube,  and 
made  a  successful  campaign  against  the  Geta;. 
These  people  were  le.«s  warlike  than  the  Tri- 
balli, and  could  offer  no  successful  resistance 
to  the  progress  of  the  Macedonians.  The 
whole  countrj'  was  speedily  overrun ;  the 
capital  was  destroyed  and  the  tribes  subdued. 
Returning  to  the  south  bank  of  the  river,  the 


king  was  met  by  a  humble  embassy  from 
Syrmus,  who  begged  that  he  and  his  people 
might  have  peace.  Likewise  came  envoys 
from  the  Celts  dwelling  on  the  Ionian  bay. 
They  too,  though  representing  a  haughty  and 
warlike  race,  sought  the  favor  of  Alexander, 
and  were  received  as  friends  and  allies.' 

Alexander  next  directed  his  course  against 
the  revolted  Illyrians.  Marching  with  great 
ra])idity  into  their  country,  he  penetrated  to 
the  capital,  Pellion,  which  he  seized  before 
the  insurgents  were  well  aroused  to  a  sense  of 
their  danger.  The  Illyrians,  however,  and 
the  Taulantians,  who  had  joined  them,  trusted 
rather  to  the  defensible  position  which  they 
had  chosen  among  the  hills  than  to  the  risks 
of  a  battle.  They  therefore  waited  to  be  at- 
tacked, and  it  was  some  time  before  Alexan- 
der could  bring  them  to  an  engagement.  At 
last,  however,  he  assaulted  them  in  their  po- 
sition, and  they  were  quickly  dispensed.  The 
leaders  of  the  revolt  thereupon  made  over- 
tures for  peace,  which  were  readily  accepted 
by  the  king.  News  had  already  been  carried 
to  him  of  a  troublous  state  of  affairs  in 
Greece,  whereat  Alexander  was  so  greatly 
disturbed  that  he  speedily  withdrew  from 
Illyria  and  returned  to  Macedon. 

After  the  death  of  Philip,  the  anti-j\Iace- 
donian  party  in  the  Greek  states  became  more 
active  than  ever.  Especially  were  the  radical 
energies  of  Demosthenes  vehemently  directed 
against  the  young  king  of  the  North.  Every 
motive  which  envy  and  revenge  could  suggest 
was  busily  and  j)ersistently  paraded  to  incite 
insurrection  among  the  southern  dei)endencies 
of  Macedonia.  Thebes  took  fire.  This  state, 
after  the  battle  of  Chjeronea,  had  been  reduced 
to  a  condition  of  vas.salage.  The  people, 
naturally  proud  and  headstrong,  chafed  under 
the  domination  of  Macedonia,  and,  Greek- 
like, were  ready  at  the  first  ojjijortunitv  to 
break  into  revolt.  It  was  in  anticipation  of 
such  an  emergency  that  in  the  very  year  of 

'  It  is  related  that,  in  tlie  interview-  of  Alexan- 
der with  the  Celtic  ambassadors,  he  inquired 
what  might  be  the  cause  of  their  alarm,  expecting 
tlie  flattering  answer  that  they  dreaded  his  name. 
Wluit,  tlierefore,  was  his  chagrin  on  being  told 
that  the  thing  which  the  Celts  most  feared  was 
that  llie  ski/  might  fall  on  Iheir  heads  and  bury  thein! 


6-6A 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


MACEDONIA.— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


633 


Alexander's  accession  a  garrison  had  been,  by 
the  order  of  the  Amphictyons,  established  in 
the  Tliebau  citadel.  The  two  commanders  of 
this  body  of  guards  were  Amyntas  and  Timo- 
laiis.  The  first  was  a  Thebau  and  the  second 
a  Macedonian.  Both,  believing  in  the  peace- 
able disposition  of  the  citizens,  took  up  their 
quarters  in  the  town  instead  of  the  citadel. 
Meanwhile  a  sedition  was  fomented  in  Athens, 
and  certain  Theban  exiles  residing  there  were 
instigated  to  return  to  their  own  city  and 
head  an  insurrection.  Accordingly,  in  the 
dead  of  night,  Amyntas  and  Timolaiis  were 
beset  in  their  quarters  and  killed.  Heralds 
then  ran  tlirough  the  town,  proclaiming  that 
Alexander  was  dead,  and  urging  the  citizens 
to  attack  and  destroy  the  JIaccdonian  garrison. 

Hearing  of  this  condition  of  affairs,  Alex- 
ander came  down  with  all  haste  from  the 
North,  and  marched  into  Bceotia.  Before  the 
Thebans  could  prepare  resistance,  the  king 
was  upon  them.  They  were  incredulous,  and 
refused  to  believe  that  he  who  but  a  few  days 
before  had  been  proclaimed  dead  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Illyria  was  actually  at  their  doors 
with  a  Macedonian  phalanx.  Thinking  that 
the  advance  was  some  company  of  marauders, 
they  sent  out  a  body  of  cavalry  and  peltasts 
to  confront  them.  Alexander,  acting  with 
great  moderation,  made  proclamation  that  the 
infatuated  multitude  should  cease  from  their 
ra.«h  hostility  and  return  to  tl.  r  allegiance. 
When  the  demagogues  who  had  c>y.  trol  of  the 
city  would  not  hear  to  the  proposed  settle- 
ment, the  king  advanced  his  army  to  the  city 
gates,  and  stood  ready  for  action.  For  it  was 
believed  that  the  Macedonian  party  in  Thebes 
would  presently  assert  itself,  and  that  the 
storming  of  the  town  would  thus  be  avoided. 

But  while  matters  stood  in  this  attitude  a 
party  of  the  besiegers,  under  command  of 
Perdiccas,  being  close  to  the  city  wall,  discov- 
ered the  means  of  scaling  the  rampart,  and, 
without  waiting  for  orders,  began  an  assault. 
They  fought  their  wa}'  into  the  heart  of  the 
city,  but  the  Thebans  rallied  in  great  num- 
bers and  the  a.ssailants  were  driven  back. 
Retreating  through  the  gates,  the  Macedonians 
were  pursued  by  the  rash  throng  of  citizen 
soldiers,  who  recklessly  pressed  on  until  they 


struck  the  phalanx,  which  Alexander  had. 
drawn  up  to  resist  them.  Against  this  im- 
movable wall  the  Thebans  dashed  themselves, 
and  were  hurled  back  in  confusion.  A  battle 
was  now  fairly  on.  The  Macedonians  followed 
the  insurgents  into  the  city. 

The  besieged  garrison  now  poured  out  of 
the  citadel,  and  the  discomfiture  of  the  The- 
bans was  soon  complete.  Great  numbers  were 
slaughtered  in  the  streets.  The  auxiliaries  in 
Alexander's  army,  burning  with  the  recollec- 
tion of  wrongs  which  they  had  suffered  at  the- 
hands  of  the  Thebans  in  the  times  of  Pelopi- 
das,  gave  free  rein  to  their  passions,  and  madfr 
an  indiscriminate  butchery  of  the  inhabitants. 
Nor  did  the  violence  of  the  victors  cease  with 
the  bloody  tragedy  by  which  the  town  was- 
taken.  A  congress  of  the  confederate  states- 
was  presently  convened,  and  decrees  of  relent- 
less barbarity  were  passed  against  Thebes  and 
her  people.  It  was  solemnly  resolved  that  the- 
Theban  name  should  be  blotted  out ;  that  the- 
city  should  be  destroyed ;  that  the  women  and 
children  should  be  sold  into  slavery  ;  that  the 
territory  should  be  parceled  out  to  the  alliea- 
and  to  those  of  the  natives  who  had  main- 
tained their  allegiance  to  Macedonia ;  and 
that  the  citadel  should  be  held  by  a  garrisorh 
in  the  Macedonian  interest. 

The  character  of  Alexander  was  illustrated 
in  the  enforcement  of  the  act  of  the  congress. 
Much  of  the  severity  of  the  edict  was  al)ated. 
Especially  where  the  interests  of  literature- 
and  art  were  concerned  did  the  king  act  the- 
maguanimous  part.  The  house  of  the  poet. 
Pindar  was  not  demolished,  and  even  his  rela- 
tives were  spared  from  persecution.  In  other 
respects  the  decree  was  enforced,  and  Thebe* 
was  extinguished.  Six  thousand  of  her  peo- 
ple had  perished  in  battle,  and  thirty  thou- 
sand were  sold  into  slaverj-.  It  is  said  that, 
the  mind  of  Alexander  was  haunted  not  a 
little  with  the  recollection  of  these  atrocities^ 
perpetrated  against  the  Thebans,  and  that  he 
attempted,  as  far  as  lay  in  his  power,  to  make 
amends  by  the  bestowal  of  favors  upon  those- 
who  survived  the  destruction  of  the  state. 

Great  was  the  alarm  at  Athens  when  it 
was  known  that  Thebes  had  been  taken  and 
destroyed.     It  was  confidently  expected  that. 


634 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Alexander,  well  knowing  that  the  Theban  re- 
volt had  been  instigated  by  the  Athenians, 
would  at  once  proceed  to  inflict  on  them  the 
punishment  which  they  had  provoked.  An 
assembly  was  immediately  called  in  the  terri- 
fied city,  and  an  embassy  was  dispatched  to 
the  king  congratulating  him  on  his  safe  return 
from  Illyria  and  hk  success  in  exterminating  ilw 
Thebam !  So  great  was  the  difference  in  their 
feelings  towards  Alexander  dead  and  Alex- 
ander living!  The  king  made  answer  to  the 
€mbassy,  accepting  their  compliment ;  but  at 


tors,  and  promising  themselves  to  try  and 
punish  their  leaders  for  the  seditious  counsel 
which  they  had  been  in  the  habit  of  giving. 
To  this  Alexander  acceded,  but  made  it  a  con- 
dition that  Charidemus,  who  had  acted  as  a 
Greek  spy  at  the  court  of  Philip,  should  be 
banished  from  the  country.  The  king  indeed 
was  anxious  at  as  early  a  date  as  possible  to 
bring  all  Greece  to  a  state  of  quiet  to  the  end 
that  he  might  enter  upon  the  prosecution  of 
those  larger  plans  which  he  had  mherited  from 
his  father. 


THEBANS  AND  MACEDONIANS  IN  BATTLE. 


the  same  time  he  sent  a  letter  to  the  Athe- 
nians telling  them  that  their  friendly  feelings 
would  be  reciprocated  on  condition  of  the  sur- 
render by  them  to  him  of  ten  of  their  leaders, 
■whom  he  named.  The  list  included  Demos- 
thenes, Lycurgus,  Hyperides,  Polyeuctus, 
Charites,  Charidemus,  Ephialtes,  Diotemus, 
and  Meroeles.  The  city  was  thrown  into  great 
confusion  by  the  demand.  It  is  said  that  De- 
mosthenes, l)eing  in  terror,  gave  Demades  five 
talents  to  intercede  for  him  with  Alexander. 
The  Athenians  sent  back  another  embassy, 
begging  the  king's  indulgence  for  their  ora- 


Returning  to  his  own  capital  Alexander 
diligently  renewed  his  preparations  for  the 
invasion  of  Asia.  In  this  work  he  spent  the 
winter  of  B.  C.  335-334,  and  with  the  open- 
ing of  spring  found  himself  in  readiness  to 
proceed  with  his  campaign.  His  army  con- 
sisted of  but  thu-ty-five  thousand  men,  but 
these  were  thoroughly  drOled  and  hardened 
by  the  severe  discipline  of  exposure  and  war. 
They  were  mostly  veterans  who,  under  Philip, 
had  learned  to  overcome  all  obstacles,  and 
who  now,  under  Philip's  son,  had  come  to 
share  his  courage  and  ambitions.  ' 


MACEDONIA.— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


635 


The  Macedonian  advance  began  from  Pella 
to  Sestos  on  the  Hellesjwnt.  Here,  at  the 
tomb  of  Protesilaiis  Alexander  oflercd  sacrifices. 
Then  flinging  himself  into  a  galley  he  bade 
adieu  to  tlie  shores  of  Europe,  and  was  rowed  to 
the  opposite  coast.  Arriving  in  Asia,  he  fir.st 
visited  the  site  of  ancient  Troy.  Thoroughly 
imbued  witli  the  spirit  of  the  Iliad,  he  paused 
to  make  offerings  in  the  temple  of  Jlinerva, 
and  from  this  shrine  he  obtained  a  suit  of 
armor  wliich  tradition  said  had  been  preserved 
from  the  time  of  the  Trojan  war.  In  the 
place  of  this  he  dedicated  to  the  goddess  one 
of  his  own  coats-of-mail,  which  was  liung  up 
in  the  temple. 

Meanwhile,  the  Persian  king  appeared  to 
take  no  alarm  on  account  of  the  ^laoedonian 
lion  who  had  entered  his  dominions  at  a 
bound.  The  crossing  of  the  Hellespont  had 
been  made  without  opposition,  though  the 
Persian  fleet  far  outnumbered  any  armament 
that  Alexander  could  have  brought  against  it. 
No  general  preparations  had  l)een  made  by  tlie 
court  of  Susa  to  resist  the  impending  inva- 
sion. The  defense  of  the  western  provinces 
had  been  left  to  their  respective  satraps,  while 
the  Greek  cities  on  the  coast  had  been  in- 
trusted to  the  guardianship  of  the  Rhodian 
general,  Memnon.  The  carelessness  of  Da- 
rius and  liis  officers  in  permitting  the  actual 
invasion  to  begin  without  taking  measures 
necessary  to  rei)el  it  was  little  less  than  a 
blind  infatuation  of  .security  for  which  the 
Persian  Empire  was  presently  to  pay  a  ruin- 
ous price. 

Alexander  greatly  desired  to  try  the  mettle 
of  the  Persians,  rather  than  of  the  Greeks 
inhabiting  the  Ionian  cities.  He  also  had  a 
respect  for  the  military  abilities  of  Memnon, 
but  none  at  all  for  the  prowess  of  the  average 
satrap.  He,  therefore,  made  his  way  first 
along  the  shores  of  tlie  Propontis  in  a  north- 
easterly direction,  and  thus  came  into  the 
province  of  Lower  Phrygia,  of  which  Arsitos 
was  tlie  governor.  To  him  Memnon  sent  a 
most  excellent  piece  of  advice  to  the  effect 
that  the  sjitrap  should  lay  waste  the  coun- 
try in  advance  of  Alexander,  and  avoid  a 
battle.     But   Arsites  liafl    an   army   of   more 

than  forty   thousand   men,   and    was   himself 
N — Vol.  I — 39 


not  devoid  of  courage.  He  therefore  an- 
swered that  not  a  house  should  be  burned, 
nor  an  article  of  property  be  destroyed  within 
the  limits  of  his  satrapy.  This,  of  course, 
meant  battle,  and  the  day  was  at  hand. 

For  delay  was  not  in  Alexander's  nature. 
He  pressed  forward  rapidly  to  the  river  Gran- 
icu.s,  and  came  upon  the  stream  near  the  town 
of  Zelia.  On  the  opposite  bank  the  Persian 
army  was  already  encamped;  for  Arsites, 
knowing  the  route  of  Alexander,  had  taken 
advantage  of  the  stream  to  oppose  his  passage. 
When  Alexander  reached  the  bank  he  was 
for  giving  immediate  battle ;  but  at  this  junc- 
ture the  veteran  Parmenio,  who  knew  better 
than  the  impetuous  young  king  the  hazards 
of  war,  advised  his  master  not  to  attempt  the 
crossing  of  the  stream  in  the  face  of  such  an 
enemy.  But  the  king  was  not  to  be  foiled  in 
his  purpose.  With  a  vision  more  far-reaching 
than  that  of  Parmenio,  he  saw  that  immedi- 
ate and  victorious  battle  was  the  thing  now 
needed  to  fire  the  spirits  of  the  Macedonians 
and  to  strike  terror  into  the  foe.  To  his  vet- 
eran general's  admonition  he  therefore  re- 
plied:  "Your  reflections  are  just  and  forci- 
ble ;  but  would  it  not  be  a  mighty  disgrace  to 
us,  who  so  easily  passed  the  Hellespont,  to  be 
stopped  here  by  a  contemptible  brook?  It 
would,  indeed,  be  a  lasting  reflection  on  the 
glory  of  the  Macedonians  as  well  as  on  the 
personal  bravery  of  their  commander;  and 
besides,  the  Persians  would  forthwith  consider 
themselves  our  equals  in  war,  did  we  not  in 
this  fir.st  contest  with  them  achieve  something 
to  justify  the  terror  which  attaches  to  our 
name." 

So  it  was  determined  to  give  battle  with- 
out delay.  Parmenio  was  appointed  to  the 
left  wing;  Philotas,  to  the  right.  Here  also 
Alexander  himself  took  his  station.  The 
])r('paiatii)iis  made  by  the  Macedonians  were  all 
in  ])hiiii  view  of  the  Persians  on  the  opposite 
bank.  Discovering,  from  the  armor  and  dec- 
orations of  Alexander's  principal  officers,  in 
what  part  of  the  lines  the  king  was  to  com- 
mand, the  Persians  drew  up  their  best  cohorts 
opposite  where  the  great  Macedonian  must 
cross  the  river.  This  movement  on  the  part 
of   the    enemy   was    altogether    agreeable   to 


636 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Alexander,  who  was  complimented  by  this  dis- 
position of  the  Persian  forces.  He  saw  more- 
over that  if  he  should  be  able  to  break  that 
part  of  the  enemy's  line  which  had  been 
strengthened  to  resist  him  personally,  the  rest 
would,  in  all  probability,  after  the  manner  of 
Asiatics,  fall  into  confusion  and  fly  from  the 
field.  He  accordingly  determined  to  charge 
through  the  river  and  into  the  face  of  the 
foe.  The  first  body  consisting  of  the  peltasts 
and  cavalry  rushed  through  the  stream  and 
up  the  opposite  banks.  Here  they  were  met 
by  the  Persians  in  superior  numbers  and  after 
a  brief  struggle  were  driven  back.  The  time 
thus  gained,  however,  enabled  Alexander  to 
cross  with  the  main  division  of  heavy-armed 
soldiers. 

The  fight  now  began  in  earnest.  For  some 
time  it  seemed  doubtful  whether  the  Macedo- 
Dians  could  force  the  enemy  from  their  posi- 
tion. Alexander  exhibited  the  greatest  per- 
sonal bravery.  He  was  in  the  thickest  of  the 
fight  and  when  his  lance  was  broken  quickly 
supplied  its  place  with  another.  He  charged 
with  the  greatest  impetuosity  and  with  his 
own  hand  killed  the  commander  of  the  Per- 
sian cavalry.  At  one  time  he  was  surrounded 
by  the  enemy  and  beaten  down,  and  was 
barely  rescued  by  some  courageous  friends. 
At  length  the  Persian  cavalry  broke  and  fled 
ignominiously. 

In  the  mean  time  Parmenio  crossed  with 
the  left  wing,  and  had  with  greater  ease  gained 
a  footing  on  the  opposite  bank.  The  opposing 
Persian  lines  had  here  been  weakened  to 
strengthen  their  left,  opposed  to  Alexander. 
It  thus  happened  that  Parmenio  had  a  less 
desperate  struggle  for  victory  than  did  Alex- 
ander. The  Persians  were  scattered  from  all 
parts  of  the  field,  and  the  Greek  mercenaries 
under  Omares  were  soon  borne  down  by  the 
phalanx,  and  either  killed  or  captured.  Of 
the  Persians  fully  ten  thousand  were  slain  in 
battle.  Spithridates  and  Mithrobazanes,  gov- 
ernors of  Lydia  and  Cappadocia,  Mithrides,  a 
son-in-law  of  Darius,  Pharnaces,  the  queen's 
brother,  Omares,  general  of  the  mercenary 
Greeks,  and  many  other  nobles  and  distin- 
guished men,  were  among  the  slain.  It  is 
stated   the  loss  on    the   side  of  the   Macedo- 


nians amounted  to  no  more  than  one  hundred 
and  twenty.' 

Alexander  at  once  gathered  the  spoils  of 
the  battle-field  and  sent  a  portion  to  each  of 
the  states  represented  in  the  expedition.  The- 
present  in  each  case  was  sent  with  the  request 
that  the  spoils  should  be  devoted  as  a  memo- 
rial of  the  joint  success  of  the  Macedonians 
and  Greeks  against  the  enemy  of  both.  The 
factious  Athenians,  who  had  as  a  matter  of 
fact  so  many  times  broken  faith  both  with  the 
king  and  his  father,  were  specially  remem- 
bered in  the  distribution  of  trophies.  Three 
hundred  suits  of  complete  armor,  stripped 
from  the  bodies  of  the  Persian  dead,  were 
sent  to  Athens  to  be  hung  up  in  the  temple 
of  Pallas  Athene ;  and  to  accompany  this  gift 
the  avenger  of  Europe  on  Asia  dictated  the 
following  inscription:  "Alexander,  son  of 
Philip,  and  the  Greeks,  excepting  thk 
Lacedaemonians,  offer  these,  taken  from 

THE  barbarians   OF  ASIA." 

The  battle  of  the  Granicus  made  more 
easy  the  future  progress  of  the  conqueror. 
The  terror  of  his  name  preceded  him,  and 
town  after  town  fell  into  his  power.  Resis- 
tance almost  ceased,  insomuch  that  where  the 
king  had  expected  hard  conflicts  he  met  no 
opposition.  Dascylium,  the  Bithynian  capital, 
threw  open  her  gates  to  Parmenio.  Sardis, 
the  rich  metropolis  of  Lydia,  strong  both  by 
nature  and  military  preparation,  was  surren- 
dered with  obsequious  readiness.  The  satrap, 
Mithranes,  accompanied  by  the  dignitaries 
of  the  city,  went  out  and  met  Alexander 
seven  miles  beyond  the  gates,  and  humbly 
implored  his  considerate  mercy  for  themselves 
and  their  subjects. 

From  Sardis  Alexander  moved  forward 
to  Ephesus  and  Miletus.  In  both  of  these 
cities  the  strife  of  the  Persian  and  Macedo- 

'  It  is  said  that  Alexander  was  deeply  affected 
by  the  loss  of  those  slain  in  his  first  battle. 
Twenty-five  of  the  royal  guards,  mostly  young  men 
of  fiery  spirit  \\Ve  himself,  fell  in  the  conflict  near 
the  person  of  their  king.  He  ordered  statues  ot 
the  valiant  soldiers  to  be  cast  by  Lyeippus  and 
placed  in  the  city  of  Dium,  Macedonia.  He  also- 
gave  to  the  parents  and  other  relatives  of  those 
who  fell  at  the  Granicus  the  freedom  of  their 
respective  cities;  and  the  children  of  liis  dead 
soldiers  were  forever  exempted  from  taxation. 


MACEDONIA— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


637 


nian  factions  had  risen  to  such  a  height  a.s  to 
portend  massacre  and  destruction.  Never  was 
the  prudeuce  of  Alexander  displayed  to  a 
better  advantage  than  in  the  settlement  of 
these  internal  broils.  Assuming  the  office  of 
mediator,  he  behaved  with  such  moderation 
and  liberality  as  to  secure  the  confidence  even 
of  the  democracy.  He  established  and  con- 
Brmed  the  government  of  the  cities  in  a  man- 
ner so  little  selfish  as  to  substitute  good  order 


selfish — or  remitting  the  tax  altogether — which 
would  have  been  unwise — required  a  continu- 
ation of  payment,  and  directed  that  the  whole 
revenue  .should  be  used  in  restoring  the  tem- 
ple of  Diana — a  measure  well  calculated  to 
stimulate  the  patriotism  and  flatter  the  pride 
of  the  Ephesians. 

Of  still  greater  importance,  alike  to  Alex* 
ander  and  the  Persian  king,  was  the  city  of 
MileKis.     Of  all   the    seaports    belonging   t* 


ALEX.\NI>KK  IN  I'EKII.  OF  HIS  LIFE. 
Drawn  by  II.  VogeL 


for  anarchy  and  prosperity  for  destructive 
turmoil.  At  Ephesus  he  greatly  heightened 
his  popularity  by  a  politic  measure  respecting 
the  trilnite.  Hitherto  the  city  had  been  bur- 
dened with  a  heavy  annual  tax,  which  went 
to  the  satrap  of  the  province.  At  the  times 
when  Ephesus  was  subject  to  Athens  and 
Sparta,  the  tribute  had  been  paid  to  them. 
So  that  to  the  Ephesians  the  temporary  lib- 
erty which  they  gained  by  the  Ionian  revolt 
amounted  merely  to  a  change  of  masters. 
Alexander,  however,  instead  of  exacting  the 
tribute  for  his  own — which  would  have  been 


Persia  on  the  .^gean,  this  was  the  most  valu- 
able and  necessary.  For  Darius  already  had 
a  large  armament  in  the  western  seas,  and  the 
free  communication  of  the  conqueror  with  hia 
own  country  was  thus  endangered.  To  gain 
possession  of  Miletus  was,  therefore,  a  matter 
of  prime  importance  to  Alexander,  and  to 
lose  it  a  serious  di.saster  to  the  king  of  Persia. 
As  .soon  as  the  Macedonian  could  settle  affairs 
in  Ei)hesus,  he  accordingly  set  out  for  ^lilctus. 
On  his  arrival  he  at  once  began  a  siege;  for 
the  Milesians  were  not  so  ready  to  s^irrender 
their  citv  as  had  been  the  citizens  of  Sardia. 


638 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


It  required,  however,  but  u  short  time  for  the 
walls  to  be  knocked  down  by  the  battering- 
rams  and  the  garrison  dispersed.  Such  was 
the  fame  of  iuvi'icibility  which  already  at- 
tached to  the  uarLi.^  of  Alexander  that  the 
Persian  fleet,  lying  in  the  harbor  of  Miletus, 
made  no  effort  tf  save  the  city  from  falling. 
Thus  was  Miletu.-  added  to  the  trophies  of 
Macedonia. 

In  the  mean  time,  iVIemnon  had  given 
special  atteition  to  the  defenses  of  Halicar- 
nassus,  and  the  garrison  was  thoroughly 
drilled  in  anticipation  of  an  attack.  On  ar- 
riving before  the  city,  Alexander  found  that 
the  walls  were  surrounded  with  a  ditch  thirty 
cubits  in  width  and  fifteen  cubits  deep.  It 
was  necessary  that  this  should  be  filled  up  be- 
fore the  rams  could  be  brought  to  bear  on  the 
ramparts.  The  garrison  was  vigilant,  and 
from  the  walls  discharged  every  species  of 
missile  upon  the  assailants.  But  the  siege  was 
pressed  with  vigor,  and  Memnon  was  soon 
brought  to  such  straits  that  he  found  it  neces- 
sary to  withdraw  by  night.  In  doing  so  he 
set  fire  to  his  enginery  to  prevent  it  from 
falling  into  the  hands  of  Alexander.  By  this 
means  a  portion  of  the  city  was  burned.  The 
king  took  possession  without  further  resistance, 
and  with  his  usual  moderation  quieted  the 
alarm  of  the  people.  The  citadel  was  still 
held  by  a  portion  of  the  forces  of  Memnon. 
but  Alexander,  not  deeming  it  prudent  to 
consume  time  in  the  reduction  of  the  place, 
left  Ptolemy  with  a  body  of  three  thousand 
men  to  keej)  the  province  in  subjection,  and 
appointed  the  princess  Ada,  who  had  put  her- 
self under  his  protection,  to  be  regent  of 
Caria  whUe  he  should  prosecute  his  campaign. 

The  next  point  to  which  the  conqueror 
directed  his  march  was  the  city  of  Tralles. 
This  place  was  speedily  reduced,  and  the  ex- 
pedition was  then  directed  into  Phrygia.  The 
winter  was  now  at  hand,  and  according  to  all 
precedent  military  operations  must  cease. 
Not  so,  however,  with  Alexander,  who  in- 
formed his  army  of  his  intention  to  continue 
the  campaign  eastward,  so  that  if  Darius 
should  accept  the  challenge  he  might  meet 
him  in  the  following  spring  on  the  confines  of 
Syri}»,     To  quiet  all  discontent,  however,  he 


gave  free  permission  to  all  who  had  been  re- 
cently married  to  return  to  their  wives  and 
spend  the  winter  months  in  Macedonia.  Three 
of  his  generals — Ptolemy,  Coenus,  and  Me- 
leager — were  of  this  number,  and  to  them  he 
gave  the  command  of  the  division  which  was 
to  return  home.  He  then  ordered  Parmenio 
to  take  his  station  at  Sardis,  so  as  to  preserve 
an  uninterrupted  line  of  communication  be- 
tween Macedonia  and  the  army. 

With  the  remainder  of  his  forces  Alexander 
now  set  out  through  Lycia  and  Pamphylia. 
His  object  was  by  the  reduction  of  all  the 
seaport  towns  to  make  the  Persian  fleet  use- 
less; for  without  friendly  harbors  a  squadron 
in  these  waters  could  do  no  harm.  In  his 
progress  through  the  coast  provinces  the  four 
principal  cities- — Telmissus,  Pinara,  Xanthus, 
and  Patara — made  voluntary  submission,  and 
more  than  thirty  of  the  smaller  towns  sent 
embassies  and  made  their  peace  with  the  con- 
queror. Phaselis,  the  capital  of  Lower  Lycia, 
tendered  him  by  the  hands  of  her  ambassadors 
a  golden  crown,  and  solicited  his  friendship 
and  protection.  All  the  province  was  brought 
into  submission,  and  jjarticularly  was  a  certain 
fortress,  held  by  the  barbarous  Pisidians,  re- 
duced by  assault  and  the  garrison  expelled 
from  the  country. 

Meanwhile  the  enemies  of  the  king,  unable 
to  oppose  him  in  the  field,  undertook  to  secure 
his  destruction  by  treachery.  The  scheme 
was  worthy  of  its  authors.  A  certain  son  of 
the  Macedonian  prince,  Aeropus,  also  named 
Alexander,  whom  the  great  Alexander  on  his 
accession  to  the  throne  had  admitted  to  his 
friendship,  was  now  made  the  tool  of  a  con- 
spiracy by  which  the  king  was  to  be  put  out 
of  the  way.  It  will  be  remembered  thai 
Amyntas,  who  was  himself  a  claimant  to  the 
throne,  had  fled  to  the  Persian  court,  from 
which  great  hot-bed  of  treachery  he  became 
an  active  member  of  the  plot.  He  sent  a  cer- 
tain Asisines  into  Phrygia  as  a  pretended 
messenger  to  the  satrap  of  that  province,  but 
really  as  a  bearer  of  dispatches  to  the  spuri- 
ous Alexander.  The  latter  was  advised  that 
if  he  would  procure  the  murder  of  the  king 
he  should  himself  have  the  throne  of  Mace- 
donia under  the  protection  and  favor  of  Persia. 


MACEDONIA.— Ai.«xANDER  THE  GREAT. 


J3ft 


But  the  vigilant  Parmenio  caught  the  mes- 
senger and  sent  him  to  Alexander,  to  whom 
he  confessed  the  whole  treasonable  business. 
The  other  Alexander  was  at  that  time  serving 
as  an  officer  in  Parmenio's  army.  He  was  at 
once  seized  and  imprisoned,  and  the  whole 
scheme  ended  in  a  mi.surablc  abortion. 

Alexander  then  resumed  his  march  east- 
ward along  the  sea-coast.  It  was  in  this  part 
of  his  course  that  the  first  of  many  omens 
was  noticed  by  the  army,  and  ascribed  to  the 
will  and  favor  of  the  gods.  At  a  certain  part 
of  the  Panipliylian  coast  one  of  the  spurs  of 
the  Taurus  juts  into  the  sea  so  as  to  prevent 
a  pa.ssage  along  the  beach.  The  king's  pro- 
gress was  thus  suddenly  hindered;  but  as  he 
approached  the  obstacle  the  wind,  which  had 
for  many  days  blown  from  the  south  and 
driven  the  surf  high  against  the  rocks,  turned 
about  as  if  by  magic,  and,  blowing  from  the 
north,  carried  the  tide  far  down  the  beach, 
leaving  a  broad  space  of  sand  expo.sed,  over 
which  the  array  passed  in  safety.  Thus  for 
the  son  of  Philip  was  established  the  prece- 
dent of  the  favor  of  the  ruling  deities — a 
circumstance  of  which  the  king  was  by  no 
means  too  modest  to  avail  himself.  It  became 
a  part  of  his  policy  to  encourage  the  belief 
that  he  was  under  the  guidance  and  protec- 
tion of  heaven. 

In  the  hilly  country,  on  the  eastern  con- 
fines of  Lycia,  dwelt  the  barbarous  tribe  of 
Marmarians.  They  were  a  race  of  robbers. 
Not  dai-ing  to  oppose  the  progress  of  the 
Macedonians,  they  waited  until  the  army  had 
pas-^ed  by,  and  then  falling  upon  the  baggage 
and  cattle-train,  succeeded  in  securing  a  large 
amount  of  booty.  With  this  they  fled  to 
Marmara,  their  principal  town,  a  place  almost 
impregnable  from  the  nature  of  the  surround- 
ings. But  Alexander  quickly  turned  about, 
pursued  the  robbers  to  their  den,  brought  np 
his  engines,  and  began  to  batter  the  walls. 
The  barbarians,  seeing  that  they  were  ginned 
In  their  own  trap,  held  a  council,  and  adopted 
the  horrible  expedient  of  murdering  their 
women  and  children,  burning  the  town,  and 
escaping  who  could  through  the  Macedonian 
lines.  A  great  fe.ast  was  accordingly  made, 
and  after   all   liad   well  eaten  the  work  of  de- 


struction began.  Human  nature  revolted, 
however,  in  the  midst  of  the  massacre,  and 
six  hundred  of  the  young  men  of  the  tribe 
refused  to  be  the  butchers  of  their  mothers 
and  sisters.  But  the  town  was  fired,  and  the 
rest  of  the  program  was  carried  out  to  the 
extent  that  most  of  the  robbers  broke  through 
and  escaped  to  the  hills.  Their  experience 
had  been  sufficient  to  take  away  all  desire  of 
further  depredations. 

The  next  point  toward  which  the  expedi- 
tion was  ('.irected  was  the  town  of  Perga,  in 
Pamphylia.  Here  there  was  no  disposition 
on  the  part  of  the  authorities  to  resist  or 
even  resent  the  coming  of  AJexander.  While 
marching  thither  the  king  was  met  by  ambas- 
sadors from  the  city  of  Aspendus,  who  came 
to  tender  their  submission  and  to  obtain  fa- 
vorable terms  of  peace.  The  Macedonian  met 
them  in  his  usual  temper  of  moderation.  He 
conceded  to  them  the  conduct  of  their  own 
affiiirs.  No  garrison  should  be  established  in 
their  city.  The  annual  tribute — payable  in 
horses — hitherto  assessed  by  the  king  of  Per- 
sia, should  now  be  sent  to  Alexander.  In 
addition  to  this,  a  contribution  of  fifty  talents 
should  be  made  by  the  city.  On  these  condi- 
tions the  people  of  Aspendus  should  in  no 
wise  be  disturbed.  The  terms  were  readily 
agreed  to  by  the  commissioners;  but  on  their 
return  home  there  had  been  a  revulsion 
among  the  citizens,  and  the  whole  settlement 
was  rejected.  The  king  was  thus  obliged,  as 
soon  as  Perga  and  Sida  had  made  their  sub- 
mission, to  set  out  against  Aspendus.  The 
city  was  at  once  invested,  and  the  inhabi- 
tants soon  came  to  their  senses.  They  now 
desired  to  cajiitulate  on  the  conditions  previ- 
ously offered,  but  the  IMacedonian  was  not 
so  easy  a  master.  He  exacted  double  the 
amount  of  the  contribution  which  he  had 
first  named,  assessed  a  yearly  tribute,  and 
compelled  the  Aspendians  to  accept  a  gov- 
ernor to  be  named  by  himself. 

No  people  of  the  West  received  the  news 
of  Alexander's  successes  with  so  much  dis- 
pleasure as  did  the  Lacedtemonians.  They 
alone  had  stood  aloof  from  the  confederacy 
of  which  Alexander  was  generalissimo.  They 
alone   had    not  been   remembered,  or  remem- 


640 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


bered  in  a  disparaging  way,  in  the  sending 
home  by  the  conqueror  of  trophies  from  his 
battles.  In  his  presents  and  messages  to  the 
Greeks  it  was  his  habit  to  add  the  clause,  "  ex- 
eepting  the  Laefdiemoniaiis."  Agis,  the  Spartan 
king,  now  sought  to  neutralize  these  indigni- 
ties by  fomenting  discord  among  the  Grecian 
states  to  the  end  that  Alexander  might  be 
obliged  to  abandon  his  far-reaching  plans  for 
the  settlement  of  petty  rebellions  at  home. 
In  this  work  Memnon,  the  Rhodian,  was  an 
able  coadjutor,  while  in  the  distance  stood  the 
Persian  monarch  ready  and  eager  always  to 
furnish  both  the  means  and  the  motives  of 
distraction  to  the  fearless  prince  who  had  in- 
vaded his  dominions. 

In  furtherance  of  his  plans  the  Lace- 
daemonian king  canvassed  the  republican 
states  of  Peloponnesus,  and  induced  several 
of  them  to  join  him  in  inviting  Darius  to 
send  a  portion  of  his  army  to  occupy  South- 
ern Greece.  At  the  same  time  Memnon,  who 
now  had  command  of  the  Persian  fleet,  was 
urged  to  assume  the  aggressive  in  the  ^gean. 
Thus  was  it  planned  to  compel  the  withdrawal 
of  Alexander  from  the  East.  The  king  of 
Persia,  however,  not  fully  confident  that  the 
Macedonian  could  be  frightened  from  his 
purpose  by  a  noise  behind  him,  began  to 
gather  armies  and  prepare  all  needed  means 
«f  defense. 

The  approach  of  spring,  B.  C.  333,  found 
Alexander  in  Pamphylia.  Gathering  infor- 
mation of  the  measures  adopted  by  his  ene- 
mies to  compass  his  destruction,  he  determined 
to  retire  to  Gordium,  the  capital  of  Lower 
Phrygia,  and  make  that  place  a  rendezvous 
for  the  various  divisions  of  his  army.  The 
time  had  come  for  the  return  of  those  who, 
under  Ptolemy  and  Meleager,  had  spent  the 
winter  in  Macedonia.  With  them  large  reen- 
forcements  were  expected  to  arrive.  After 
the  consolidation  of  his  forces  the  king  would 
determine  the  plan  of  the  year's  campaign. 

In  his  way  from  the  Lycian  coasts  to 
Phrygia,  Alexander  had  to  cross  the  ridges  of 
Taurus.  In  doing  so  he  encountered  several 
warlike  tribes,  who  attacked  him  with  fury, 
only  to  be  dispersed.  The  proper  pur.suit  and 
punishment  of  these  half-savage  bands   was, 


however,  quite  impossible  in  such  a  region  ;  for 
the  mountain  fastnesses  gave  them  immunity. 
The  city  of  Celfense,  the  metropolis  of  Phrygia, 
opened  her  gates  to  receive  the  new  mas- 
ter instead  of  the  old.  What  was  it  to  the 
inhabitants  of  these  towns  of  Asia  Minor 
whether  they  should  pay  tribute  to  Darius  or 
to  the  son  of  Philip?  Only  this — that  the 
son  of  PhUip  was  the  more  generous  ruler. 
All  Phrygia,  after  the  surrender  of  the  city, 
submitted  to  the  conqueror,  and  readily  ac- 
cepted the  provisions  which  he  made  for  the 
future  management  of  the  province. 

Before  reaching  Gordium,  the  king  re- 
ceived intelligence  of  the  successes  of  Memnon 
in  the  jEgean.  The  island  of  Chios  had 
been  taken  by  the  Persian  fleet.  All  of  Les- 
bos except  Mitylene  had  been  reduced,  and 
that  city  was  closely  invested.  It  was  the 
purpose  of  Memnon,  as  soon  as  the  siege 
could  be  brought  to  a  successful  conclusion, 
to  make  his  way  to  the  Hellespont,  fall  upon 
the  coast  of  Macedonia,  and  compel  the  re- 
turn of  Alexander  for  the  defense  of  his  own 
dominions.  Nor  was  it  likely  that  Antipater, 
who  had  been  left  by  the  king  at  Pella  to 
serve  as  regent  during  his  absence,  could  be 
able  to  raise  a  sufficient  armament  to  beat 
back  the  invaders  from  his  coasts.  The  situ- 
ation was  not  without  its  dangers ;  but  before 
the  crisis  could  be  reached  in  which  Alexan- 
der would  be  obliged  to  decide  between  aban- 
doning hb  own  territories  to  invasion  or 
giving  up  his  cherished  and  inherited  ambi- 
tion of  conquering  Persia,  he  was  relieved  of 
all  anxiety  by  the  death  of  Memnon.  The 
loss  of  that  able  commander  was  a  severe 
blow  to  Persian  hopes  in  the  West.  The  fleet 
could  make  no  further  progress,  and  was 
presently  dislianded.  The  ^gean  was  re- 
lieved of  Persian  domination,  and  the  schemes 
of  the  anti-Macedonian  party  in  Southern 
Greece  were  brought  to  naught.  A  reaction 
set  in  in  Alexander's  favor,  and  from  nearly 
all  the  states  of  continental  Greece  reenforce- 
ments  went  forward  to  join  him  in  Asia.  It 
was  seen,  moreover,  that  contingents  of  troops 
began  to  move  from  the  Perso-Grecian  towns 
in  Ionia  and  elsewhere  to  swell  the  forces  of 
Darius  in  the  East ;    from  which   it  was  dis- 


MACEDONIA.— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


641 


terned  that  the  Great  King  had  abandoned 
the  idea  of  distracting  Alexander  from  his 
purpose,  and  had  resolved  to  meet  him  in 
battle.  Than  this  nothing  could  have  been 
more  gratefid  to  the  feelings  of  the  conqueror. 

So,  after  a  brief  stay  at  Celsense,  the  king 
continued  his  course  to  Gordium.  Here  oc- 
curred that  famous  incident  to  omit  which 
were  a  grave  crime  against  the  cherished 
traditions  of  the  human  race.  It  is  the 
story  of  the  undoing  of  the  Gordian  Knot. 
One  of  the  legendary  kings  of  Phrygia  was 
Gordius,  who,  when  as  a  peasant  plowing  in 
the  field,  was  favored  with  the  descent  of 
the  bird  of  Jove,  alighting  on  the  yoke  of 
his  oxen.  There  the  eagle  sat  until  the  even- 
tide. Clearly  this  presaged  his  own  and  the 
greatness  of  his  house.  The  soothsayers  of 
Telmessus  interpreted  the  omen,  and  a  pro- 
phetess became  his  wife.  Of  this  union  was 
born  the  child  Midas,  who,  when  grown  to 
manhood  and  the  state  was  greatly  disturbed 
with  civil  commotions,  rode  with  his  father 
and  mother  in   a   car   into   the   city. . 

Ak'auwhile  an  oracle  had  said  that  the  king 
whom  the  people  sought  should  be  brought  to 
them  in  a  car.  Accordingly  Jlidas  was  hailed 
as  king  by  the  shouting  populace.  He  there- 
upon took  off  the  yoke  of  his  oxen,  and 
dedicating  it  and  his  chariot  to  Zeus,  fastened 
them  with  cords  made  of  the  cornel  tree  to 
the  shrine  in  the  acropolis  of  Gordium.  The 
cord  was  twisted  and  fastened  in  so  artful  a 
way  that  the  ends  were  undiscoverable  ;  and 
the  oracle  declared  that  the  fates  had  decreed 
the  empire  of  the  world  to  him  who  should 
untie  the  knot.  Albeit,  here  was  an  oppor- 
tunity which  Alexander  must  not  let  pass 
unimproved.  On  arriving  at  the  city  he  was 
shown  into  the  temple,  and  there  beheld  tlie 
fateful  relics,  secured,  as  of  old,  by  their  fas- 
tenings. As  to  how  he  succeeded  in  loosing 
the  knot,  there  are  two  trad'tions — the  one 
reciting  that  he  drew  out  the  pin  which  fas- 
tened the  yoke  to  the  beam  and  thus  detached 
the  yoke  itself,  while  the  other  says  that  he 
severed  the  knot  with  his  sword. 

A  matter  of  much  more  hi.storical  impor- 
tance was  the  arrival  at  Gordium  of  an  Athe- 
nian  embassy.     Tlie   commissioners    came   to 


request  that  Alexander  would  liberate  those 
citizens  of  Athens  whom  he  had  taken  as 
prisoners  on  the  banks  of  the  Granicus,  fight- 
ing for  the  Persian  king.  These,  with  two 
thousand  others,  were  stUl  detained  in  Mace- 
donia, and  their  countrymen  had  undertaken 
to  procure  their  release.  The  king  listened 
attentively  to  what  the  envoys  had  to  say, 
but  declined  to  grant  their  request.  He  told 
the  embassy,  however,  to  inform  their  coun- 
trymen of  his  kindly  feelings  towards  the 
Athenians,  and  of  his  purpose,  so  soon  as  the 
Persian  war  could  be  brought  to  a  successful 
issue,  to  set  their  fellow-citizens  at  liberty. 

In  the  mean  time,  Darius  had  completed 
the  organization  of  his  army,  and  was  already 
on  his  march  to  the  West.  Hi"  intention  was 
to  cross  the  Great  Desert  and  attack  Alexan- 
der before  the  latter  could  pass  the  confines 
of  Asia  Minor.  It  was  equally  important  for 
the  Macedonian  to  complete  the  conquest  of 
the  lesser  Asia,  and  to  secure  the  mountain- 
passes  on  its  eastern  borders  before  the  coming 
of  the  Persian  avalanche.  At  this  time  there 
remained  three  satrapies  uncouquered  ■  Cap* 
padocia,  Paplilagonia,  and  Cilicia.  It  was  of 
the  utmost  importance  to  Alexander  to  expe- 
dite the  conquest  of  these  provinces.  He  ac- 
cordingly hurried  in  the  direction  of  Paphla- 
gonia,  but  before  entering  the  satrapy  he  had 
the  good  fortune  to  receive  therefrom  a  friendly 
embassy,  proffering  the  submission  of  tliat  im- 
portant country. 

Thus  relieved  from  the  necessity  of  a 
conquest,  he  hastened  into  Cappadocia,  and 
there  too  was  received  without  resistance. 
Having  ajipoiutcd  Macedonian  governors  over 
these  two  leading  provinces,  and  taken 
their  pledge  of  allegiance  to  himself  as  gen- 
eralissimo of  the  Greeks,  he  turned  into 
Cilicia.  But  in  attempting  to  make  his  way 
thither  through  a  ^mountain-pass  called  the 
Gate  of  Taurus,  he  was  suddenly  confronted 
by  the  Persians,  who  had  preoccupied  the  de- 
files to  prevent  his  passage.  Such,  however, 
was  the  terror  of  the  conqueror's  name  that 
the  enemy  did  not,  even  in  their  advantageous 
position,  dare  to  give  him  battle.  On  the 
contrary,  they  abandoned  the  pass  and  fled. 
Alexander    then    pressed    on    to  Tarsus,   the 


642 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Cilician  capital.  Arsaues,  the  governor,  hastily 
decamped  with  the  garrison,  and  fled  to  Da- 
rius. The  city  authorities  thereupon  opened 
the  gates,  and  Alexander  was  admitted  with- 
out opposition.  It  was  the  last  act  in  the 
conquest  of  Asia  Minor.  In  all  the  rich  and 
beautiful  regions  of  the  western  division  of 
the  Persian  Empire,  not  a  foot  of  territory 
remained  to  Darius. 

The  exertions  and  anxieties  of  the  ambi- 
tious young  king  now  began  to  tell  upon  his 
constitution.  In  tlie  long  marches  from  Cap- 
padocia  into  Cilicia,  he  had  suffered  the  ex- 
tremes of  fatigue.  It  is  likely,  moreover, 
that  some  of  the  districts  through  which  he 
passed  were  miasmatic,  and  that  some  of  the 
towns  were  'nfected  with  contagion.  Soon 
after  his  capture  of  Tarsus,  Alexander  was 
attacked  with  a  fever  which  came  near  ending 
his  life.  The  severity  of  his  illness  was 
heightened  by  his  own  indiscretion.  Just  be- 
fore he  was  prostrated,  oppressed  with  fatigue 
and  the  summer  heat,  he  plunged  into  the 
river  Cydnus,  noted  for  the  icy  coldness  of 
its  waters,  and  amused  himself  as  a  swimmer. 
On  coming  forth  he  was  presently  prostrated, 
and  rapidly  brought  so  low  that  his  life  was 
despaired  of  by  all  except  Philip,  the  Acar- 
nanian,  his  favorite  physician.  The  latter 
continued  to  attend  and  encourage  his  master. 
While  Philip  was  engaged  in  preparing  a 
draught  for  his  royal  patient,  the  king  re- 
ceived a  secret  dispatch  from  his  old  general, 
Parmenio,  informing  him  that  Philip  was  a 
traitor  and  had  been  bribed  by  Darius  to 
poison  his  king.  While  the  letter  was  yet  in 
Alexander's  hands,  the  cup  containing  the 
draught  was  handed  him  by  Philip.  The 
king  received  the  potion,  and  at  the  same 
time  handed  the  dispatch  to  the  physician. 
Observing  no  change  in  Philip's  countenance 
as  he  read,  Alexander  without  a  word  drank 
the  potion,  and  the  loyal  attendant  was  soon 
gratified  with  a  favorable  change  in  his  pa- 
tient. For  once  the  faithful  Parmenio  had 
been  misled  by  false  information,  which  had 
weU-nigh  proved  fatal  both  to  the  king  and 
his  physician. 

As  soon  as  Alexander  had  sufficiently  re- 
novered  from   his  illness  to  resume  the  direc- 


tion of  affairs,  he  sent  forward  Parmenio  to 
occupy  the  pass  which  led  into  Syria.  This 
order  was  issued  with  the  double  view  of  pre- 
venting a  like  action  on  the  part  of  Darius 
and  of  securing  to  himself  an  easy  route  into 
the  Greater  Asia.  He  himself  made  a  brief 
campaign  into  the  mountainous  district  of 
Cilicia.  On  his  march  thither  he  was  sur- 
prised on  coming  to  the  city  of  Auchialus  to 
observe  the  extent  and  magnificence  of  its 
fortifications  and  public  buildings.  It  was 
here  that  the  statue  of  Sardanapalus,  the  re- 
puted founder  of  the  city,  was  found,  still 
bearing  that  famous  old  Assyrian  inscription, 
which  the  Greek  scholars  accompanying  Alex- 
ander interpreted  as  follows:   "  8/Vedanapa- 

LUS,  THE  SON  OF  AnACYNDARAXES,  IN  ONE 
DAY  FOUNDED  AnCHIALUS  AND  TarSUS.  EaT, 
DRINK,  play;  all  OTHER  HUMAN  JOYS  ARE 
NOT   WORTH  A  FILLIP." 

Leaving  this  place  the  conqueror  proceeded 
to  Sali,  upon  which  he  imposed  a  tribute  of 
forty  thousand  pounds.  Thence  he  made  his 
way  to  Megarsus  and  Mallus.  At  the  former 
place  he  made  sacrifices  in  honor  of  Pallas 
Athene ;  and  at  the  latter  he  won  the  people 
over  to  his  cause  by  freeing  them  from  the 
Persian  tribute.  Nor  were  the  inhabitant* 
less  ready  to  join  his  standard  on  account  of 
their  nationality,  Mallus  having  been  origi- 
nally founded  by  a  colony  of  Argive  Greeks. 

While  Alexander  tarried  at  Mallus  intelli- 
gence arrived  of  the  movements  of  Darius. 
The  Great  King  had  already  crossed  the  Syr- 
ian plain,  and  was  but  two  days'  march  from 
that  mountain  pass  which  the  jMacedonians 
had  already  seized.  The  soldiers  of  the  con- 
queror were  eager  to  meet  the  enemy,  and  he 
quickly  moved  forward  to  the  gateway  lead- 
ing from  Cilicia  into  Syria.  It  is  related  that 
at  this  juncture  Darius  was  perplexed  with 
contradictory  counsels.  The  Greek  officers  in 
his  army  advised  him  to  tarry  in  the  plain 
near  where  he  was,  and  there  receive  the 
Macedonian  onset,  but  the  Persian  generals 
urged  the  king  to  press  forward  to  the  foot- 
hills and  drive  his  enemy  back  through  the 
passes.  The  monarch  followed  the  advice  of 
neither  implicitly,  and  of  both  in  part.  In- 
stead of  going  forward    to  the  Syrian  Gate, 


MACEDONIA.— ALEXANDEB  THE  GREAT. 


64a 


now  held  by  Alexander,  he  made  a  side 
movement  to  the  right,  and  occupied  another 
pass,  known  as  the  Amanic  Gate.  Having 
gained  this  entrance  into  Asia  Minor,  he 
passed  through  with  his  army  and  advanced 
as  far  as  Issus,  thus  putting  himself  between 
Alexander  and  those  countries  which  he  had 
recently  subdued. 

The  Macedonians  were  agitated  not  a  little 
on  learning  that  the  Great  King  was  on  the 
line  of  their  communications.  It  is  reported 
that  Alexander  was  considerably  exercised  to 
prevent  the  spread  of  alarm  among  his  gen- 
erals and  soldiers;  but  he  confidently  asserted 
that  of  all  courses  which  Darius  could  have 
taken  the  one  chosen  was  to  himself  the  most 
plea.sing.  He  called  the  attention  of  his  offi- 
cers to  the  fact  that  in  the  rougher  countr}' — 
rougher  as  compared  with  the  Syrian  plain — 
which  the  Persian  had  selected  it  would  be 
imp(issible  to  display  his  vast  army  in  full 
force  or  to  use  it  efficiently.  Here,  said  the 
conqueror,  the  cavalry  of  the  enemy  would 
be  of  no  avail,  and  his  light-armed  troops, 
with  their  showers  of  missiles,  could  not  be 
employed  to  advantage.  As  for  himself,  he 
knew  that  the  immortal  gods,  ever  favorable 
to  the  cause  of  the  allied  Greeks,  must  have 
inspired  the  Persian  king  to  put  himself  in  a 
position  where  he  must  be  destroyed.  Having 
thus  reii-ssured  his  soldiers,  he  began  a  retro 
grade  movement  through  the  Syrian  Gate. 

The  position  now  occupied  by  Darius  was 
eminently  favorable.  A  short  distance  from 
the  western  terminus  of  the  pass  out  of  which 
the  Macedonians  must  come,  flows  the  river 
Pinarus  which,  gathering  its  waters  from  the 
highlands,  descends  to  the  west  and  then  turns 
southward  in  its  course  to  the  sea.  Tlie 
stream  thus  describes  an  arc  the  convexity  of 
whicii  was  towards  the  west.  On  this  side 
of  tiic  river  the  Persians  were  drawn  up  for 
battle,  while  the  Macedonians,  making  their 
exit  from  the  gate,  must  come  up  in  the  inner 
curve  of  the  Pinarus  and  cross  the  stream  in 
the  face  of  the  enemy.  The  one  advantage 
of  Alexander  was  that  his  army  occupied  the 
chord  of  an  arc  while  the  enemy  was  disposed 
on  the  rim  of  the  circle. 

In  arranging  for  battle  the  command  cf 


the  Macedonian  left,  lying  next  to  the  sea, 
was  given  to  Parmenio.  Opposed  to  him  was- 
the  Persian  cavalry.  To  face  the  Greeks  in 
the  army  of  Darius  the  phalanx  was  set  in 
the  center  of  the  Macedonian  line.  The  com- 
mand of  the  right  Alexander  reserved  for 
himself.  Opposite  were  the  high  grounds- 
from  which  the  Persians  must  be  dislodged  in 
case  they  should  not  themselves  be  unwise 
enough  to  descend  into  the  plain  for  battle. 

The  number  of  soldiers  in  the  army  of 
Darius  has  been  variouslj'  stated.  The  old 
historians,  with  whom  exaggeration  —  espe- 
cially of  the  numerical  force  of  an  enetoy — 
was  a  habit,  computed  the  Persian  host  at  a 
half  million  of  fighting  men.  More  careful 
authorities  have  reduced  the  number  to  one 
hundred  and  forty  thousand.  Of  these  fully 
thirty -five  thousand  were  cavalry.  To  oppose 
this  tremendous  array  Alexander  had  in  all 
about  forty  thousand  soldiers. 

After  considerable  maneuvering,  in  whieb 
both  commanders  appeared  anxious  lest  b_v 
some  misstep  an  advantage  might  be  gained 
by  the  enemy,  the  battle  began  by  the  advance- 
of  the  Persian  right  against  Parmenio.  Alex- 
ander had  contemj)lated  beginning  the  fight 
himself  by  assaulting  the  heights  over  against 
him,  but  when  he  saw  that  the  battle  was 
opening  in  another  part  of  the  field  he  dis- 
patched thither  the  Thessalian  hoi-se  to  assist- 
bis  veteran  general.  But  though  thus  weak- 
ened he  forebore  not  to  cross  the  stream  and 
assail  the  Persian  left.  On  both  wings  the- 
charge  of  the  ^laccdonians,  though  stoutly 
resisted,  was  successful,  and  the  Persians  were- 
put  to  flight.  In  the  center  the  phalanx 
crossed  the  river,  and  was  met  on  the  other 
bank  by  those  old  Ionian  Greek  soldiers  whom 
Memnon  had  trained  in  former  years,  and 
who  were  in  an  unnatural  way  fighting  under- 
the  Persian  banners. 

These  men  were  of  diflTerent  mettle  from 
the  barbarians  with  whom  they  fought.  They 
had  the  ancient  valor  of  Greek  soldiers,  and 
felt  no  doubt  some  mortification  that  the  pres- 
tige of  their  race  was  about  to  be  transferred 
to  the  Macedonians.  The  latter  on  their  part 
regarded  their  antagonists  as  traitoi-s  to  the 
cause  of  the  allied  Greeks,  and  had,  besides,. 


Si4 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


their  own  reputation  to  sustain  as  well  as 
wrongs  to  be  avenged  in  the  ranks  of  their 
unnatural  countrymen.  Here,  then,  the  bat- 
tle was  furious  and  bloody.  Hardly  could 
the  staggering  jjhalaux  make  its  way  against 
the  stubborn  resistance  of  the  Greek  soldiers; 
nor  is  it  certain  which  way  victory  in  this 
part  of  the  field  would  have  inclined  but  for 
the  overthrow  of  the  Persian  wings. 

The  success  of  Alexander  and  Parmenio 
enabled  them,  especially  the  former,  to  fall 
upon  the  flanks  of  the  Persian  center,  and 
"the  valiant  soldiers  who  confronted  the 
phalanx  found  themselves  assailed  from  three 
•directions.  Under  such  assaults  they  began 
to  lose  ground,  but  such  was  their  valor  that 
they  nearly  all  perished  sooner  than  relinquish 
the  field.  It  was  in  this  part  of  the  battle 
that  Darius  displayed  conspicuous  bravery. 
He  urged  forward  his  chariot  into  the  thickest 
•of  the  fight  and  encouraged  his  soldiers  both 
by  voice  and  example  until  his  horses  were 
■cut  down  and  himself  almost  taken  by  the 
Macedonians.  Nothing  but  the  courage  of 
his  brother  Oxathres  saved  the  king  from 
•capture  or  destruction.  In  the  critical  mo- 
ment the  monarch  was  thrust  into  a  fresh 
•chariot  and  borne  from  the  field.  As  usual 
in  the  great  battles  of  the  East  the  flight  of 
the  king  was  the  signal  for  a  universal  rout. 
The  ranks  everywhere  broke  and  fled  precip- 
itately from  the  scene.  Only  the  Persian 
•cavalry  on  the  right  wing  made  a  stand  and 
fought  as  if  to  sustain  their  old-time  fame  for 
valor.  Nor  did  they  desist  from  their  onsets 
■until  some  time  after  the  rout  had  become 
.general  in  all  other  parts  of  the  field. 

As  soon  as  the  flight  began  the  Macedo- 
nians pressed  hard  upon  the  fugitives.  Thou- 
sands were  cut  down  in  the  panic  and  confu- 
sion. Alexander  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
cavalry  bore  down  upon  the  flying  foe  and 
-cut  his  broken  ranks  to  pieces.  His  hope  was 
to  overtake  and  capture  the  king  and  thus 
end  the  business  of  the  Empire.  But  Darius, 
after  fleeing  as  far  as  he  could  in  his  chariot, 
mounted  a  horse  and  succeeded  in  escaping 
through  the  Amanic  Gate.  But  so  hot  was 
the  pursuit  that  the  shield,  bow,  and  cloak  of 
the  king  were  secured  by  Alexander. 


The  losses  of  the  Persians  are  diflferently 
stated  by  diflerent  authors.  The  lowest  esti- 
mate, which  is  perhaps  nearest  the  truth, 
places  the  number  slain  at  about  seventy  thou- 
sand, and  of  the  captives  at  forty  thousand. 
Nor  is  there  any  trustworthy  account  of  the 
loss  sustained  by  the  Macedonians.  There  ap- 
pears to  have  been  an  intent  on  the  part  of 
the  Greek  writers  to  gloss  over  the  matter  or 
to  represent  the  list  as  insignificant.  It  is  im- 
possible, however,  but  that  a  severe  loss  must 
have  been  inflicted  on  Alexander's  army ;  for 
the  battle  was  long  and  obstinate,  and  the 
Ionian  Greeks  gave  the  phalanx  blow  for 
blow.  It  is  known  that  Ptolemy  and  several 
other  distinguished  officers  were  slain. 

The  battle  of  Issus  furnished  several  in- 
cidents which  posterity  has  been  pleased  to 
preserve.  When  Alexander  returned  from 
his  pursuit  of  Darius  he  learned  that  the 
family  of  that  monarch,  including  his  wife, 
his  daughters,  and  his  mother,  were  prisoners 
in  the  Macedonian  camp.  They  were  in  the 
greatest  agitation,  believing  that  the  king  had 
been  slain,  and  that  they  themselves  would  be 
dishonored  and  sold  as  slaves.  Hearing  of 
their  distress,  the  conqueror  at  once  sent  his 
friend  Leonatus  to  quiet  their  alarm,  and  to 
assure  them  that  the  king  had  made  good  his 
escape.  They  were  informed  that  they  should 
be  treated  not  only  with  humanity,  but  with 
tnat  courtesy  which  befitted  their  rank.  The 
language  attributed  to  Alexander  sounds  like 
a  phrase  of  chivalry ;  for  he  is  reported  to 
have  said  to  the  distracted  princesses  that 
towards  the  Great  King  he  had  no  personal 
enmity  at  all — that  he  warred  with  him  only 
because  they  could  not  both  be  ruler  of  Asia. 

On  the  following  day  the  Macedonian, 
accompanied  by  his  intimate  friend  Hephses- 
tion,  called  in  person  at  the  tent  which  had 
been  assigned  to  the  captive  women.  When 
they  were  ushered  into  the  presence  of  the 
royal  household  the  princesses,  mistaking  the 
stately  Hephsestion  for  Alexander,  prostrated 
themselves  before  him  and  began  to  plead  for 
commiseration.  Hephaestion  at  once  drew 
back  and  pointed  to  the  king  as  the  one  to 
whom  they  should  address  themselves.  Alex- 
ander at  once  relieved  the  embarrassment  in 


MACEDONIA.— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


645 


a  manner  that  would  have  done  honor  to  a 
crusader.  He  told  the  queen  that  she  had 
made  no  mistake;  that  Hepha;stion  was 
anotiier  Alexander,  as  worthy  to  be  esteemed 
as  himself.' 

In  the  mean  time,  one  of  the  eunuchs  in 
attendance  upon  the  royal  household  made 
his  escape  and  carried  to  Darius  the  story  of 
the  treatment  accorded  to  his  family.  To  him 
the  thing  seemed  incredible.  The  great  Orien- 
tal, believing  in  the  essential  badness  of 
human  nature,  at  once  conjectured  that  his 
beautiful  queen  had  fascinated  his  adversary, 
and  that  thxtt  was  the  occasion  of  his  clemency. 
Jealousy  seized  him,  and  he  was  in  a  transpi 
until  his  attendant  informed  him  that  the 
Macedonian  was  in  no  sense  his  rival — that 
hb  conduct  towards  the  queen  had  been  a 
sincere  act  of  courtesy  and  consideration. 
Then  the  mood  of  Darius  changed,  and  in 
great  excitement  he  offered  a  prayer  to  the 
gods  that  if  the  empire  of  Asia  .should  ever 
depart  from  himself  it  might  fall  to  Alexander. 

Before  he  could  follow  up  his  victory, 
Alexander  deemed  it  prudent  to  complete  the 
conquest  of  Syria  and  Phienicia.  These  were 
the  only  two  provinces  remaining  unsubdued 
in  the  western  countries  of  the  Greater  Asia. 
The  king  dispatched  Parmenio  with  one  di- 
vision of  the  army  again.st  Damascus,  the 
capital  of  Syria,  while  he  him.self  with  the 
other  division  advanced  into  Phoenicia.  The 
first  expedition  was  soon  crowned  with  com- 
plete success.  Dama.scus  was  taken  without 
serious  opposition.  Parmenio  also  captured  a 
number  of  agents  wlio  were  employed  by 
Darius  in  corresponding  with  the  anti-Mace- 
donian party  in  Greece.  From  these  Alex- . 
ander  learned  the  exact  nature  of  the  intrigues 
which   were    constantly    hatched    in    Athens, 

'  The  comments  of  Arri;in  upon  this  incident 
are  worthy  to  he  repented.  "  I  neither,"  says  lie, 
"rehite  [this  circumstance]  as  trntli  nor  condemn 
[it]  as  tiction.  If  it  be  true,  the  pity  shown  by 
Alexander  to  the  women  and  the  honor  bestowed 
on  his  friend  deserve  commendation ;  whilst,  if 
we  supposed  them  feigned  and  only  related  as 
probabilities,  it  is  honorable  to  him  to  have  had 
such  speeclies  and  actions  recorded  by  the  writers 
of  his  own  times,  not  only  as  beini;  (generally  be- 
lieved, but  as  consonant  with  the  character  which 
he  bore  among  his  contemporaries  " 


Thebes,  and  Sparta,  with  a  view  to  compass- 
ing his  overthrow.  Upon  these  malcontent 
elements  in  the  Greek  states  the  intelligence 
of  the  battle  of  Issus  and  of  the  capture  of 
the  Grreco-Persiau  spies  fell  like  a  cold  bath. 

The  knowledge  that  Alexander  was  abso- 
lutely master  of  the  situation  in  all  the  western 
parts  of  Asia  was  disagreeable  news  to  the  re- 
actionists, who  were  endeavoring  to  sow  the 
seeds  of  insurrection  in  the  West.  Nor  was 
the  success  of  Parmenio  at  Damascus  limited 
to  the  capture  of  the  city  and  the  emissaries. 
He  likewise  secured  po.ssession  of  the  money- 
chest  of  Darius,  out  of  whose  abundant 
coffers  the  Western  Greeks  were  to  be  per- 
suaded to  favor  the  interests  of  Persia.  With 
this  sinew  of  war  in  the  hands  of  the  Mace- 
donians it  was  not  likely  that  the  lonians  and 
continental  Greeks  would  any  longer  so  greatly 
prefer  a  Persiau  to  a  Macedonian  ruler. 

In  no  part  was  the  effect  of  the  battle  of 
Issus  more  distinctly  felt  than  in  Sj)arta. 
Agis,  the  Lacedsemonian  king,  still  continued, 
even  after  the  death  of  Jlemnon,  to  agitate 
measures  unfavorable  to  Alexander.  To  sup- 
port this  movement  and  disposition  of  the 
Spartans  Darius  had,  on  setting  out  with  his 
army  to  meet  the  Macedonian,  dispatched  a 
fleet  under  Pharnabazus  and  Antophradates 
to  sail  into  the  jEgean  and  coojjerate  with  the 
Pelopounesians  in  a  proposed  expedition 
against  Macedonia.  The  squadron  reached 
the  shores  of  Southern  Greece,  and  Agis  was 
busily  engaged  in  prejjaring  for  the  northern 
invasion  when  the  news  came  of  the  victory 
of  Alexander  at  Issus.  Of  a  sudden  the  Per- 
sian commanders  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
there  was  need  for  them  in  Asia.  They  ac- 
cordingly dropped  away  its  quickly  as  possible, 
and  returned  with  the  fleet  to  Persian  waters. 
Great  was  the  relief  of  Alexander  wiien  be 
learned  of  the  collajise  of  the  proposed  (lescent 
on  the  coasts  of  ^Macedonia. 

In  the  mean  time  the  conqueror  was  pro- 
ceeding to  lay  siege  to  Tyre.  It  was  consid- 
ered of  the  first  inqjortance  that  this  great 
maritime  city,  from  which  the  fleets  of  Persia 
were  supplied  with  whatever  gave  them 
strength  and  efficiency,  should  be  converted 
into  a  Macedonian  dependency.     While  Alex- 


646 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


ander  was  on  his  way  thither,  he  was  met  at 
the  town  of  Marathus  by  ambassadors  from 
Darius.  These  came  to  propose  in  the  name 
of  their  master  that  he  and  the  Macedonian 
should  become  friends  and  allies,  and  to  re- 
quest that  the  Persian  princesses  should  be 
permitted  to  return  to  8usa.  At  this  time 
Alexander  was  emboldened  by  success,  and 
also  angered  at  the  treacherous  relations  re- 
cently unearthed  between  the  Persian  court 
and  the  anti-Macedonians  in  Greece.  He 
therefore  answered  with  much  haughtiness. 
He  accused  the  Persian  monarch  of  having 
been  privy  to  the  assassination  of  King  Philip. 
He  brought  home  the  charge  of  having  in- 
trigued with  the  Greeks  to  compass  the  down- 
fall of  Macedonia.  He  recited  various  injuries 
done  to  himself  and  his  country  by  the  court 
of  Susa.  He  announced  that  he  himself  and 
not  Darius  was  now  monarch  of  Asia,  and 
that  any  further  communications  must  be  ad- 
dressed to  him,  not  as  king  to  king,  but  as 
vassal  to  lord.  Finally,  Darius  was  invited, 
if  he  desired  further  intercourse,  to  come  to 
Alexander  in  person,  and  in  that  event  he 
should  be  treated  as  a  subject,  but  with  proper 
consideration.  The  conclusion  of  the  Mace- 
donian's message,  addressed  as  it  was  by  a 
youth  of  twenty-three  to  the  representative  of 
Cyrus  the  Great,  is  worthy  to  be  repeated : 
"  If  you  have  any  fears  for  your  personal 
safety,  send  some  friends  to  receive  my 
pledged  faith.  On  coming  to  me  ask  for 
your  wife  and  childreu,  and  whatever  else  you 
may  wish,  and  receive  them,  for  every  reason- 
able request  shall  be  granted.  Henceforth, 
if  you  have  any  communication  to  make,  ad- 
dress me  as  the  King  of  Asia;  and  pretend 
not  to  treat  with  me  on  equal  terms,  but  pe- 
tition me  as  the  master  of  your  fate.  If  not, 
I  shall  regard  it  as  an  insult  and  take  meas- 
ures accordingly.  If,  however,  you  propose 
still  to  dispute  the  sovereignty  with  me,  do 
not  fly,  but  stand  your  ground,  as  I  will 
march  and  attack  you  wherever  you  may  be." 
A  memorable  dispatch !  Not  worded  after 
the  manner  of  modern  diplomacy,  but  never- 
theless intelligible.  Perhaps  the  king  of  Per- 
sia was  able  to  understand  it.  As  soon  as 
these    negotiations    were    ended,    Alexander 


pressed  forward  to  Tyre.  Before  reaching 
the  city  he  was  met  by  a  deputation,  headed 
by  the  son  of  the  governor,  who  came  to 
proffer  the  allegiance  of  their  city,  but  at  the 
same  time  refused  to  permit  the  conqueror  to 
enter  within  their  walls.  The  proposal  was  so 
little  satisfactory  to  the  king  that  he  demanded 
unconditional  submission,  and  in  case  of  re- 
fusal threatened  to  storm  the  town.  The 
Tyrians  would  not  comply,  and  Alexander  at 
once  proceeded  to  invest  the  city.  Then  fol- 
lowed a  memorable  siege  of  seven  months' 
duration,  in  which  it  were  difficult  to  say 
'"'hether  the  besieged  or  the  besiegers  exhib- 
»ed  greater  heroism.  Tyre  was  built  on  an 
island,  at  the  distance  of  a  half-mile  from  the  ' 
shore.  Her  seamen  were  the  most  expert  and 
daring  in  the  world.  Before  the  IMacedonian 
could  bring  his  engines  to  bear  on  the  ram^ 
parts,  he  must  build  a  mole  sufficiently  broad 
to  bear  them,  and  extending  from  the  shore 
to  the  city.  This  done,  and  the  battering- 
rams  being  brought  into  position,  the  Tyrians 
succeeded  in  burning  them  before  they  could 
be  made  effective.  Alexander  now  saw  that 
he  must  meet  the  enemy  on  their  own  ele' 
ment.  He  accordingly  began  to  train  a  force 
of  sailors,  and  not  until  this  work  was  accom- 
plished did  he  find  himself  in  a  condition  to 
assault  the  city  with  fair  prospects  of  success. 
At  last,  however,  he  made  the  attack,  and  Tyre 
was  taken  by  storm.  The  jieople  who  had  so 
long  defied  him  now  paid  dearly  for  their  ob- 
stinacy. The  enraged  Macedonian  soldiery 
was  turned  loose  upon  them,  and  eight  thou- 
sand were  put  to  the  sword.  Besides  this 
tremendous  butchery,  thirty  thousand  of  the 
inhabitants  were  sold  into  slavery. 

Before  the  siege  of  Tyre  was  brought  to  a 
close  a  second  embassy  arrived  from  Darius. 
This  time  the  Great  King  made  the  trial  of 
money  as  a  means  of  relaxing  the  temper  of 
the  Macedonian.  He  offered  for  the  ransom 
of  his  family  and  as  the  basis  of  peace  and 
friendship  a  sum  equivalent  to  ten  millions  of 
dollars.  As  a  further  inducement  he  proposed 
to  give  his  daughter  in  marriage  and  to  cede 
to  Alexander  all  the  country  in  Asia  west  of 
the  Euphrates.  It  must  be  confessed  that  the 
offer  was  highly  flattering,  and  most  warriors 


MACEDOXIA.—ALEXANDER   THE  GREAT. 


647 


ALEXANDliR  BEFORE  TVUE 
I>rewii  by  H.  \'"gcl. 


648 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


■would  liave  been  glad  to  accept  so  vast  an 
empire  at  the  hand  of  a  vanquished  foe.  But 
the  son  of  Philip  would  be  all  or  nothing. 
When  the  proposal  was,  according  to  his  man- 
ner in  such  matters,  laid  before  a  councU  of 
his  generals,  the  sage  Parmenio,  when  asked 
for  his  opinion,  reijlied:  "If  I  were  Alexander 
I  would  accept  the  terms."  "And  I,  too," 
said  Alexander,  "if  I  were  Parmenio!"  It 
■was  e\-ident  that  the  king  of  Macedon  had  his 
eye  fixed  on  the  big  game  of  the  East,  and 
that  all  attempts  either  of  friends  or  foes  to 
divert  him  from  his  purpose  woidd  prove  in 
vain.  A  message  so  harsh  as  to  be  hardly  in 
accordance  with  the  magnanimous  temper 
■which  he  had  so  many  times  displayed  was 
prepared  and  forwarded  to  Darius.  The  de- 
spatch was  couched  in  the  following  terms: 
"I  want  no  money  from  you,  nor  wiU  I 
receive  a  part  of  the  empire  for  the  whole ; 
for  Asia  and  all  its  treasures  belong  to  me. 
If  I  wish  to  marry  your  daughter  I  can  do  so 
without  your  consent.  If  you  wish  to  obtain 
any  favor  from  me,  come  in  person  and  ask 
for  it."  Here  was  an  end  of  controversy.  Of 
a  certainty  Darius  must  yield  ar.d  become  a 
vassal,  or  else  take  the  field  and — lose  it. 

After  the  capture  of  Tyre,  Alexander  next 
turned  his  attention  to  Gaza.  This  strongly 
fortified  town,  situated  in  the  midst  of  vast 
sands,  was  the  only  remaining  obstacle  between 
the  conqueror  and  the  gateway  of  Egyjit.  It 
was  a  part  of  his  general  policy  to  leave  behind 
him  no  fortress  occupied  by  an  enemy.  Gaza 
was  garrisoned  by  a  large  force  of  Arabians 
well  provided  with  every  thing  which  fore- 
thought could  furnish  against  the  emergencies 
of  a  siege.  The  persistency  of  the  Macedoni- 
ans in  their  investment  and  final  capture  of 
TjTe  had  forewarned  BatLs,  the  governor  of 
Gaza,  of  what  he  in  his  turn  might  expect. 
A  gallant  defense  was  made,  but  the  town 
was  finally  carried  by  assault.  When  the 
Macedonians  had  scaled  the  ramparts  the  in- 
habitants with  desperate  courage  gathered  in  a 
group  and  fought  till  the  last  man  was  killed. 
The  town  was  sacked.  The  women  and  chil- 
aren  were  sold  into  slavery,  and  a  Macedonian 
colony  was  founded  in  the  ruins  of  the  city. 
The  incident  of  the  siege  was  a  severe  wound 


received  by  Alexander,  whose  life  thereby  was 
thought  for  the  time  to  be  endangered. 

By  the  fall  of  Tyre  and  Gaza  the  whole  of 
Phoenicia,  Samaria,  and  Judsea  was  given  up 
to  the  conqueror.  Having  no  longer  any  cause 
to  fear  insurrections  behind  him  he  now  pressed 
forward  toward  Egypt.  Arriving  at  Pelu- 
sium  he  demanded  a  surrender  of  the  fortress, 
which  was  immediately  given  into  his  posses- 
sion. The  Pereian  governor  of  Egypt  was  next 
summoned  to  renounce  his  authority  in  favor 
of  Alexander.  Unable  to  resist  the  demand 
and  finding  that  the  Egyptians,  long  burdened 
with  the  oppressions  of  Persia,  were  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  Macedonian,  the  satrap  pelded 
without  striking  a  blow.  Thus  within  a  week 
and  without  the  shedding  of  blood  was  the 
sovereignty  of  the  whole  of  Egypt  transferred 
to  Alexander. 

It  rarely  happens  in  a  case  of  genius  such 
as  that  possessed  by  the  son  of  Philip,  that 
the  exhaustless  energies  of  the  mind  are  able 
to  be  appeased  with  a  single  line  of  activity. 
The  reaUy  great  warriors  of  the  world  have  gen- 
erally been  great  statesman.  Alexander,  Caesar, 
Cliarlemagne,  Kapoleon — each  like  the  other — 
was  but  poorly  satisfied — perhaps  not  satisfied 
at  all — with  the  bloody  work  of  destroying 
his  fellow-men.  In  each  case  the  ambition  to 
bring  order  into  the  world,  to  regulate,  to  civ- 
ilize the  nations,  rose  with  a  larger  and  brighter 
disk  than  the  mere  ambition  of  war  presented. 

As  soon  as  Egypt  was  fairly  in  his  posses- 
sion, and  the  conquest  thus  completed  of  all  the 
countries  west  of  the  Euphrates,  the  Macedo- 
nian hero  began  to  excogitate  such  measures 
as  seemed  best  adapted  to  promote  the  inter- 
ests of  the  peoples  whom  he  had  brought  under 
his  sway.  One  of  the  first  schemes  produced 
by  his  fertile  brain  was  a  method  by  which 
intercourse  might  be  rendered  easy  and  rapid 
between  India  and  the  states  of  the  West.  A 
principal  feature  of  the  plans  which  now  oc- 
cupied his  mind  was  the  establishment  in 
Egypt  of  a  great  emporium  of  commerce. 
He  first  by  surveys  familiarized  himself  with 
the  valley  of  the  Nile  as  far  south  as  Heliop- 
olis.  In  the  course  of  his  examination  of 
the  country,  he  availed  himself  of  every  means 
and   opportunity  to  win  the   admiration   and 


MACEDONIA.— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


64» 


affections  of  the  people.  Returning  by  way 
of  Memphis,  he  carefully  exaniiued  the  several 
mouths  of  the  Nile.  Having  rejected  both 
Pelusium  and  Canopus  as  unsuited  in  situa- 
tion for  the  contemplated  city,  he  passed  to 
the  western  side  of  that  branch  of  the  river  on 
which  the  latter  town  was  located,  and  there 
selected  a  site  for  the  proposed  metropolis. 
To  Dinocrates  he  assigned  the  work  of  laying 
out  and  founding  the  city;  and  as  if  to  trust 
his  fame  to  an  enterprise  of  peace  rather  than 
to  the  Jiavoc  of  war,  he  ordered  that  the  new 


Possibly,  however,  the  impulse  which  urged 
him  thither  was  the  ambition  to  do  what  Cam- 
byses  had  failed  to  accomplish.  Nor  is  it  un- 
reasonable to  suppose  that  the  Macedonian  wa» 
willing  to  avail  himself  of  this  means  to 
heighten  his  reputation  among  the  African 
races  by  consulting  the  oracle  of  their  great 
deity  in  the  desert. 

Of  course  the  journey  to  Amun  was  ac- 
companied with  miraculous  indications  of  the 
favnrof  heaven.  When  the  Macedonians  were 
well-nigh  dying  of  thirst,  rain  poured   down 


ALEXANDER    \T  TIIK  TEMPI.E  01'  AMCN. 


Egyptian  capital  should  bear  his  name — Alex- 
andria. 

It  will  be  remembcro<I  that  the  fomily  of 
Philip  of  Macedon,  not  without  pride,  traced 
its  mythical  origin  to  the  great  heroes,  Per- 
seus and  Hercules.  It  appears  that  Alexander 
was  not  above  the  half  superstitious  vanity 
of  claiming  these  fabulous  personages  as  his 
ancestors.  Such  an  element  nf  vainglory  in 
his  nature  it  may  have  been  wliicii  induced 
him,  while  still  tarrying  in  Egypt,  to  under- 
take a  ])ilgrimage  across  the  desert  to  the 
Btirine  of  Ka  or  Jove,  in  the  oasis  of  Amun. 


in  torrents.  When  the  band  of  pilgrims  had 
lost  its  way  in  the  desert,  two  tremendous  ser- 
|H'nts  suddenly  a]>|)earcd  and  marshaled  them 
toward  the  oasis.  Kavcns  likewise  Hew  i)efore 
tlie  pilgrims.  Bo  they  came  to  the  beautiful 
site  of  the  shrine  of  Jove.  The  ^Macedoniun  was 
received  with  every  mark  of  distinction  by  the 
obsequious  priests  who,  after  the  manner  of 
their  kind  in  all  ages,  were  willing — 

"To  bend  the  pregnant  hinges  of  the  knee 
That  thrift  might  follow  fawning." 

0.«tensibly,  Alexander  had  visited  the  oasis 
to  consult  the  oracle  of  Amun  as  to  the  var 


€50 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.  — THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


liditv  of  his  own  claims  to  be  regarded  as  the 
sou  of  Zeus.  To  his  inquiry  on  this  question, 
if  we  may  trust  the  credulous  fable-writers  of 
antiquity,  a  favorable  answer  was  returned  by 
the  auspicious  spirit  of  the  place ;  and  the  son 
of  Philip  was  enabled  to  return  into  Egypt 
bearing,  the  unequivocal  honors  of  deity.' 

In  arriving  at  Memphis,  Alexander  at  once 
proceeded  to  reorganize  the  Egyptian  govern- 
ment. He  also  reviewed  and  modified,  in 
some  particulars,  the  governments  which  he 
had  previously  established  in  the  provinces  sub- 
dued by  his  arms.  In  the  early  spring  of 
B.  C.  331,  having  completed  the  civil  arrange- 
ments to  which  he  had  devoted  his  time  since 
the  jjreceding  autumn,  he  .set  out  for  Tjtc, 
which  place  he  had  appointed  as  a  rendezvous 
for  both  his  fleets  aud  armies.  Here  he  met 
amba.ssadors  from  Athens  and  other  cities  of 
the  Greek  confederacy,  with  whom  he  con- 
ferred respecting  the  prosecution  of  his  Asiatic 
campaign.  He  then  began  his  movement  to 
the  East,  aud  in  the  first  days  of  summer 
reached  the  Euphrates.  At  Thapsacus  he 
found  the  bridge  across  the  river  broken  down, 
and  the  enemy  in  considerable  force  on  the 
opposite  bank;  but  they  quickly  decamped, 
without  attempting  to  hinder  his  passage. 

Alexander  effected  his  crossing  without  de- 
lay, and  proceeded  eastward  along  the  north- 
ern confines  of  Mesopotamia.  He  had  not 
advanced  far,  however,  in  this  direction  untU 
he  was  informed  by  deserters  and  scouts  that 
Darius  had  led  his  army  up  the  eastern  bank 
of  the  Tigris,  and,  as  if  to  await  his  antag- 
onist, had  selected  a  strong  position  on  the 
margin  of  that  broad  and  rajjid  stream.  It  is 
probable  that  this  intelligence  occasioned  a 
change  in  the  plans  of  the  conqueror.  It  had 
been  his  purpose  to  make  his  way  into  Lower 

'  A  half  humorous  incident  of  Alexander's  in- 
terview with  the  priest  of  Amun  has  been  pre- 
served by  PKitarch.  It  appears  that  the  oracle, 
not  quite  willing  to  vouch  for  the  divine  paternity 
of  the  Macedonian,  indulged  in  the  usual  trick  of 
ambiguity.  The  old  priest,  on  coming  out  to  de- 
liver the  response  of  the  god,  is  said,  as  if  blun- 
dering in  his  Greek,  to  have  addressed  Alexander 
as  Pai  Dios  (son  of  Jovel,  when  as  a  matter  of 
fact  he  was  merely  intending  to  saj'  Paidion  (my 
son);  Of  course  Alexander's  courtiers  preferred 
Pai  Dios  to  Paidion. 


Mesopotamia,  aud,  having  captured  Babylon, 
to  press  forward  to  Susa.  But  learning  the 
whereabouts  of  Darius,  and  perceiving  the  in- 
tentions of  the  Great  King  to  offer  battle  in 
his  chosen  position,  he  rapidly  advanced  in 
that  direction.  On  the  fourth  day  of  his 
march  he  came  in  sight  of  the  Persian  host; 
but  on  the  appearance  of  the  Macedonian 
Darius  began  to  recede  towards  the  south, 
with  the  evident  intention  of  drawing  Alex- 
ander further  and  further  into  the  enemy's 
country.  But  the  latter  pressed  upon  him 
with  so  much  eagerness  and  audacity  that  the 
Persian  was  compelled  to  make  a  stand  for 
battle.  He  accordingly  selected  a  suitable 
field  on  the  banks  of  the  Bumadus,  a  small 
eastern  tributary  of  the  Tigris.  The  king 
made  his  head-quarters  six  miles  distant  from 
the  plain  selected  for  the  fight,  at  the  town 
of  Aebela,  where  the  Persian  baggage  and 
military  chests  were  deposited. 

If  we  may  trust  the  ancient  authors,  Darius 
brought  to  the  battle-field,  on  which  his  own 
and  the  destinies  of  his  empire  were  now 
staked,  an  army  of  foot-soldiers  numbering  at 
least  a  miUion,  while  the  cavalry  amounted  to 
forty  thousand,  the  scythe-bearing  chariots  to 
two  hundred,  and  the  elephants  to  fifteen.  To 
oppose  this  limitless  host,  Alexander  had  forty 
thousand  foot  and  seven  thousand  horse.  It 
is  not  improbable,  however,  that  this  incredi- 
ble disparity  in  numbers  aro.se  not  from  the 
facts  in  the  premises,  but  from  the  disposition 
of  the  Greek  writers  to  glorify  the  achieve- 
ments of  their  countrymen. 

Alexander  at  this  great  crisis  behaved  with 
more  than  his  usual  caution.  He  spent  four 
days  in  fortifying  his  camp,  and  at  the  second 
watch  of  the  fifth  night  drew  out  his  forces 
for  battle.  While  advancing  upon  the  enemy, 
he  perceived  on  reaching  the  summit  of  a  hill 
the  evidence  of  such  unusual  preparation  on 
the  part  of  Darius  that  it  was  deemed  prudent 
to  hold  a  council  of  war.  Most  of  the  Mace- 
donian generals  gave  their  vote  for  an  imme- 
diate attack,  but  the  veteran  Parmenio  ad« 
vised  that  the  ground  w'hich  they  were  to 
traverse  aud  the  general  disposition  of  the 
Persian  forces  should  be  carefully  scanned 
before  incurring  the  hazard  of  battle.     With 


MACEDONIA.— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


651 


this  view  Alexander,  whose  judgment  seems  to 
have  been  cooled  by  the  tremendous  stake  at 
issue  in  the  conflict,  I'ully  coincided,  and  a 
whole  day  was  accordingly  spent  in  reconnoit- 
•ering  the  field. 

In  the  early  nmrning  of  the  seventh  day, 
all  the  picliniinaiies  having  been  arranged, 
the  two  armie.i  cautiously  advanced  towards 
each  other,  and  then  grapjjled  in  a  struggle 
which  was  to  decide  the  fate  of  Asia.  The 
battle  began  with  an  action  of  the  cavalry  and 
chariots.  Soon,  however,  the  lines  of  infantry 
became  involved,  and  the  figlit  raged  along 
the  whole  front  of  the  field.  Nor  were  the 
Oreeks  at  first  able  to  drive  the  heavy  masses 
of  the  enemy  before  them.  On  no  previous 
field  had  the  Persians  displaye<l  .so  much 
bravery  and  steadv  discipline.  The  Scythian 
cavalry  had  well-nigli  [iniycd  a  match  for  the 
famous  hiirsciuen  of  Thessaly.  In  ^mw.  j)arts 
of  the  field,  under  the  tremendous  pressure  of 
numbers,  the  allied  forces  actually  wavered 
and  lost  some  ground.  But  the  Macedonian 
phalan.K,  irresistible  as  hitherto,  made  its 
steady  way,  like  some  huge  engine  of  destruc- 
tion, upon  the  heavy  ma.s.ses  of  the  enemy,  and 
before  its  iiorrible  forest  of  spears,  the  barba- 
rians vt'ere  forced  into  flight.  Darius  Jiiin- 
«elf — whether  by  his  own  will  or  by  the  con- 
fused tides  of  the  rout  which  swelled  around 
him  is  not  certainly  known — was  borne  away 
with  the  roaring  ma.ss  of  fugitives. 

Discovering  the  flight  of  tliC  king,  and  eager 
to  possess  himself  of  the  royal  person,  Alexan- 
der, with  the  cavalry,  pressed  forward  with  ex- 
treme audacity,  and  the  Macc<lonian  loft,  un- 
der command  of  Parnienio,  wiio  was  charged 
with  the  protection  of  the  canij),  was  almost 
fatally  weakened.  It  happened,  moreover, 
that  the  Pei-sian  cavalry  on  the  right,  opposite 
to  Parmenio,  was  commanded  by  Mazreus,  one 
of  the  al)lest  of  the  Great  King's  generals. 
This  daring  officer  succeeded  in  l)reaking 
through  the  Macedonian  lines,  and  captured 
the  cami).  Messenger  were  hastily  sent  to 
Alexander,  who  on  the  right  wa,s  far  in  ad- 
vance in  pursuit  of  the  king.  With  the  ut- 
most speed  the  conqueror  wheeled  and  came 
back  to  the  support  of  Parmenio.  The  bat- 
tle on  the  left  was  renewed  with  desperate 
N. — Vol.  I — 40 


bravery  until  the  Persian  horse  was  finally  put 
to  flight. 

The  camp  was  regained,  and  Alexander 
again  pressed  forward  in  the  hope  of  capturing 
the  fugitive  king.  On  arriving  at  the  river 
Lycus,  he  found  that  Darius  liad  ah-eady  crossed 
to  the  other  side.  The  pursuit  was  therefore 
given  over,  and,  after  a  brief  rest,  the  con- 
(pieror  turned  iuside  in  the  night,  and  before 
morning  entered  the  town  of  Arbela  without 
opposition.  Here  he  secured  the  rich  treas- 
ures which  the  Persian  king,  pending  tlie  bat- 
tli',  had  lliere  deposited.  The  chariot,  shield, 
and  bow  of  Darius  were  found  among  the 
captured  sjjoils. 

Of  the  uuMd)er  slain  in  the  battle  of  Arbela' 
no  authentic  account  can  be  given.  The  cred- 
ulous Arrian  .says  that  the  Persians  lost  three 
hundred  tlwiusand  in  killed  and  a  still  greater 
number  in  j)risoners,  while  the  whole  loss  of 
the  Greeks  is  stated  at  not  more  than  a  hun- 
dred. Such  a  statement,  however,  is  so  glar- 
ingly improbable  as  to  be  entirely  unworthy  of 
respect.  In  general  it  may  be  said  that  the 
old  authorities  are  of  but  little  value  in  deter- 
mining the  numbers  composing  armies  or  the 
losses  in  battle. 

After  his  overthrow  at  Arbela,  Darius  at- 
tempted to  make  a  stand  in  Jledia.  Around 
him  here  were  gathered  the  scattered  fragments 
of  his  army.  But  Alexander,  knowing  that 
the  king  could  never  again  offer  him  any 
effectual  resistance,  now  turned  his  course  in 
the  direction  of  Babylon.  No  serious  opposi- 
tion, however,  was  to  l)e  anticipated  from  the 
great  cities  of  the  Cliaidiean  plain.  On  arriv- 
ing in  the  vicinity  of  the  great  metropolis  a  vast 
jii'ocession  of  people  with  i)riests  and  nobles  at 
tlie  head  came  out  to  surrender  the  city  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  to  the  .son  of  Philip.  The 
gates  were  oj>ened  and  the  citadel  and  treas- 
ury given  u])  witliout  tlie  slightest  attempt  to 
save  them  from  the  clutch  of  the  conqueror. 
Within  the  Babylonian  vaults  and  treasure- 
houses,  so  vast  a  wealth  of  stores  and  money 
wa.s  found  as  never  before  had  greeted  the 
eyes  of  the  Macedonian  soldiery.  Nor  did 
Alexander  lose  the   o])portunity   to   establish 

'  For  the  true  name  of  this  great  battle  see 
Book  Sixth,  p.  376. 


652 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


himself  in  popular  esteem  by  flattering  the 
national  superstitions.  Careful  respect  was 
shown  to  the  religious  rites  of  the  Babylonians, 
and  the  conqueror  himself  disdained  not  to 
enter  the  great  temple  of  the  city  and  offer 
sacrifices  to  Belus. 

Remaiuiug  for  a  while  in  Babylon,  Alex- 
ander received  a  deputation  from  the  Arme- 
nians of  the  North,  who  professed  their  desire 
to  be  included  as  subjects  of  his  Empire.  Soon 
afterwards  a  delegation  arrived  from  Susa, 
the  Persian  capital,  and  he  was  informed  of 
the  wish  of  that  great  city  to  put  her  keys  in 
his  hands.  The  ambassadors  expressed  their 
dislike  of  the  Persian  dynasty,  and  the  wish  of 
the  Susianiaus  to  share  their  destinies  with  the 
House  of  Macedon.  This  was  important  in- 
telligence, and  Alexander  immediately  availecj 
himself  of  it  by  marching  in  the  direction  of 
the  Persian  capital.  Before  arriving  at  Susa, 
however,  he  was  met  by  a  son  of  the  satrap, 
who  came  out  to  assure  him  of  a  hospitable 
reception.  He  was  informed  that  the  city, 
with  all  its  defenses  and  treasures,  would  be  sur- 
rendered without  delay  or  opposition.  Within 
twenty  days  after  his  departure  from  Babylon 
he  reached  his  destination.  Susa  was  given 
up,  and  the  Macedonian  found  himself  in  j)os- 
session  of  a  sum  equal  to  fifty  millions  of  dol- 
lars. In  the  royal  palace  wei'e  found  many 
of  the  treasures  which  Xerxes  had  taken  from 
the  Greeks.  Among  the  rest  were  two  bronze 
statues  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton,  those 
famous  popular  heroes  who  slew  the  tyrant 
Hipparchus.  These  venerated  relics  were  at 
once  returned  by  Alexander  to  the  Athenians, 
though  the  conqueror  could  hardly  have  been 
in  sympathy  with  the  caijse  of  which  they 
were  the  symbols. 

While  tarrying  at  Susa,  Alexander  rein- 
stated the  wives  and  daughters  of  Darius  in 
the  royal  palace.  He  also,  in  reorganizing  the 
government,  intrusted  the  satrapy  to  a  native 
Persian,  thus  exhibiting  a  conciliatory  disposi- 
tion towards  the  traditions  of  the  people. 
Meanwhile  a  large  reenforcement,  sent  out  by 
Antipater,  arrived  from  Macedonia.  .  With 
them  came  fifty  youths  from  the  most  distin- 
guished families,  who  were  recommended  to 
the  king  as  proper  additions  to  his  body-guard. 


The  time  had  now  come  to  begin  the  in- 
vasion of  the  original  seat  of  the  Persian  Em- 
pire. Between  Susiana  and  Persia  Propef 
were  ranges  of  high  mountains,  the  passes  of 
which  must  be  traversed  by  the  Macedonians 
on  their  way  from  Susa  to  Persepolis.  These 
heights  were  inhabited  by  a  race  of  warlike 
barbarians  who,  even  in  the  palmy  days  of 
Persian  ascendency,  had  maintained  their  in- 
dependence, and  were  in  the  habit,  with  sin- 
gular impudence,  of  obliging  the  subjects  of 
the  Great  King  to  pay  toll  for  the  privilege 
of  passing  through  the  mountains.  It  was 
the  program  of  these  half-savages,  on  the  ap- 
proach of  the  conqueror,  to  occupy  the  cliffs, 
and  compel  the  king  of  IMacedon  to  pay  the 
usual  tribute.  But  the  buccaneers  of  the  hills 
were  soon  taught  auoth(;r  lesson.  The  light> 
armed  IMacedonians,  agile  as  the  mountaineers 
themselves,  hastily  preoccupied  the  heights, 
and  the  barbarians  wen^  glad  to  escape  with 
their  lives.  It  was  not  the  custom  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great  to  pay  for  the  privilege  of 
going  where  he  would. 

At  a  further  stage  of  his  progress  through 
the  hill-country,  the  Macedonian  encountered 
a  still  more  serious  obstacle.  The  Persian 
Gate,  through  which  he  must  descend  from 
the  highland  into  the  plain,  had  been  seized 
by  the  satrap,  Ariobarzanes,  who,  with  forty 
thousand  picked  soldiers,  had  chosen  this  fa- 
vorable position  with  the  determination  to 
stop  the  progress  of  Alexander  toward  the 
East.  In  attempting  to  force  the  pass,  the* 
Macedonians  were  not  only  checked  but  actu- 
ally repelled,  until  what  time  Alexander, 
having  discovered  another  defile  through  the 
mountains,  passed  through  with  one  division 
of  his  army,  and  fell  upon  the  Persian 
rear.  The  discomfiture  of  Ariobarzanes  was 
complete. 

It  was  now  no  longer  any  concern  of  the 
Macedonian  what  should  become  of  the  satrap 
who  had  attempted  to  bar  his  progress,  but 
whether  he  himself  could  reach  Persepolis 
before  the  fugitives  from  the  recent  overthrow 
should  bear  thither  the  news  of  his  coming. 
He  had  been  informed  of  the  purpose  of  the 
Persepolitan  authorities  to  destroy  the  treas- 
ures and  records  of  the  city  rather  than  per- 


MACEDONIA— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


653 


mit  them  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  ravage  r 
of  Asia.  It  wa.s,  therefore,  of  great  impor- 
tance to  Alexauder,  by  becoming  the  herald 
of  his  own  victory,  to  prevent  the  contem- 
plated destruction.  So  rapid  was  his  march 
that  he  dashed  upon  the  city  gates  unau- 
aounced:  nor  could  those  in  authority,  anx- 
ious a.s  they  were  to  save  themselves  by  flight, 
interfere  to  prevent  the  pillage  of  the  capital. 
Persepolis  went  down,  like  the  other  great 
cities  of  Asia,  before  the  trampler  of  the 
Orient. 

Once  safely  established  in  the  capital  of 
the  Empire,  Alexander  again  found  time  to 
pause  for  a  season  from  the  anxieties  of  war. 
Both  he  and  his  soldiers  gave  themselves  up 
to  festivities  not  wholly  free  from  excess  and 
rioting.  At  this  juncture  occurred  one  of  the 
least  creditable  transactions  of  Alexander's 
life — the  burning  of  the  magnificent  palace 
of  the  Persian  kings.  It  appears  that  a  cer- 
tain Thais,  an  Athenian  Hetcera,  celebrated 
for  her  Ijcauty  and  accomplishments,  was  in- 
vited by  Alexander  to  a  banquet  given  by 
him  to  his  generals.  Wine  flowed  freely,  and 
the  Macedonian,  in  common  with  the  rest,  was 
under  the  influence  of  the  inebriating  cup. 
In  the  midst  of  the  feast,  Thais  recalling  to 
mind  the  demolition  of  her  native  city  by  the 
Persians,  and  feeling  towards  them  that  burn- 
ing hatred  of  which  a  woman  only  is  capable, 
proposed  that,  as  a  measure  of  retaliation  and 
revenge,  the  torch  should  now  be  applied  to 
the  royal  palace  of  Persepolis.  It  is  related 
that  the  Greek  generals,  having  recently  no- 
ticed on  the  part  of  Alexander  a  certain  in- 
clination to  look  with  favor  on  the  luxurious 
and  effeminating  manners  of  the  Persians,  and 
fearing,  as  is  believed  lest  lie  should,  in  re- 
organizing the  Empire,  conclude  to  establish 
his  cajjital  in  the  E:i.st,  and  seeing  in  the  great 
palace  of  the  Persepolitan  kings  a  temptation 
to  such  a  course,  interposed  no  objection  to 
the  revengeful  freak  of  the  Athenian  woman. 
Alexander,  perceiving  that  his  generals  did  not 
object  to  the  incendiary  proposition,  not  only 
gave  his  own  as.-ent  to  the  wish  of  his  favor- 
ite, but  himself  rushed  forth  with  a  torch  and 
fired  the  royal  dwelling.  The  progress  of  the 
flames,  however,  soon  sobered   the  temporary 


madman,  and  in  sudden  repentance  for  his 
crime,  he  endeavored  to  save  the  palace  from 
destruction  ;  but  the  conflagration  had  already 
proceeded  so  far  that  only  a  part  of  the  royal 
house  could  be  rescued  from  the  flames. 

For  four  months  after  his  entrance  into 
Persepolis,  Alexander  remained  in  the  city. 
Darius,  meanwhile,  had  established  himself  in 
Ecbatiin<t,  and  was  there  rallying  such  forces 
as  he  could  command,  in  the  hope  of  saving 
the  northern  provinces  of  his  em[)ire.  He 
also  busied  himself  with  that  business  which 
had  now  become  a  part  of  the  traditional 
policy  of  the  Persian  kings,  namely,  the  in- 
stigation of  a  revolt  among  the  states  of 
Greece.  In  collusion  with  Agis,  king  of  the 
Lacedaemonians,  Darius  succeeded,  in  the 
winter  of  B.  C.  331-330,  in  organizing  a  for- 
midable rebellion  among  the  confederated 
powers  of  the  West.  An  army  was  raised  in 
Southern  Greece,  and  an  expedition  planned 
against  Macedonia.  Antipater,  who  was  stUl 
regent  of  the  hereditary  dominions  of  Alex 
ander,  prepared  resistance,  and  even  antici- 
pated the  movements  of  the  enemy  by  march- 
ing into  Peloponnesus.  The  war  was  thus 
precipitated  upon  the  Spartans  and  their 
allies,  and  the  whole  issue  was  soon  decided 
by  a  decisive  battle,  in  which  Antipater  was 
completely  victorious.  The  insurgents  wer^ 
dispersed  and  Agis  slain.  So  complete  was 
the  triumph  of  the  ilacedonian  cause  that 
even  in  Sparta  the  friends  of  ^Vlexandcr  se- 
cured control  of  atfaii-s,  and  a  contingent  of 
Lacedaemonian  troops  was  sent  forward  to  the 
king  at  Persepolis. 

With  the  opening  of  spring  the  conqueror 
left  the  Pei-sian  capital  and  set  out  into 
Media.  On  his  ajiproach  to  Ecbataua,  Darius, 
having  heard  of  the  failure  of  the  movement 
in  his  favor  in  Greece,  and  finding  Iiimself 
unable  to  confront  his  antagonist  in  tlie  field, 
gathered  together  his  treasures,  and  with  a 
guard  of  ten  thousand  men,  left  the  city  to 
become  a  fugitive  in  the  earth.  The  city 
was  taken  without  a  blow,  and  the  whole  of 
Media  was  added  to  the  new  empire  of  the 
Macedonian. 

With  the  latter  it  now  became  a  primn 
ambition — a  passion — to  gain  possession  of  tt-? 


654 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Persian  king.  Accordingly,  having  selected 
a  body  of  his  best  troops,  he  started  in  pur- 
suit of  the  royal  refugee,  and,  after  a  march 
of  incredible  rapidity,  arrived  in  eleven  days 
at  the  city  of  Rhagse,  near  the  great  pass  of 
the  Caucasus,  called  the  Caspian  Gate.  Here 
he  learned  that  Darius  had  abandoned  the 
hill-country  and  was  continuing  his  flight 
across  the  Parthian  plains.  AVhile  making  a 
temporary  pause  to  procure  supplies  and  rest 
his  men,  intelligence  was  brought  to  Alexan- 
der that  Bessus,  the  satrap  of  Bactria,  to- 
gether with  two  others,  one  of  whom  was  a 
cavalry  officer  in  the  body-guard  of  the  king, 
had  conspired  against  Darius,  seized  his  per- 
son, and  were  now  dragging  him  back  to  be 
delivered  to  the  conqueror.  It  was  their  pur- 
pose, however,  after  the  manner  of  Asiatics, 
to  hold  possession  of  their  captive,  and  thus 
be  able  to  extort  terms  favorable  to  them- 
selves— perhaps  to  sell  the  prisoner  at  an 
enormous  price  in  money  and  preferments. 

Setting  out  in  the  night,  Alexander  again 
pressed  forward  with  great  rapidity,  and  on 
the  morrow  arrived  at  a  village  which  had 
just  been  occupied  by  Bessus  and  his  confed- 
erates. Again  hurrying  forward  across  the 
desert,  he  soon  came  in  sight  of  the  fugitives. 
A  brief  and  feeble  resistance  was  offered  to 
the  pursuers,  and  then  the  captors  of  the 
king,  fearing  that  Darius,  when  taken,  might 
induce  Alexander  to  punish  them  for  their 
perfidy,  plunged  their  swords  into  the  royal 
captive  and  left  him  in  his  chariot  hj  the 
road-side  to  die.  In  a  few  moments  the  con- 
queror was  on  the  spot,  but  not  until  the  last 
king  of  the  Persian  Empire  had  breathed  out 
his  life.  Only  the  bleeding,  lifeless  body  of 
him  who  had  once  swayed  the  millions  re- 
mained as  a  trophy  to  the  conqueror.  It  is 
not  often  that  the  history  of  the  world  has 
presented  a  scene  so  dramatic  as  that  of  the 
son  of  Philip  standing  before  the  dead  body 
of  his  adversary.  It  was  greatly  to  the  honor 
of  Alexander  that  he  behaved  with  the  ut- 
most humanity  in  the  presence  of  his  fallen 
foe.  The  royal  corpse  was  carefully  conveyed 
to  Persepolis,  and  splendidly  buried  in  the 
tombs  of  the  Persian  kings. 

With    the    death    of    Darius,    the   empire 


founded  by  Cyrus  the  Great  was  extinguished. 
The  invasion  of  Xerxes,  with  its  attendant 
havoc  and  devastation  to  the  states  of  Greece, 
had,  after  a  century  and  a-half  of  waiting, 
been  amply  avenged  by  the  Macedonian  con- 
queror. There  was  no  longer  any  serious 
opposition  to  the  establishment  of  a  new 
dynasty  on  the  ruins  of  the  East.  For  a 
brief  season,  Bessus,  the  treacherous  satrap  of 
Bactria,  assumed  the  title  of  Artaxerxes  an'' 
laid  claim  to  the  dominions  of  the  Great  King 

It  was,  however,  but  an  act  of  vaulting  am- 
bition which  o'erleaped  itself  and  fell  on  tht 
other  side.  He  was  pursued  by  Alexander 
into  the  province  of  iSogdiana,  cooped  up  in 
a  fortress,  and  finally  surrendered  into  the 
hands  of  the  Macedonians.  After  being  muti- 
lated according  to  the  practice  of  the  East, 
he  was  cruelly  put  to  death.  The  Bactrians, 
however,  for  several  months  continued  to  op- 
pose the  authority  of  Alexander.  It  was 
found  necessary  to  make  a  campaign  into  the 
country  between  the  Caspian  and  the  Jaxar- 
tes.  This  river  was  crossed  by  the  Macedo- 
nian army — the  furthest  limit  of  its  northward 
progress.  The  satrap,  Spitamenes,  called  to 
his  aid  the  people  of  Sogdiaua,  and  the  fierce 
Scythians,  thus  creating  an  army  of  formi- 
dable proportions.  But  the  general,  Coenus, 
soon  overthrew  them  in  battle,  and  Spitame- 
nes was  pursued  into  the  desert  and  put  to 
death.  Another  insurgent,  named  Oxyartes, 
took  possession  of  a  fortress,  situated  in  an 
almost  inaccessible  height,  and,  being  well 
supplied  with  provisions,  bade  defiance  to  the 
jSIacedonians.  When  summoned  to  surrender, 
they  coolly  aske:I  Alexander  if  his  men  had 
wings.  This  piece  of  bravado  was  answered 
on  the  following  day  by  a  Macedonian  storm- 
ing party,  who,  with  hands  and  feet,  if  not 
with  wings,  ascended  the  cliff  and  carried  the 
fortress  by  storm. 

Among  the  captives  found  in  this  strong- 
hold of  the  enemy  was  the  daughter  of  Ox- 
yartes, the  beautiful  Roxana,  whom  Alex- 
ander, against  the  half-suppressed  protests  of 
his  Greeks,  chose  for  his  wife.  It  appears 
that  the  union  was  based  on  politics  as  well  as 
affection ;  for  it  was  now  evident  that  the 
Macedonian  contemplated  the  organic  consoli- 


MACEDOXrA.— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


655 


MACEDONIANS   CROSSING   THE  JAXAHTES. 


656 


UNIVERSAL  HlbTOBY.—THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


dation  of  tlie  various  uations  subdued  by  his 
arms,  aud  that  he  saw  in  intermarriage  one 
of  the  chief  means  by  which  this  result  was 
to  be  accomplished.  It  was  observed,  more- 
over, that  his  army  had  of  late  been  recruited 
from  Asiatic  sources,  and  notwithstanding  the 
jealousy  which  this  measure  created  among 
his  Macedonian  and  Grecian  subjects,  Alexan- 
der persisted  in  the  course  which  seemed  to 
him  most  likely  to  conciliate  the  favor  of  the 
recently  subjugated  peoples. 

Thus  it  was  that  the  banner  and  phalanx 
of  jNIacedonia  were  carried  to  the  borders  of 
India.  Nor  was  there  any  doubt  of  the  ability 
of  the  conqueror  to  press  his  way  eastward 
until  the  ocean  and  the  Himalayas  should  im- 
pede bis  progress.  His  army  was  now  an 
army  of  veterans,  inured  in  the  campaigns  of 
four  successive  years  to  every  species  of  hard- 
ship incident  to  the  camp  and  the  field.  Be- 
sides the  discipline  which  they  had  received 
at  the  hands  of  the  bravest  and  most  expe- 
rienced generals,  the  person  and  example  of 
Alexander  himself,  who  shared  with  his  sol- 
diers all  the  hardships  of  the  march  and  the 
battle,  had  inspired  them  with  enthusiasm  for 
their  leader  and  confidence  in  their  abilities 
to   conquer   the  world. 

To  these  prospects  of  future  achievement 
a  single  circumstance  seemed  to  oppose  a 
barrier.  Of  late  there  had  arisen  trouble  not 
a  little  between  the  Macedonian  and  some  of 
the  officers  of  his  army.  In  the  first  place  he 
•was  led  to  suspect  that  Philotas,  the  son  of 
Parmenio,  was  engaged  in  a  treacherous  con- 
spiracy against  himself.  The  young  general 
was  accordingly  arrested,  tried  before  a  mili- 
tary commission,  condemned  by  his  judges, 
and  put  to  death.  This  was  a  fatal  blow  to 
Parmenio,  who,  though  long  the  confidential 
adviser  of  Philip  and  afterwards  the  ablest 
general  of  Philip's  son,  soon  fell  under  sus- 
picion of  disloyalty,  and,  whether  guilty  or 
innocent,  w-as  speedily  sent  to  his  death.  In 
these  proceedings  it  was  evident  that  the  mu- 
tual trust  of  the  king,  and  his  officers,  which 
for  many  years  had  survived  the  ordeals  of 
privation  and  battle,  was  clouded  with  discon- 
tent and  suspicion. 

The  winter  of  B.  C.  329  was  passed  by  the 


Persian  army  in  Bactria.  It  was  during  this 
interval  that  an  event  occurred  from  the 
eflfects  of  which  the  king  never  wholly  es- 
caped. The  Asiatic  courtiers,  who  now  con- 
stituted a  part  of  the  retinue  of  Alexander, 
began  to  exercise  upon  his  character  a  dele- 
terious influence.  It  is  clear  that  his  ear  was 
no  longer  oflTended  with  the  base  flatteries  of 
the  East.  This  gradual  alienation  from  the 
severe  manners  of  his  father's  court  was 
noticed  with  mortification  by  the  austere 
Macedonians,  who  still  constituted  the  body 
of  his  friends.  On  a  certain  occasion,  in  the 
Bactrian  winter-quarters,  a  banquet  was  given 
in  honor  of  Castor  and  Pollux.  When  all 
were  well  heated  with  wine,  some  of  th» 
fawning  puppies  of  the  East  began  in  theiy 
usual  obsequious  way  to  flatter  the  king  on 
his  great  achievements  and  divine  paternity. 
Thereupon  Clitus,  the  ablest  of  the  Macedo- 
nian generals  after  Parmenio,  and  the  intimate 
friend  of  the  conqueror,  rebuked  the  syco- 
phants with  all  the  hot  words  in  his  vocabulary. 

Alexander,  to  his  shame,  interfered  to  stop 
the  reproaches  of  Clitus,  who  thereupon  turned 
on  his  master  a  torrent  of  well-deserved  re- 
bukes. The  king,  already  excited  with  drink, 
gave  way  to  passion,  and  in  a  moment  of  un- 
governable rage  snatched  a  weapon  from  one 
of  his  guards,  and  gave  his  faithful  general  a 
death-thrust  on  the  spot.  With  the  quick  re- 
turn of  reason,  realizing  the  horrible  crime 
which  he  had  committed,  he  fell  into  bitter 
remorse,  shut  himself  up  in  his  chamber, 
would  not  see  his  friends,  and  for  three  days 
neither  ate  nor  drank.  Finally  he  was  per- 
suaded that  the  rash  murder  of  his  friend  was 
chargeable  to  Bacchus  rather  than  to  himself, 
and  with  this  miserable  subterfuge  he  quieted 
his  conscience. 

A  short  time  afterwards  an  event  occurred 
which  came  near  costing  Alexander  his  life. 
Among  his  retainers  was  a  company  of  young 
men  known  as  the  Band  of  Pages.  Their 
leader  was  a  certain  Hermolaiis.  On  an  oc- 
casion Alexander  accompanied  these  youths 
on  a  boar  hunt  in  the  Bactrian  forests. 
When  the  beast  was  brought  to  bay,  Herma- 
laiis,  without  waiting  according  to  good  man- 
uers  for  the  king-  to  strike  down  the  game. 


MACEDONIA.— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


657 


himself  gave  the  death  blow.  Alexander,  in 
childish  anger  for  the  affront  thus  offered,  fell 
upon  the  young  man  in  the  presence  of  his 
companions,  beat  him  with  a  rod,  and  took 
away  his  horse.  Hermolaiis  showed  himself 
capable  of  revenge.  Taking  four  of  his  com- 
panions into  hid  confidence,  he  made  con- 
spiracy witli  them  to  kill  the  king  that  night 
in  his  bed-clianiber ;  for  the  pages  were  the 
guardians  of  the  royal  sleeping  apartments.  It 
chanced,  however,  that  the  plot  was  overheard 
by  the  convenient  old  woman  who  was  near 
the  chamber.  She  thereuj)on  persuaded  the 
king  not  to  retire  that  night;  and  on  the  fol- 
lowing day,  the  young  men  being  put  to  the 
rack,  confessed  the  particulars  of  their  mur- 
derous scheme.  They,,  also,  declared  that  the 
instigator  of  the  plot  was  a  certain  Athenian 
named  Callisthenes,  an  arrogant  philosopher 
belonging  to  the  court.  He  and  the  young 
men  were  straightway  condemned  and  exe- 
cuted. 

The  time  had  now  arrived  to  begin  the 
contemplated  expedition  into  India.  In  the 
spring  of  B.  C.  327,  Alexander  set  out  across 
the  mountain  range  of  Paropamisus,  and 
quickly  j)enetrated  the  valley  of  the  Indus. 
His  army  was  now  swollen  to  more  than  one 
hundred  thousand  men.  This  great  force  he 
divided  into  two  corps,  reserving  the  conimaud 
of  one  for  himself,  and  giving  the  other  to 
Hephfestion.  This  general  the  king  ordered 
to  press  forward  to  the  river  Cophenes,  while 
he  himself  undertook  the  conquest  of  the  bar- 
barous tribes  dwelling  between  that  river  and 
the  Indu.s.  As  soon  as  this  work  was  accom- 
plished, he  crossed  the  great  river,  and  made 
his  way  into  the  eastern  provinces.  Several 
districts  were  rapidly  overrun,  and  a  certain 
Taxiles,  the  most  important  ruler  of  this  re- 
gion, made  a  voluntary  suririHl(  r  (if  his  terri- 
tories. He  also  sent  to  tlie  conqueror  a 
present  of  seven  thousand  Indian  horses,  and 
in  iitlier  ways  testified  his  willingness  to  be 
enrolled  among  the  subjects  of  the  king. 
Alexander  cordiallv  acee])tcd  the  ])rincc  as  his 
ally,  and  restored  him  to  his  ilnmiiiions. 

Meanwhile,  Pours,  the  most  ])iiw('rful  king 
of  South-eastern  India,  had  gathered  a  vast 
army  of  his  subjects  and  advanced  to  the  river 


Hydiispes  to  oppose  the  passage  of  the  Mace- 
donians. For  the  third  time  in  the  course 
of  his  campaigns,  Alexander  beheld  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  a  stream  the  cohorts  of  an 
innumerable  enemy  drawn  up  to  hinder  hia 
progress.  To  the  mind  of  the  Macedonian, 
the  present  emergency  seemed  more  grave 
than  that  which  presented  itself  at  the  Gran- 
icus  or  Issus.  Instead,  therefore,  of  dashing 
into  the  river  with  the  reckless  audacity  dis- 
played in  his  first  battle,  he  hesitated  and 
maneuvered.  After  making  .«o  many  feints 
as  to  throw  Porus  off  ins  guard,  he  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  crossing  in  the  night.  A  general 
engagement  ensued  with  the  morning  light,  and 
the  Indians  were  completely  routed.  The  two 
sons  of  the  king  and  twenty-three  thousand 
of  his  troops  were  killed.  Porus  himself, 
flying  on  his  great  war  elephant,  was  cap- 
tured and  brought  into  the  presence  of  Alex- 
ander. 

It  is  narrated  that  the  Indian  prince  was 
of  so  goodly  a  person  and  manners  that  the 
Macedonian,  greatly  impressed  with  the  bear- 
ing of  his  prisoner,  asked  him  in  what  way 
he  could  serve  him.  "By  acting  like  a 
king,"  was  the  reply.  "  I  should  do  as  much 
for  my  own  sake,"  said  Alexander;  "but 
what  shall  I  do  for  yours?"  Porus  answered, 
"I  have  preferred  my  only  request."  So 
greatly  was  Alexander  pleased  with  the  re- 
sponse of  the  royal  captive  that  he  at  once 
reinstated  him  in  authority ;  and  having 
presently  conquered  thirty -seven  cities  on  the 
eastern  frontier,  he  added  them  to  tlie  jjosses- 
sion  of  his  new  friend  and  confederate.' 

Having  completed  tlie  conquest  of  India, 
the  conqueror  sought  recreation  for  himself 
and  his  men  by  instituting  on  the  bank  of 
the  llydaspes  a  series  of  gymnastic  and  ecjues- 
trian  games  like  the  Olympic  festival  of 
Greece.  AVheu  the  celebration  was  com- 
pleted, he  proceeded  to  found  in  honor  of  his 
victories   the  city  of  Nicsea,  and  soon  after- 

'  The  reader  can  but  be  struck  witli  the  supe- 
rior bearing  of  .Mexander  in  tlie  field.  War 
brought  out  the  better  qualities  of  his  character 
and  genius.  It  was  in  the  times  of  surcease,  when 
his  restless  energies  no  longer  found  vent  in  the 
excitement  of  campaign  and  liattle  that  his  pas- 
sions turned  to  meanness  and  depravity. 


658 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.-TEE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


DEFEAT  OF  POHUS  BY  THE  MACEDONUNS. 


MACEDONIA.— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


659. 


wards  he  selected  a  site  for  Bucephalia,  so 
named  in  honor  of  his  famous  horse,  Buceph- 
alus. The  conqueror  then  intrusted  to  Cra- 
terus  a  division  of  his  army,  with  instructions 
to  build  and  fortify  the  new  cities.  He  him- 
self witli  the  remaining  division  again  set  out 
towards  the  east.  He  crossed  first  the  river 
Acesiues,  and  in  the  region  beyond  con- 
quered a  second  prince  named  Porus.  He 
then  passed  the  Hydraotes,  and  came  into 
a  country  inhabited  by  independent  tribes, 
which  attempted  in  their  half-barbarous  way 
to  impede  his  progress.  A  battle  was  fought 
with  them  and  they  were  routed  in  confusion. 
They  tlien  retired  into  their  fortress  of  San- 
gala,  and  having  refused  to  capitulate,  were 
besieged  by  the  Macedonian  army.  For  a 
brief  period  the  town  was  obstinately  de- 
fended, but  was  presently  carried  by  storm. 
Seventeen  thousand  of  the  Indians  were  killed 
in  the  assault,  and  seventy  thousand  liiore 
were  made  prisoners.  The  city  was  leveled 
to  the  ground,  and  the  confederate  tribes  not 
involved  in  its  destruction  fled  beyond  the 
Hyphasis  for  safety. 

All  of  the  vast  region  known  as  the  Pun- 
jaub,  or  Land  of  the  Five  Rivers,  was  now 
completely  subjugated.  Of  the  great  streams, 
by  which  this  country  was  watered,  the  Hy- 
phasis, just  mentioned,  was  the  most  easterly. 
This  river,  therefore,  constituted  the  natural 
limit  of  Upi)er  India.  But  no  corresponding 
limit  wa.s  found  to  the  ambition  of  Alexander. 
He  immediately  began  to  prepare  to  cross  the 
Hyphasis,  and  to  continue  his  progress  to  the 
East.  Hut  here  at  last  tiie  fates  had  decreed 
that  the  son  of  Philip  should  pause.  The 
arrow  shot  from  strongest  bow  into  highest 
sky  must  turn  somewhere  and  seek  again  the 
earth  in  its  flight.  If  the  impulse  of  conquest 
itill  bore  onward  the  conqueror  himself,  it 
wa.s  no  longer  felt  in  the  breasts  of  his  gen- 
erals and  men.  On  the  banks  of  the  Hy- 
pha.sis  they  iiesitatod,  wavered,  refused  to  go 
furtlier.  In  vain  did  the  baffled  Macedonian 
attempt  to  persuade  his  commanders  and  .sol- 
diers to  accompany  him  to  the  (Txtreme  of 
Asia.  In  vain  he  pnmiised  tliem  an  ea.^y  and 
circuitous  route  through  victory  and  spoil  to 
the  ocean   of  Inilia.     Then    thev  should  sail 


homeward  by  a  brief  and  ])leasaTit  passage- 
through  the  Persian  Gulf  But  destiny  was 
fi.xed — they  would  go  no  further.  So,  to 
conceal  his  defeat  and  mortification,  the  con- 
queror consulted  the  gods  and  announced  that 
the  divine  oracles  had  indeed  decreed  a  return 
to  Europe.  Under  the  breastplate  of  Mara 
api>eared  the  duplicity  of  the  priest  and  the 
shrewdness  of  the  politician ! 

So  the  Macedonian  proceeded  to  build 
twelve  pillars  on  the  bank  of  Hyphasis,  and 
left  them  there  as  monuments  of  his  victory 
and  as  limits  of  his  progress  towards  the  ris- 
ing sun.  To  Porus  he  then  intrusted  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  seven  provinces — with  their 
two  thousand  cities — which  he  had  conquered 
in  his  Indian  campaign,  and  himself  immedi- 
ately pre])ared  to  descend  the  Hydaspes  to  the 
Indus  and  the  Indus  to  the  sea. 

As  soon  as  the  arrangements  f<n-  the  return 
to  Europe  could  be  completed,  the  conqueror 
formed  his  army  in  three  divisions,  giving  th& 
first  to  Hei)hiestion,  the  second  to  Craterus, 
and  reserving  the  third  for  himself  The 
first  two  divisions  were  ordered  to  proceed 
along  the  river  bank,  while  the  commander 
himself,  with  his  division,  embarked  on  board 
a  fleet  built  for  the  purpose  by  the  Phoenician 
and  Cypriot  carpenters  belonging  to  the  army. 
Frequently  in  his  progress  down  the  river  the 
conqueror  was  hindered  by  the  hostility  of 
native  tribes.  In  one  instance  a  nation  called 
the  -Malli  so  greatly  retarded  his  movements 
that  he  felt  constrained  to  go  on  shore  and 
besiege  their  capital.  This  was  defended  with 
much  spirit  by  the  barbarians,  until  Alexan- 
der, vexed  with  the  delay,  ordered  the  place 
to  be  carried  by  storm.  The  assault  was  at 
once  made,  and  every  thing  fell  before  the 
charge  of  the  Macedonians  until  they  came  to 
the  citadel.  Here  the  ramjjarts  ha<l  to  be 
mounted  with  scaling-ladders.  These  the 
king  at  once  ordered  to  be  Ijrought  forward ; 
but  becoming  angry  at  wliat  to  him  seemed 
unnecessary  delay,  he  snatched  a  ladder  him- 
.self  placed  it  against  the  wall,  and  in  spite 
of  the  vociferous  remonstrances  of  liis  com- 
panions began  rapidly  mounting  to  the   top. 

In  order  to  save  their  king  from  what  seemed 
certain  destruction,  tiie  Macedonians  pressed 


€60 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


after  him;  but  just  as  he  reached  the  summit 
the  ladder  broke,  and  all  the  rest  were  pre- 
cipitated to  the  ground.  The  son  of  Philip 
was  left  alone  on  the  top  of  the  rampart, 
where  his  brilliant  armor  flashing  in  the  sun 
made  him  a  conspicuous  mark  for  a  hundred 
javelins.  Nothing  but  his  audacity  saved 
him  from  certain  death.  Instead  of  attempt- 
ing to  escape  he  leaped  boldly  in  the  citadel, 
placed  his  back  to  the  wall,  and  cut  down 
the  Mallian  commander,  with  several  others 
who  rushed  upon  him.  In  a  few  moments 
three  of  his  own  trusted  followers  scaled  the 
rampart  and  sprang  to  the  side  of  their  king. 
The  first  instantly  fell,  fatally  wounded,  but 
the  other  two  placed  themselves  between  the 
foe  and  the  king,  who  had  already  received 
an  arrow  in  his  breast,  and  beat  back  the  as- 
sailants until  the  Macedonians  broke  through 
the  walls  and  the  place  was  carried.  The 
wound  of  the  king  was  not  such  as  to  endan- 
ger his  life,  but  the  peril  to  which  his  rash- 
ness had  exposed  him  was  perhaps  the  great- 
est which  he  had  ever  faced  in  the  vicissitudes 
of  battle. 

Having  reached  the  sea,  arrangements 
were  at  once  completed  for  the  return  of  the 
expedition,  first  to  the  capital  of  Persia,  and 
afterwards  to  Europe.  The  army  was  divided 
into  two  parts,  one  of  which  was  to  embark 
on  the  fleet  and  the  other  to  proceed  overland 
across  the  Gedrosian  desert ;  for  it  was  deemed 
necessary  that  the  two  divisions  by  land  and 
sea  should  keep  within  supporting  distance, 
the  land  forces  to  supply  the  squadron  from 
time  to  time,  and  the  squadron  to  furnish  the 
land  forces  with  the  means  of  embarkation 
should  the  same  be  found  desirable. 

The  fleet  was  under  command  of  Nearchus, 
and  Alexander  himself  took  charge  of  the  di- 
vision which  was  to  proceed  to  Persia.  March- 
ing at  the  head  of  his  columns,  carrying  full 
armor,  and  claiming  no  exemption  from  the 
hardships  of  the  common  soldier,  the  con- 
queror plunged  into  the  desert  sands,  and  for 
two  months  toiled  on  through  the  Gedrosian 
waste.  Not  until  the  expedition  reached  the 
province  of  Carmania  were  adequate  supplies 
obtained  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  army. 

During  the  two  years'  absence  of  Alexan- 


der in  the  East,  the  governors  of  Babylon, 
Persepolis,  and  Susa,  behaving  after  the  man- 
ner of  Orientals,  had  resumed  the  oppressive 
methods  of  government  to  which  both  they 
and  the  people  had  so  long  been  accustomed. 
Great  abuses  had  prevailed,  and  the  conqueror 
found  his  subjects  restless  and  discontented 
under  the  exactions  of  their  rulers.  To  regu- 
late these  disorders  and  to  punish  those  of  his 
subordinates  who  had  proved  unworthy  of 
their  trust  were  now  the  first  duties  of  the 
king. 

More  than  ever  he  perceived  the  desira- 
bility of  unifying  as  far  as  practicable  the 
diverse  nationalities  over  which  he  was  called 
to  rule.  He,  therefore,  redoubled  his  exer- 
tions in  the  way  of  conciliating  the  various 
peoples  under  his  sway,  and  as  a  means  of 
doing  so  he  again  had  recourse  to  intermar- 
riages. It  will  be  remembered  that  the  fam- 
ily of  Darius  had  been  left  in  the  palace  of 
Susa  about  three  years  previously.  On  re- 
turning to  that  place  Alexander  proceeded  to 
celebrate  his  marriage  with  the  eldest  daugh- 
ter of  the  late  king.  To  Hephisstion,  his 
favorite  general,  he  gave  a  sister  of  the  prin- 
cess which  he  himself  had  chosen.  To  Near- 
chus was  assigned  the  daughter  of  Mentor, 
the  brother  of  that  Memnon  who  had  so  ably 
opposed  the  Macedonian  at  the  beginning  of 
his  career.  Eighty  of  the  leading  commanders 
of  the  army  were  rewarded  with  princesses 
of  Persia,  and  the  nuptials  were  celebrated 
with  great  magnificence  after  the  style  of  the 
country.  By  these  means  the  aflfections  of 
the  Persians  were  rapidly  turned  to  him  who 
had  scourged  them ;  but  to  the  Greeks  there 
was  much  that  was  distasteful  in  the  proceed- 
ings-of  their  great  leader. 

Having  remained  for  a  time  at  Susa,  busy 
with  plans  and  projects  for  the  organization 
and  development  of  the  Empire,  Alexander 
now  set  out  for  Babylon.  He  descended  the 
Eubseus  and  then  ascended  the  Tigris,  making 
surveys  and  maps  of  the  rivers  with  a  view 
to  their  future  improvement.  A  corps  of 
competent  engineers  accompanied  him,  and 
these  were  constantly  consulted  as  to  the  best 
means  of  opening  the  country  to  commerce 
and   an   improved   civilization.      There  is  no 


MACEDOXIA.—ALEXAXDER  THE  GREAT. 


66] 


period  in  Alexander's  life  in  wliicli  lie  appears 
to  a  better  advantaufe  than  iu  this  careful  ex- 
ploration of  his  dominions  with  a  view  to  the 
establishment  of  a  reign  of  peace.  Especially 
were  his  energies  judiciously  employed  on 
arriving  at  Babylon.  Hitherto  it  appeared 
to  have  been  the  chief  concern  of  the  rulers 
of  that  great  city  to  protect  it  by  some  artificial 
means  from  the  hazard  of  capture  by  an 
enemy.  Fear  had  made  a  league  with  the 
Euphrates.  Dams  had  been  l)iiilt  across  the 
channel  in  such  a  way  as  to  inundate  those 
parts  before  the  city  over  which  the  Assyrian 
might  assail  the  gates.  The  natural  uses  of 
the  great  river  as  a  way  of  commerce  and  a 
source    of   irrigation    were    thus    destroyed. 

Alexander,  on  discovering  the  condition  of 
affiiirs,  made  haste  to  open  the  channel  for 
his  fleet  and  the  merchantmen  of  the  world. 
He  hail  the  harbors  repaired  and  enlarged 
until  they  were  able  to  accommodate  a  thou- 
sand ships.  He  encouraged  every  enterprise 
which  promised  to  facilitate  the  opening 
of  commerce  with  distant  regions,  and  to 
stimulate  the  industrial  energies  of  the  vast 
populations  under  Ids  authority.  He  orderc<l 
his  engineers  to  construct  new  channels  by 
which  the  waters  of  the  Euphrates  might  be 
better  distributed  for  purpo.ses  of  irrigation 
and  to  drain  the  great  marsiies  to  the  west  of 
the  river,  where  for  ages  this  overflow  had 
gathered  into  stagnant  pools,  unfitting  the 
land  for  habitation. 

When  these  grand  enterprises  were  well 
under  way  Alexander  ascended  the  Tigris  to 
the  city  of  Opis,  where  he  caused  to  be  cele- 
brated the  Olympic  festival.  It  was  on  this 
occasion  that  he  had  to  face  another  mutiny 
of  his  solilicrs.  The  veteran  Greeks  of  his 
army  could  not  conceal  their  inherent  dislike 
for  the  manners  and  character  of  the  Orien- 
tals. With  chagrin  and  mortification  thej' 
had  seen  their  great  leader  more  and  more 
assinnlated  to  the  Persian  mode  of.  life.  Even 
his  dress  wiis  conformed  to  the  style.--  of  the 
East.  Unable  to  see  in  nil  this  any  thing 
but  an  alienation  of  the  king  from  the  .severe 
habits  and  discipline  of  his  native  land,  the 
sturdy  Macedonians  became  morose,  melan- 
choiy,  mutinous.     They  denmnded  tiie  ])rivi- 


lege  of  returning  home.  They  refused  longer 
to  participate  in  useless  struggles  with  barba- 
rians and  camjiaigns  which  were  endless. 

In  this  peril  the  genius  of  Alexander  stood 
him  well  in  hand.  He  made  an  address  to 
his  soldiers  in  which  he  reviewed  their  won- 
derful achievements,  extolled  their  heroism, 
depicted  the  rescue  of  Asia  from  barbarism 
by  their  valor,  and  exhorted  them  not  to  tar- 
nish their  reputation  and  the  glory  of  the 
Greek  name  by  yielding  to  bad  pa.ssious  and 
pernicious  counsels.  Such  was  the  power  of 
the  appeal  that  the  soldiers  were  overcome 
with  mingled  remorse  an('  admiration.  A  re- 
action flashed  along  the  ranks,  and  the  mutiny 
was  at  an  end.  The  conqueror  then  availed 
himself  of  the  situation  by  sending  to  their 
homes  ten  thousand  of  his  veterans.  He 
loaded  them  with  rewards  and  honors  and 
j)ut  them  in  charge  of  the  able  Craterus, 
whom  he  commissioned  as  regent  of  .Macedo- 
nia in  place  of  Antij)ater.  Thus  by  prudence 
and  sound  discretiori  he  converted  an  alarming 
insurrection  into  an  increase  of  power  and 
authority  over  his  army. 

In  the  mountainous  district  between  Media 
and  Persia  dwelt  a  tribe  of  warlike  bari)ariaus 
who  during  the  whole  ascendency  of  Achse- 
menian  dyna.sty  had  maintained  their  inde- 
])eiidence.  Nor  were  they  more  inclined  to 
yield  iibedience  to  Alexander.  Unable  to  re- 
duce them  except  by  force  the  Macedonian 
set  out  from  Opis  and  crossed  the  Jlciliau 
border.  AVhilc  on  the  way  one  of  the  satraps 
sent  to  him  a  body-guard  composed  of  a  hun- 
dred Amazons,  perhaps  the  most  novel  con- 
tingent ever  added  to  his  army.  The  famous 
woman-warriors  were  mounted  like  troopers 
and  carried  battle-axes  and  lances. 

Before  engaging  the  mduntaineei-s  who 
had  defied  his  authority,  Alexander  had  the 
misfortune  to  lose  his  bosom  friend  and 
trusteil  general,  Hephaestion.  No  previous 
personal  loss  had  so  deeply  aflected  him.  For 
days  together  he  would  neither  "at  nor  drink. 
As  usual  when  iu  grief,  he  shut  himself  up, 
and  would  not  be  ton.soled.  At  last  he  found 
some  comfort  in  gi  -ing  his  friend  a  magnifi- 
cent funeral,  and  chen  his  attention  wjis  dis- 
tracted by  the  excitements  of  the  campaign. 


662 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.~THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


In  a  short  time  the  Cossees  were  subdued, 
and  the  Macedonian,  having  for  the  moment 
no  other  enemies  with  whom  to  contend, 
found  time  for  a  civU  enterprise  more  worthy 
of  his  genius.  This  was  the  exploration  of 
the  Caspian  sea.  Until  now  it  had  been  be- 
lieved that  this  great  body  of  water  was  but 
an  arm  of  the  Arctic  Ocean.  Alexander 
gave  instructions  to  Heraclides,  commander 
of  the  shipwrights,  to  go  into  the  Hyrcaniau 
forest,  prepare  a  fleet,  and  determine  the 
geographical  limits  of  the  unknown  sea. 
He  himself,  when  the  work  was  well  under 
way,  departed  for  Babylon,  having  deter- 
mined to  make  a  foimal  entry  into  the  city, 
and  from  that  center  direct  the  affairs  of  his 
government. 

After  the  battle  of  Arbela,  Alexander 
had  intrusted  the  Babylonian  government  to 
the  priests  of  the  temple  of  Belus.  These 
hierarchs  had  all  the  subtlety  and  double- 
dealing  habits  of  tlieir  race.  Knowing  the 
use  to  which  they  had  put  the  king's  reve- 
nues, and  dreading  an  examination  of  their 
accounts  with  the  royal  treasury,  they  under- 
took to  prevent  Alexander  from  visiting  the 
city.  They  sent  out  a  deputation  of  sooth- 
sayers to  warn  him  that  the  omens  were  not 
favorable  for  his  present  coming,  and  advising 
delay.  But  the  king  easily  penetrated  their 
hypocritic?  .  anxiety,  and  put  them  to  confu- 
sion by  quoting  a  saying  of  Euripides  that  he 
's  the  best  propliet  who  makes  the  best  guess! 

Having  established  himself  in  the  palace 
at  Babylon,  he  immediately  resumed  the  great 
works  from  which  he  had  been  distracted  by 
the  campaign  into  Media.  Further  improve- 
ments of  the  river  were  projected,  and  he 
himself  spent  days  together  in  an  open  boat, 
under  the  burning  sun,  directing  the  work  of 
his  engineers.  He  also  planned  an  elaborate 
survey  of  the  coasts  of  Arabia  and  Eastern 
Africa ;  and  at  the  same  time  his  mind  was 
busy  with  future  military  operations,  which 
embraced,  among  other  schemes,  the  conquest 
of  Western  Europe.  Nor  was  such  an  en- 
largement of  his  empire  beyond  the  possibili- 
ties of  his  all-embracing  genius.  His  fame  as 
a  conqueror  had  already  extended  to  the  re- 
motest parts  of  the  civilized  world ;  and  the 


dream  of  universal  empire  was  less  visionary 
with  him  than  with  any  other  character  of 
history.  ^V^hile  tarrying  at  Babylon,  embas- 
sies came  from  Libya  and  Carthage,  and  from 
the  Italian  states  of  Lucania  and  Tuscany ; 
and  it  is  alleged  that  envoys  were  received 
from  European  Scythia  as  well  as  from  Gaul 
and  Spain. 

His  first  actual  campaign  was  planned 
against  Africa,  but  before  entering  upon  an 
enterprise  so  vast  and  of  such  uncertain 
duration,  he  ordered  a  magnificent  sacrifice 
to  the  gods  and  a  feast  to  his  army.  The 
day  was  one  of  the  most  famous  in  the  history 
of  the  great  festivals  of  Babylon.  The  king 
himself  entered  most  heartily  into  the  cere- 
monies, participating  with  his  officers  in  the 
banquet  with  which  the  pageant  was  con- 
cluded. Whether  the  momentous  event  which 
followed  hard  after  the  festivities  was  trace- 
able to  the  excesses  of  which  the  king  was 
guilty,  or  whether  his  exposure  in  the  marsh- 
lands about  Babylon  had  poisoned  his  system 
with  malaria,  or  whether  his  constitution  was 
broken  by  the  hardships  and  fatigues  of  so 
many  campaigns,  or  whether  all  of  these  cir- 
cumstances combined  at  this  crisis  to  bring 
the  great  Macedonian  to  his  bed — is  not  cer- 
tainly known.  At  any  rate,  on  tiie  day  after 
the  festival  he  was  seized  with  a  violent  fever. 
For  several  days,  however,  he  continued  to 
attend  to  his  duties,  bathing,  ofl'eriug  sacrifi- 
ces, and  receiving  embassies ;  but  on  the  eighth 
day  his  condition  became  serious ;  on ,  the 
ninth,  critical;  and  on  the  tenth,  his  life  was 
despaired  of. 

As  soon  as  the  intelligence  was  carried  to 
the  army,  the  soldiers  were  thrown  into  the 
greatest  agitation.  They  distrusted  the  com- 
manders who  were  near  the  person  of  their 
king,  and  broke  out  with  violent  threats  un- 
less they  should  at  once  be  admitted  to  his 
presence.  Certain  of  their  number  were  ac- 
cordingly brought  into  the  chamber  where  tho 
son  of  Pliilip  was  breathing  his  last.  He  ex- 
changed a  look  of  sympathy  with  his  veterans, 
and  held  out  his  hand,  but  was  unable  to 
speak.  He  lived  till  the  following  morning 
and  expired  in  the  midst  of  his  generali. 

Many  stories  were  set  afloat  to  account  for 


AIACEDOXIA.— ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


663 


his  sudden  death,  one  of  wliich  was  that  Aris- 
totle had  prepared  for  Antipater,  the  deposed 
regent  of  Macedonia,  a  subtle  poison,  which 
the  latter  forwarded  to  Babylon  to  be  used 
against  the  person  of  the  kinji:.  But  subsequent 
investigations  dispelled  such  riiiiiors,  and  left  it 
clear  that  Alexander  had  died  from  natural 
causes.  The  great  event  which  left  the  em- 
pire of  Asia  without  a  master  occurred  in 
B.  C.  323. 

Alexander  the  Great,  who.se  remarkable  ca- 
reer has  been  summarized  in  the  preceding 
pages  was  at  the  time  of  his  death  but  thirty- 
two  years  and  eight  months  of  age.  In  person 
he  was  handsome  and  well-proportioned,  though 
not  sufficiently  tall  to  make  his  presence  espe- 
cially commanding.  The  discipline  of  his  boy- 
hood iiad  been  such  as  to  give  him  symmetry 
ef  body  and  soundness  of  constitution.  Be- 
ginning the  military  life  before  he  reached  liis 
majority,  he  became  inured  to  every  sjiecies 
of  hardship  and  exposure.  It  was,  however, 
in  the  quality  of  his  mind  that  he  .surpassed 
all  the  heroes  of  his  times.  His  ambition  was 
as  great  as  the  arena,  and  the  arena  was  the 
world.  His  courage  was  equal  to  his  ambi- 
tion, and  his  genius  to  his  courage.  His  sa- 
gacity in  the  council  was  as  great  as  his  abili- 
ties in  the  field ;  and  his  skill  in  discerning  the 
motives  of  men,  in  exposing  intrigue,  and  in 
outwitting  the  craft  of  an  enemy,  was  preem- 
inent above  all  his  contemporaries.  Of  his 
vices  the  most  conspicuous  were  the  inordinate 
passion  of  which  he  was  sometimes  guilty, 
and  the  strong  appetite  which  he  too  frequently 
indulged.  His  chief  follies  were  vanity  and 
superstition  —  the  former  manifested  in  the 
pleasure  which  he  e\ndently  took  in  those  who 
praised  him  and  his  deeds,  and  the  latter  in 
such  supreme  nonsense  as  claiming  his  pater- 
nity from  Jupiter.  As  in  the  case  of  other 
conquerors,  it  has  been  the  fate  of  the  Mace- 
donian to  have  his  name  used  as  a  synonym 
for  cruelty,  heartlessness,  tjTanny.  The  su- 
perficial gaze  of  mankind  has  been  fixed  on 
the  turmoil  and  destruction  of  his  great  battles. 
The  bloody  field  strewn  with  the  mangled 
bodies  of  thousands  has  shut  from  sight  the 


better  qualities  of  the  man.  In  humanity  and 
magnanimity  he  was  i)reeminent  above  all 
the  great  men  of  his  age.  It  may  be  said 
that  by  him  and  his  father  a  new  code  of  war 
was  instituted  among  the  nations — a  code 
which  had  a  method  in  its  cruelty,  and  which 
had  an  end  and  aim  beyond  the  mere  fact  of 
spoliation  and  con(juest. 

The  consequences  of  Alexander's  career  and 
works  were  in  the  highest  measure  salutary. 
Before  his  day  Asia  was  effete.  For  centuries 
the  great  consolidated  despotisms  of  the  East — 
Assyria,  Babylonia,  Persia — had  hung  like  a 
pall  en  the  si)irit  of  man.  Alexander  dis- 
jielled  the  cloud  and  liberated  from  bondage. 
He  drew  across  the  fertile  plains  of  Asia  Minor 
and  Mesopotamia  the  tremendous  plowshare  of 
reform.  He  stirred  the  nations  to  their  pro- 
foundest  depths.  He  broke  up  and  trampled 
on  the  traditions  and  precedents  of  the  Asi- 
atics. He  cleft  the  high  walls  which  barba- 
rism, owl-lLke,  had  reared  between  herself  and 
the  light;  and  the  light  streamed  through. 
He  came  as  a  harbinger  out  of  the  young  and 
resolute  West.  He  and  his  generals  were 
scholars  and  statesmen.  They  spoke  Greek. 
The  beautiful  speech  of  the  Hellenes  flowed 
like  quicksilver  through  the  dirt  and  linguistic 
dtiris  of  the  East.  It  carried  on  its  liquid 
tide  the  most  .splendid  literature  of  the  ancient 
world.  Art  grew  like  a  hyacinth  from  the 
mire  of  his  battles.  Letters  flourished  in  his 
capitals.  The  barbarians  heard  the  sound 
thereof  and  were  glad.  The  date-palms  of 
the  Euphrates  quivered  with  the  agitation  of 
a  new  life.  Commerce  put  on  new  robes  and 
walked  like  a  queen  over  the  long-abandoned 
quays  of  Babylon.  In  the  course  of  his  con- 
quests, civilization  gained  a  victory  over  dark- 
ness, and  the  sky  brightened  from  east  to  'vest 
over  half  the  world.  Though  anarchy  came 
by  his  death,  the  results  of  his  great  activities 
had  taken  so  firm  hold  on  the  soil  of  Asia  as 
never  to  be  uprooted.  For  men  having  once 
arisen  to  a  better  estate  and  felt  the  blessing 
i)f  the  sunlight  do  not  willingl)'  go  back  to 
darkness,  or  lie  again  contented  in  the  wallow 
of  barbarism. 


664 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


Chapter  lt.— Successors  ok  Alexander. 


HE  death  of  Alexander 
the  Great  left  the  world 
without  a  master.  Nor 
had  the  work  of  organ- 
izing and  consolidating  the 
great  empires,  subdued  by 
yi  his  arms,  proceeded  suffi- 
ciently far  to  give  promise  of  succesfful  com- 
pletion. He  left  no  successor  who  could  right- 
fully claim  the  scepter.  The  children  born 
of  his  Asiatic  wives  were  not  regarded  as  legit- 
imate claimants  of  the  throne.  His  oldest  son, 
born  of  Barcina,  the  widow  of  Memuon,  was 
but  five  years  of  age.  It  was  not  to  be  sup- 
posed that  the  burdens  and  responsibilities  of 
a  great  military  empire  would  be  devolved 
upon  such  a  child,  even  under  a  regency. 
Eoxana,  his  Bactrian  queen,  had  not  yet  be- 
come a  mother.  Of  all  who  might  with  some 
show  of  reason  lay  claim  to  the  succession, 
Arrhidseus,  the  half-brother  of  Alexander,  son 
'of  Philip  and  Philiue,  held  the  first  place,  and 
to  him  the  Greek  and  ]\Iacedonian  leaders  first 
looked  as  to  a  possible  successor.  But  Arrhi- 
dffius  had  neither  intellect  nor  ambition.  His 
education  had  not  been  directed  to  the  conduct 
of  affairs,  and  his  native  force  was  so  feeble 
as  to  make  him  even  an  inefficient  tool  in  the 
hands  of  others.  It  was  evident,  therefore, 
that  the  strong  hand  of  military  power  must 
be  stretched  out  over  the  chaos  occasioned  by 
the  death  of  Alexander. 

As  soon  as  the  son  of  Philip  was  no  more, 
eight  of  the  leading  generals  of  the  army,  to- 
gether with  Perdiccas,  to  whom  Alexander  had 
given  his  ring  and  signet,  assembled  in  Baby- 
lon to  consider  the  condition  of  the  Empire 
and  to  devise  means  for  its  government.  These 
eight  commanders  were  Leonatus,  Lysimachus, 
Aristonous,  Python,  Seleucus,  Eumenes,  Me- 
leager,  and  Nearchus.  Meanwhile  the  phalanx, 
being  Macedonian  and  more  concerned  in  the 
afl^airs  of  the  home  kingdom  than  in  the  man- 
agement of  the  vast  realms  which  tbey  had 
helped  to   conquer,  had,  out  of  deference  to 


the  House  of  Philip,  named  Arrhidseus  aa 
successor  to  Alexander.  This  action  soon  led 
to  a  rupture  between  the  infantry  and  cavalry 
wings  of  the  army.  The  latter  desired  some 
able  military  chieftain,  who  could  lead  them 
against  an  enemy  and  sustain  their  fame  as 
soldiers.  The  former,  headed  by  the  phalanx, 
preferred  a  legitimate  sovereign,  under  whom 
Macedonia  should  still  be  and  remain  the  cen- 
tral fact  in  the  Empire.  The  eight  leaders 
just  referred  to  took  sides  with  the  cavalry, 
and  Perdiccas  was  forced,  partly  by  expedi- 
ency and  partly  by  an  attempt  made  upon  his 
life,  to  join  his  fortunes  with  the  other  gen- 
erals. The  cavalry,  under  such  leadership, 
assembled  without  the  city,  and  threatened  to 
cut  ofi"  supplies  and  starve  into  compliance  all 
who  opposed  their  views. 

The  great  council  assembled  in  the  palace 
of  Babylon.  After  a  variety  of  projects  had 
been  discussed,  it  was  proposed  by  Aristonous 
!  that  the  general  afl^airs  of  the  Empire  should 
be  intrusted  to  Perdiccas,  with  the  title  of 
Regent.  The  measui-e  was  carried ;  and  he 
on  whom  the  dangerous  honor  was  imposed 
was  thus  set  in  direct  antagonism  with  Arrhi- 
dfeus,  who  had  received  the  sufii-ages  of  the 
infantry.  Meleager,  the  general  of  that  wing 
of  the  army,  found  himself  in  a  serious  pre- 
dicament :  he  must  break  either  with  his  sol- 
diers or  with  the  Regent.  He  sided  with  the 
soldiers,  and  became  their  leader.  This  party 
undertook  to  uphold  Arrhidseus,  and  thus  a 
conflict  was  brought  on  which  came  near 
ending  in  bloody  work.  The  forces  were  al- 
ready drawn  out  for  battle,  the  phalanx  on 
one  side  and  the  cavalry  on  the  other,  when 
the  catasti'ophe  was  avoided  by  the  mingled 
fear  and  magnanimity  of  Arrhidjeus  himself. 
When  battle  was  about  to  begin  he  threw  him- 
self among  the  soldiers,  and  besought  them  to 
refrain  from  such  an  act  as  would  prove  an 
everlasting  stain  upon  their  reputation.  He 
publicly  renounced  all  claim  to  the  crown. 
"If  this  diadem,"  said  he,  "can  be  possessed 


MACEDONIA.— SUCCESSOBS  OF  ALEXANDER. 


665 


only  by  the  wounds  and  death  of  Macedo- 
nians, I  will  instantly  divest  myself  of  the 
pernicious  ornament.  Take  back  the  fatal 
present.  Give  it  to  some  one  worthier  than 
I  am,  if  he  can  preserve  the  splendid  gift  un- 
stained by  the  blood  of  his  countrymen."  The 
effect  of  this  appeal  was  such  that  the  phal- 
anx receded  from  its  attitude,  and  gave  in  its 
allegiance  to  the  regency  under  Perdiccas. 
With  him,  however,  in  a  short  time  Leouatus 
was  associated  in  the  government,  and  soon 
afterwards  Meleager  as  a  colleague. 

Soon  after  the  completion  of  these  arrange- 
ments Queen  Roxana  gave  birth  to  a  son. 
The  event  was  hailed  as  a  glad  omen,  and  the 
child  was  honored  with  his  father's  name.  It 
was  ordered  that  the  infant  should  be  nurtured 
with  the  greatest  care  and  treated  as  the  heir 
expectant  of  the  Empire.  The  next  thing  de- 
manding the  attention  of  the  leaders  was  the 
division  of  the  provinces.  Ptolemy,  son  of 
Lagus,  chose  for  his  portion  the  Nile  valley, 
and  thus  became  the  founder  of  the  Grteco- 
Egyptiau  dynasty.  By  this  choice  he  was 
removed  somewhat  from  the  broils  into  which 
he  foresaw  that  his  colleagues  would  in  all 
likelihood  be  plunged.  Antipater  received 
Macedonia,  but  with  him  was  associated  the 
veteran  Craterus,  whom  it  will  he  remembered 
Alexander  had  sent  thither  as  regent.  The 
Thracian  states  fell  to  Lysimachus,  and  Cappa- 
docia  to  Eumenes.  The  Greater  Phrygia  was 
assigned  to  Antigonus,  and  the  Lesser  to 
Leonatus.  The  home  provinces  of  Persia  were 
allotted  to  Pencestes,  and  the  kingdom  of  Me- 
dia to  Python.  Perdiccas  received  Babylonia 
and  retained  as  his  lieutenants  in  the  govern- 
ment Aristonous  and  Seleucus.  Thus  was  the 
world  parcele-I  out  among  the  generals  of  the 
conqueror. 

During  all  these  important  transactions  the 
body  of  the  great  dead  lay  unburied  in  Baby- 
lon. He  had  given  directions  that  he  should 
be  interred  in  the  oasis  of  Amun,  near  the 
shrine  of  Zeus.  At  length  Pcrdicca.s  under- 
took to  fulfdl  the  injunction  of  his  master. 
The  bodv  was  embalmed  and  preparations 
made  for  a  grand  pageant  to  the  di.<tant  jjlace 
of  burial.  Two  years,  however,  elapsed  before 
the  funeral  was  actually  completed ;  and  then 


the  plan  was  changed  and  Alexandria  substi- 
tuted for  the  Libyan  oasis  as  the  place  of 
sepulture.  Nor  could  posterity  complain  that 
the  great  city  founded  in  his  honor  was  se- 
lected as  the  final  resting-place  of  the  son  of 
Philip  rather  than  the  green  spot  in  the  desert 
which  superstition  more  than  rational  prefer- 
ence had  suggested. 

The  first  disturbance  wliich  demanded  the 
attention  of  the  Kegent  Perdiccas  was  the 
revolt  of  the  mercenary  Greeks.  These  troopa 
had  been  placed  as  garrisons  and  colonies  in 
the  cities  of  northern  and  eastern  Media,  and 
upon  them  was  imposed  the  duty  of  maintain- 
ing those  borders  of  the  Einpii'e  intact  from 
the  encroachments  of  barbarians.  As  soon, 
however,  as  it  w'as  known  that  the  king  was- 
dead,  the  Greeks,  believing  themselves  now 
free  from. restraint,  revolted,  and  placing  them- 
selves  under  a  commander  of  their  own  began 
their  march  for  Greece.  Perdiccas  at  once 
dispatched  his  lieutenant.  Python,  to  suppress- 
the  insurrection  and  turn  back  the  insurgents 
to  the  places  from  which  they  had  issued. 
This  officer,  however,  proved  treacherous  and 
formed  a  design  of  making  Media  indepen-- 
dent,  but  Perdiccas  sent  after  him  j)ublic 
orders  to  kill  all  the  Greeks  and  divide  their 
property  among  the  Macedonian  soldiers.  The 
nature  of  the  onlers  being  known  in  the  army 
Python  durst  not  disobey,  and  the  bloody 
mandate  was  executed  without  mercy. 

The  next  revolt  was  in  the  province  of 
Cappadocia.  The  people  of  this  country,  under 
the  lead  of  their  native  king,  Ariathes,  bade 
defiance  to  the  rule  of  the  Macedonians,  and 
Perdiccas  intrusted  to  Eumenes  the  task  of 
reducing  them  to  obedience.  The  character 
of  these  warlike  barbarians  was  well  known 
to  the  Regent,  and  he  accordingly  ordered 
Antigonus  and  Leonatus,  governoi-s  of  the  two- 
Phrygias,  to  assist  in  the  work  of  subjugation. 
Both,  however,  refused  to  obey  the  order,  and 
Perdiccas  himself  was  obliged  to  march  to  the 
aid  of  his  colleague.  Notwithstanding  the 
valor  of  the  Cappadocians,  they  were  quickly 
overthrown  by  the  veteran  ]\Iacedonian  army, 
and  the  authority  of  Eumenes  reestablished 
on  a  firm  basis. 

Soon  afterwards  an  insurrection  broke  out 


«66 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


in  Pisidia  and  Isauria.  The  former  country  was 
quickly  overrun,  the  capital  taken  by  assault, 
*nd  the  inhabitants  put  to  the  sword.     The 


mountaineers  of  Isauria,  however,  made  a  more 
successful  resistance.  Being  finally  cooped  up 
in  their  principal  town,  they  made  a  desperate 


MACEDOXIA.—SUCCESSORS  OF  ALEXANDER. 


667 


defense.  When  hope  was  lost  they  fired  their 
houses,  burned  their  wives  and  children,  drove 
back  tlie  assailants  from  tiie  ramparts,  and 
then,  discovering  the  impossibility  uf  escape, 
turned  about  and  perished  in  the  flames.  The 
Macedonians  succeeded  in  taking  a  town  of 
bones  and  ashes. 

The  epoch  that  followed  the  death  of  Al- 
exander is  mostly  filled  with  events  growing 
out  of  the  quarrels  and  jealousies  of  those  into 
whose  hands  the  Empire;  had  fallen.  It  was 
not  long  until  Ptolemy  formed  a  scheme  to 
marry  the  daughter  of  Antipater.  This  action 
of  course  contemplated  the  ultimate  union  of 
Macedonia  and  Egypt.  Perdiccas,  whose  craft 
in  the  cabinet  wa.s  by  no  means  eijual  to  his 
generalship  in  the  field,  having  heard  of  the 
project  of  Ptolemy,  claimed  Aiitipater's  daugh- 
ter's daughter  for  himself;  but  he  was  soon 
reminded  that  not  even  this  politic  marriage 
was  as  advantageous  as  another  which  was 
possible.  For  there  was  C  leopatra,  the  sister 
of  Alexander,  whom  he  might  solicit,  and  thus 
unite  himself  directly  with  the  House  of 
Philip.  So  the  marriage  to  the  daughter  of 
Antipater  was  annulled  in  favor  of  that  with 
the  princess.  But  meanwhile  the  friends  of 
Arrhiiheus.who  was  still  noniinally  the  successor 
to  Alexander,  urged  him  to  seek  an  alliance 
with  Eurydice,  also  of  the  royal  blood.  This 
princess,  however,  was  presently  put  to  death, 
as  was  believed,  by  the  influence  of  Perdiccas. 
This  event  raised  such  a  nnitiny  that  the  Re- 
gent was  glad  to  recede  from  his  position  and 
begin  a  policy  of  coiieiliation  towards  his 
rivals. 

As  soon  as  affairs  were  again  quieted  Per- 
diccas summoned  Antigouus  to  repair  to  Bab- 
ylon and  defend  himself  against  the  charge 
of  insubordination  in  refusing  to  aid  Eumenes 
in  the  Cappadocian  war.  But  the  general 
refused  to  obey  the  summons.  In  this  course 
he  was  encouraged  by  Antipater  and  Craterus 
in  Macedonia  and  Ptolemy  in  Egypt.  These 
rulers,  alarmed  at  the  assumptions  cf  the  Re- 
gent, who  now  blinked  not  at  all  his  claim  to 
authority  over  all  the  dominions  of  Alexander, 
made  a  league  against  him,  and  took  up  arms 
to  maintain  it.  In  the  matter  of  war,  how- 
ever, Perdiccas  was  perfectly  at  home.  He  at 
-^  N.    -Vol.  I— .^ 


once  planned  an  invasion  of  Egypt,  and  has- 
tened as  a  measure  of  preparatory  revenge  to 
strip  Antigouus  of  his  government,  conferring 
the  same  on  Eumenes.  Nor  were  Antipater 
and  Craterus  behindhand  in  preparations.  By 
the  time  that  the  Regent  was  ready  to  begin 
his  descent  on  Egypt  they  were  on  the  march 
into  Asia.  The  defense  of  the  country  against 
them  was  intrusted  to  Eumenes.  With  an 
army  of  about  twenty  thou-^and  men  he  met 
the  invaders  near  the  plain  of  ancient  Troy. 
One  of  his  officers,  named  Neoptolemus,  de- 
serted and  went  over  to  Craterus;  and  by  his 
counsel  that  able  veteran  was  put  off  his  guard, 
considering  the  forces  led  by  Eumenes  no  more 
than  a  medley  of  barbarians.  The  battle  soon 
showed  the  mistake.  Eumenes  was  completely 
victorious.  Craterus  and  Neoptolemus  were 
both  slain,  and  even  the  phalanx  was  driven 
to  the  niiiuntains. 

In  the  mean  time  Perdiccas  was  making  his 
way  towards  Egypt.  Once  on  the  confines  of 
that  country,  he  summoned  Ptolemy  to  come 
into  his  presence  and  answer  a  long  li.st  of 
charges.  This  the  Egyptian  governor  did  io 
a  manner  to  exculpate  himself;  but  the  baf 
fled  Regent  at  last  found  a  pretext  in  this — 
that  Ptolemy  had  assumed  to  arrest  the  funeral 
cortege  of  Alexander,  and  to  bury  the  body 
of  that  hero  in  an  Egy[)tian  city  instead  of  in 
the  oasis  of  Aniun.  So  the  invasion  was 
continued  to  Pelusium.  Ptolemy  proved  him- 
self equal  to  the  emergency.  He  ])lanned  a 
series  of  fortifications  which  the  assailants  were 
unable  to  carry.  A  jiart  of  the  forces  of  Per- 
diccas were  drowned  in  attem|)ting  to  cross  the 
Nile,  and  bis  army,  being  divided  by  that 
stream,  was  attacked  in  detail  and  utterly 
routed.  The  Regent,  availing  hiin.self  of  the 
protection  of  the  survivors,  was  glad  to  with- 
draw from  the  country.  Soon  afterwards, 
B.  C.  321,  when  he  was  preparing  to  renew 
the  contest  with  Ptolemy,  he  wa.s  as.<assinated 
in  his  tent  by  Python,  that  disloyal  general 
whom  he  had  previously  sent  against  the  re- 
volted Greeks  in  the  Median  cities. 

Two  years  before  this  event  a  league  had 
been  formed  in  Greece  for  the  overthrow  of 
Macedonian  authority.  As  usual,  Athens 
headed  the  confederacy.     The  command  was 


668 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


intrusted  to  Leosthenes,  ■^vho  advanced  at  the 
head  of  about  twenty  thousand  men  and  took 
possession  of  the  pass  of  Thermopylge.  From 
this  stronghold  Antipater  was  unable  to  dis- 
lodge him,  and  was  himself  so  much  worsted 
in  the  battle  that  he  fell  back  and  defended 
himself  in  the  town  of  Lamia,  near  the  Ma- 
lian  gulf. 

Word  was  now  sent  to  Asia  Minor  asking 
Leonatus,  the  governor  of  Ph}Tgia,  for  reen- 
forcement*.  The  latter  made  a  rapid  march 
into  Macedonia,  and  Leosthenes  meanwhile,  in 
the  attempt  to  prevent  a  junction  of  his  ene- 
mies, made  several  unsuccessful  assaults  on 
Lamia,  in  one  of  which  he  was  killed.  His 
successor,  Antiphilus,  hearing  of  the  approach 
'of  Leonatus,  went  forth  to  meet  him  on  the 
northern  confines  of  Thessaly.  Here  a  bloody 
battle  was  fought,  in  which  victory  remained 
with  the  Greeks.  Leonatus  was  slain  and  the 
larger  part  of  his  army  sought  refuge  in  the 
mountains.  But  Antipater  soon  succeeded  in 
rallying  his  forces  and  gained  a  complete  vic- 
tory over  Antiphilus.  The  Greeks  sued  for 
peace,  but  the  Alacedonian  would  not  treat 
with  them  except  as  separate  states.  This  put 
Athens  at  his  mercy.  He  dictated  to  the 
Athenians  a  change  of  government  and  com- 
pelled them  to  surrender  Hyperides  and  De- 
mosthenes, the  two  principal  orators  of  the 
democracy.  The  former,  however,  made  good 
his  escape  from  the  city,  and  the  latter,  rather 
than  fall  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  ended 
his  life  by  poison.  The  Athenians  perceived 
that  the  magnanimity  of  Philip  and  Alexan- 
der was  no  longer  to  be  expected  from  the 
court  of  Macedon. 

After  the  overthrow  of  Perdiccas  at  Pelu- 
sium,  it  was  within  the  power  of  Ptolemy  to 
seize  the  regency  for  himself.  Instead,  how- 
ever, of  taking  this  ambitious  course,  he  con- 
tented himself  with  nominating  for  that  im- 
portant office  his  friend  Arrhidffius,  one  of  the 
conqueror's  generals  not  hitherto  conspicuous. 
He  it  was  who,  conducting  the  funeral  pageant 
of  Alexander,  by  way  of  Egypt  to  the  African 
oasis,  had  been  persuaded  by  Ptolemy  to  erect 
the  royal  tomb  in  Alexandria  instead  of  the 
desert. 

After  the  overthrow  and  death  of  Craterus 


at  the  hands  of  Eumenes,  the  passions  of  the 
Egyptian  army  were  greatly  inflamed.  They 
heard  of  the  destruction  of  their  old  general 
with  mortification  and  rage.  This  was  di- 
rected first  of  all  against  Perdiccas  as  the  cause 
of  the  unseemly  broil  between  friends.  Afler 
the  death  of  the  Regent  they  looked  to  Eu- 
menes as  the  responsible  representative  of  the 
mischief,  and  so  they  resolved  to  exterminate 
him  and  all  his  confederates.  Fifty  of  the 
leading  adherents  of  the  late  Perdiccas,  includ- 
ing his  brother  Alcetas,  were  proscribed,  and 
the  army  at  once  set  out  through  Syria  to  en- 
force the  edict.  At  Triparadus,  however,  they 
were  met  by  Eurydice,  the  wife  of  Arrhidseus, 
and  by  her  persuaded  to  abandon  the  enter- 
prise. Her  influence  became,  for  the  hour, 
well-nigh  omnipotent,  and  when  Antipater, 
who  had  been  sent  for,  arrived  at  the  scene, 
he  was  amazed  to  find  that  not  even  his  pres- 
ence was  sufficient  to  break  the  spell  with 
which  the  queen  h  d  bound  the  soldiery.  At- 
tempting to  bring  his  old  soldiers  to  their 
senses,  they  turned  upon  him  and  would  have 
put  him  to  death,  but  for  the  timely  interfer- 
ence of  Seleuces  and  Antigonus.  Presently, 
however,  a  reaction  set  in,  such  as  could  hardly 
be  looked  for  except  in  a  mutiuous  army,  and 
the  veterans  made  haste  to  proclaim  Antipater 
regent!  Accepting  the  trust  at  their  hands, 
he  returned  to  ^Macedonia,  in  B.  C.  322,  and 
assumed  the  duties  of  directing  the  aftau'S  of 
the  dissolving  Empire. 

Several  changes  had  n»w  become  necessary 
in  the  provincial  governments.  Eumenes  was 
declared  an  outlaw,  and  his  satrapy  of  Cap- 
padocia  conferred  on  Nicanor.  Clytus  was 
appointed  to  the  governorship  of  Lydia,  and 
Cilicia  was  conferred  on  Philoxenes.  As  yet, 
however,  all  of  these  provinces  lying  within 
the  dominions  of  Eumenes,  were  under  his 
authority,  and  must  be  taken  from  him  by 
force  of  arms  before  these  new  governors 
could  gain  possession  of  their  respective  terri- 
tories. The  regent  Arrhidteus  was  now  con- 
fined in  his  authority  to  Hellespontine  Phrygia. 
Last  and  greatest  of  the  provinces  was  Baby- 
lonia, which  was  awarded  to  the  young  and 
ambitious  Seleuces. 

These  arrangements  having  been  completed. 


MACEDONIA.— SUCCESSORS  OF  ALEXANDER. 


CG3 


Antipater  undertook  the  subjugation  of  Eu- 
meues.  With  him  Antigoiuis  joined  his  forces, 
and  the  campaign  against  Cappadocia  was 
pressed  with  vigor.  Nora,  the  strongest  fort- 
ress in  that  country,  was  besieged,  and  Eu- 
menes  was  hard  pressed  to  hold  out  against 
his  assailants.  While  the  blockade  was  still 
in  force,  the  unscrupulous  Antigouus  made 
overtures  to  Eumenes,  and  tried  to  induce 
him  to  enter  into  a  league  against  Antipater; 
but  Eumenes  replied  that  he  would  enter  into 
00  alliance  with  any  except  a  representative 
of  the  House  of  Alexander.  He  then  returned 
into  the  fortress,  and  the  siege  was  resumed. 

Before  the  place  could  be  taken  Antipater 
died,  and  Polysperchon  was  appointed  to  suc- 
ceed him  in  the  regency.  In  the  mean  time, 
the  son  of  Roxana  was  associated  with  Arrhi- 
dseus,  and  both  were  put  in  charge  of  the 
new  Regent.  It  soon  became  apparent  that 
Antigonus  had  expected  the  general  manage- 
ment of  affairs  to  devolve  on  himself,  and 
finding  another  preferred  before  him,  he  be- 
gan to  take  counsel  how  he  might  obtain  by 
force  or  intrigue  that  which  was  denied  him 
by  the  free-will  of  others.  He  accorjlingly  en- 
tered into  a  conspiracy  with  Cassander,  the 
son  of  Antipater.  This  ambitious  soldier  had 
succeeded  in  gaining  the  affections  of  Eu- 
rydice,  and  hoped  to  gain  not  only  her,  but 
with  her  the  shadowy  Empire,  the  crown  of 
which  was  worn  by  lier  half-imbeeile  husband. 

For  this  piece  of  political  gallantry  Cassan- 
der was  disinherited  by  his  father.  The  young 
man  had  fled  to  Antigouus,  and  now  became 
his  natural'  ally.  Hereupon  Antigonus  took 
the  field  and  attempted  to  win  by  open  force, 
while  C'a.«sander,  remaining  in  the  sliadow, 
continued  to  operate  by  subtlety.  Ephesus 
was  presently  seized,  and  some  shi])-l<)ads  of 
money,  amounting  to  .six  hundred  talenb',  des- 
tined to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  Imperial 
government  of  the  Ea.st,  were  captured  by 
Antigonvis.  Eumenes  was  again  tempted  to 
join  him  in  an  alliance  against  Polysperchon, 
but  could  not  be  scduceil  from  his  loyalty. 

The  faithful  satraj)  presently  thereafter  suc- 
ceeded in  making  his  escape  from  Nora,  and 
thus  brnvight  the  siege  to  naught.  He  soon 
xfterwards  entered  into  an  open  alliance  with 


Polysperchon,  who  conferred  upon  him  the 
supreme  command  of  all  of  the  Asiatic  armies 
of  the  Empire.  Another  measure  of  the  Re- 
gent was  his  edict  reestablishing  democracy  in 
all  the  states  of  Greece.  It  was  thought  by 
this  means  that  the  allegiance  of  the  Hellenic 
commonwealths  would  remain  unshaken,  not- 
withstanding the  temptiitious  to  which  they 
were  subjected  by  Antigonus.  The  event, 
however,  was  the  introduction  of  a  reign  of 
confusion  such  as  not  even  the  turbulent 
Greeks  could  well  endure.  For  a  while  the 
popular  distraction  knew  no  bounds.  The 
worst  elements  of  society  became  suddenly 
predominant.  At  Athens  the  aged  Phocion, 
who  had  been  forty-five  times  elected  general 
by  the  assembly,  and  was  now  eighty-five 
years  old,  was  condemned  by  the  rabble  to 
drink  the  hemlock.  During  the  year  318 
B.  C.  a  desultory  warfare  was  carried  on  be- 
tween Cassander  and  Polysperchon.  A  naval 
battle  was  fought  in  the  Bosphorus,  in  which 
Nicauor,  the  admiral  of  Antigonus,  was  de- 
feated with  a  loss  of  one-half  of  his  ships; 
but  that  satrap  a  few  days  afterward  made  a 
sudden  descent  upon  the  victore  while  en- 
camped on  the  coast  of  Thrace,  and  in  the 
battle  of  Bj'zantium  inflicted  on  them  a  bloody 
defeat.  Athens  thereupon  surrendered  to  Cas- 
sander, and  the  government  was  conferred  on 
Demetrius  Phalereus. 

Meanwhile  Polysperchon,  as  a  means  of 
strengthening  his  government,  had  brought 
home  to  Pella,  Olympias,  the  mother  of  Alex- 
ander. That  ambitious  and  passionate  woman 
became  a  powerful  influence  in  the  afl^airs  of 
state.  Her  favorite  scheme  was  to  secure  the 
united  dominions  of  the  conqueror  for  her 
grandson  Alexander,  son  of  Roxana.  The 
ascendency  of  Eurydice  over  the  supporters  of 
her  husband,  Arrhidieus,  was  equally  marked. 
It  thus  happened  that  the  Macedonian  world 
was  torn  almost  as  much  by  the  rivalries  of 
two  women  as  by  the  arms  of  Cassander  and 
the  Regent.  The  struggle,  however,  was  brief 
as  it  was  fierce.  Olympias,  having  gained 
over  the  soldiery  to  her  cause,  compelled  Eu- 
rydice and  her  husband,  the  king,  to  fly  for 
their  lives.  Having  soon  afterwards  obtained 
possession  of  their  persons,  she  caused   them 


670 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIEXT  WORLD. 


both  to  be  assassinated.  Thus,  after  a  nom- 
inal reign  of  sis  years,  was  extinguished  the 
spectral  successor  of  Alexander  the  Great. 

Cassander  was  greatly  enraged  at  this  atroc- 
ity and  hastened  into  Macedonia  to  avenge  the 
death  of  Eurydice.  On  his  approach  the  aged 
Olympian  took  counsel  of  discretion  and  es- 
caped from  the  city.  With  her  grandson, 
Alexander  JSgus,  and  his  mother  Roxaua,  she 
shut  herself  up  in  the  strong  fortress  of  Pydna, 
and  was  there  besieged  by  Cassander.  At  the 
last,  famine  effected  what  arms  had  failed  to 
accomplish,  and  the  relentless  old  queen  sur- 
rendered herself  to  her  enemies.  She  was  sub- 
jected to  the  form  of  a  trial  and  put  to  death. 
While  these  events  were  happening  in  Eu- 
rope the  struggle  continued  between  Eumenes 
and  Antigonus  in  Asia.  The  former,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  conflict  with  his  enemies  in  the 
field,  was  troubled  not  a  little  in  his  civil 
councils.  The  Macedonians,  upon  whom  he 
was  compelled  to  rely  for  support,  looked  upon 
him  with  disfavor,  for  he  was  a  man  of  obscure 
birth  and  foreign  parentage.  Meanwhile  An- 
tigonus, after  his  victory  in  the  battle  of 
Byzantium,  began  a  pursuit  of  Eumenes,  who 
was  then  with  his  army  in  Phoenicia. 

The  latter,  unable  to  meet  his  foe  in  the 
field,   began   retre,ating  toward  the  east.     He 
called  upon  Seleucus,  the  Babylonian  satrap, 
to  aid  him  with  men  and  supplies;   but  that 
prince,  in.stead  of  complying,  opened  the  sluices 
of  the  Tigris  and   came  near  destroying  Eu- 
menes  and   his  whole   army.      They   escaped 
from  their  peril,  however,  and  made  their  way 
as  far  east  as  the  borders  of  Persia.     Here,  in 
B.  C.  316,  they  were  overtaken  by  Antigonus, 
and  a  battle  was  fought,  with  indecisive  results. 
In  a  second  conflict,  however,  Eumenes  was 
defeated  and  taken  prisoner.     He  was  carried 
through  the  Macedonian  camp  and  begged  the 
soldiers  to  kill  him,  but  they  would  not.     But 
soon  afterwards  he  was  secretly  put  to  death 
in  prison.     For  twenty  years  he  had  fought 
for  the  House  of  Philip ;  and  after  every  other 
general  of  note  had  abandoned  the  cause  of 
Alexander  and  begun  to  contrive  for  himself, 
he  still  continued  to  strive  for  the  maintenance 
of  Macedonian  supremacy.     Among  the  many 
who   had   y.  :en   free   rein   to   selfishness   and 


treachery,  Eumenes  alone  kept  his  honor 
bright  and  went  down  to  the  grave  without  a 
stain  on  his  escutcheon. 

Antigonus,  having  thus  triumphed  over  all 
opposition,  assumed  the  regency.  Polysper- 
chon  retired  into  Peloponnesus.  Olympias 
was  dead.  The  young  Alexander  ^gus  was 
thus  left  naked  to  his  enemies.  Antigonus 
gathered  his  forces  and  made  a  campaign 
into  Media.  Having  observed  that  of  late  the 
veteran  cohort  known  as  the  Argraspides,  or 
Silver-shields,  had  had  too  much  to  do  in 
settling  difficulties  appertaining  to  the  govern- 
ment, he  dispatched  them  on  arduous  expedi- 
tions to  the  frontier  provinces  for  the  purpose 
of  wearing  them  out  with  privations  and 
fatigue.  A  second  measure  was  to  get  rid  of 
Python.  That  turbulent  spirit  was  invited  to 
join  Antigonus  with  the  promise  of  preferment, 
but  was  presently  seized  and  put  to  death. 
Then  followed  the  overthrow  of  Peucestes, 
satrap  of  Persia.  Being  jealous  of  this  officer, 
Antigonus  followed  him  to  his  capital,  Pasar- 
gadse,  and  having  driven  him  from  authority 
appointed  one  of  his  own  tools  as  his  successor. 

The  next  object  of  the  Regent's  dislike  was 
Seleucus,  governor  of  Babylonia.  Dissem- 
bling his  purpose,  he  marched  to  the  capital 
and  was  royally  entertained  by  Seleucus ;  but 
the  latter,  perceiving  that  he  was  destined  to 
fall  by  the  same  hand  that  had  destroyed 
Python  and  Peucestes,  made  his  escape  from 
Babylon  and  fled  to  Egypt.  He  was  cor- 
dially received  by  Ptolemy,  and  the  two  im- 
mediately sent  proposals  to  Cassander  and 
Lysimachus  to  enter  into  a  league  against  the 
ambitious  Antigonus.  They  were  joined  by 
Asander,  satrap  of  Caria,  and  the  confederates 
then  made  their  demands  of  the  Regent. 
But  he  rejected  the  overtures  with  disdain. 
Both  parties  made  preparations  for  war,  and 
in  B.  C.  315  hostilities  began.  The  struggle 
continued  for  a  period  of  twelve  years,  and 
involved  all  the  leading  populations  from  the 
Adriatic  to  the  Indus. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  contest  Antigonus 
invaded  Caria,  and  Asander,  the  governor, 
was  overthrown.  The  Regent  next  succeeded 
in  securing  the  favor  of  a  strong  party  in 
Peloponnesus,  where  Polysperchon  still  main- 


MACEDONIA.— SUCCESSOBS  OF  ALEXANDER. 


671 


tained  a  shadowy  authority.  Having  thus 
gained  a  foothold,  Autigonus  made  war  on 
Cassander  and  sitripped  him  of  all  his  Grecian 
dependencies.  He  next  turned  his  arms 
against  Lysimaclius,  governor  of  Thrace,  and 
him  also  he  overthrew  and  drove  from  his 
dominions.  Syria  was  next  conquered,  chiefly 
through  the  warlike  abilities  of  Demetrius, 
the  .son  of  the  Regent.  The  government  of 
Ptolemy  still  remained  intact. 

At  this  juncture  the  confederates  made 
known  their  desire  for  peace ;  but  the  ambi- 
tion of  Antigouus  had  grown  with  what  it 
fed  on,  and  he  would  listen  to  nothing. 
Ptolemy  thereupon  took  up  arras  and  went 
forth  with  a  large  army  to  Gaza.  Here  a 
decisive  battle  was  fought,  in  which  the 
Egyptian  was  completely  victorious.  The 
fortunes  of  Antigonus  were  so  badly  shat- 
tered that  Seleucus  was  enabled  to  return  to 
Babylon  and  resume  the  duties  of  his  satrapy. 
The  Syrian  cities  opened  their  gates  to  Ptol- 
emy, who  intrusted  the  defense  of  the  con- 
quered countries  to  Cilles  and  returned  to 
Alexandria.  His  lieutenant,  however,  was 
soon  defeated  in  two  battles  by  Demetrius, 
and  all  that  Egypt  had  gained  was  as  sud- 
denly lost.  Ptolemy  was  obliged  to  give  up 
Syria  to  the  foe.' 

After  his  return  to  Babylon,  Seleucus  was 
obliged  to  defend  himself  against  the  satraps 
of  Media  and  Persia.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  these  officers  had  been  elevated  to  power 
by  Antigonus,  and  their  continuance  in  au- 
thority now  depended  upon  their  supjiorting 
his  cause.  But  Seleucus,  collecting  his  forces, 
went  forth  against  them  and  they  were  over- 
whelmingly defeated.  Evagoras,  the  Persian 
governor,  was  left  dead  on  the  field,  and  Ni- 
canor  of  Media  was  obliged  to  save  himself  by 
flight.  This  victory,  B.  C.  312,  was  decisive  in 
one  part  of  the  struggle.  Seleucus  was  firndy 
seated.  A  Greek  kingdom  in  the  East  was 
thus  established,  with  its  capital  at  Babylon. 
The  great  dynasty  of  the  SKi.Evcm.T;  was 
founded  on   the  Euphrates,  umKr  whose  be- 


'It  was  in  the  withdrawal  of  Ptolemy  from 
Syria  tliat  he  wa.s  accompanied  to  Alexandria  by 
the  Jews,  who  thenceforth  constituted  so  impor- 
tant nn  element  of  iio|nil:itic.n  in  tliat  city. 


neficent  government  the  eastern  part  of  the 
dominions  conquered  by  Alexander  were  des- 
tine<l  for  a  long  time  to  enjov  a  measure 
of  peace  and  prosperity. 

The  sudden  success  achieved  by  Seleucus 
indu<-ed  Autigonus  to  listen  to  propo.sals  for 
a  general  settlement.  An  important  confer- 
ence was  accordingly  held  between  himself 
and  the  confederate  leaders,  and  conditions 
of  peace  were  agreed  upon.  It  was  decided 
that  Egypt  should  be  given  to  Ptolemy  and 
his  successors.  Thrace  went  to  Lysiniachus; 
and  Macedonia,  not  including  Greece,  was 
awarded  to  Cassander  until  such  time  as 
Alexander  ^gus,  the  son  of  the  conqueror, 
should  arrive  at  his  majority.  Antigonus  re- 
served Asia  for  himself,  thus  refusing  to 
recognize  the  government  of  Seleucus  at 
Babylon.  Thus  by  the  successoi-s  of  Philip's 
son  was  the  world  again  parceled  out  into 
kingdoms. 

Scarcely  had  this  settlement  been  effected 
when  Cassander  opened  the  ball  by  the  mur- 
der of  the  young  Alexander  and  his  mother, 
Roxana.  Then  followed  soon  afterwards  the 
destruction  of  Hercules,  another  son  of  the 
conqueror,  and  Barcina,  his  mother.  Thus 
at  last  was  the  deck  cleared  of  the  legitimate 
claimants  to  the  crown  of  the  Macedonian 
Empire.  The  bloody  conspirators  now  had 
the  game  to  themselves. 

In  a  short  time,  Ptolemy,  in  disregard  of 
the  terms  of  the  treaty,  made  a  campaign  into 
Syria  and  retook  certain  cities  belonging  to 
Antigonus.  He  then  opened  a  correspondence 
with  Cleopatra,  sister  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
witii  a  view  to  marriage ;  but^  Antigonus, 
having  discovered  what  was  going  on,  sent  a 
dispatch  to  the  satrap  of  Sardis,  where  Cleo- 
patra resided,  and  liad  the  princessassassinated. 

Soon  after  this  event  Demetrius  raised  a 
large  force  and  invaded  Greece.  By  the 
terms  of  the  treaty  the  Grecian  states  were  to 
remain  indejiendent ;  but  Ca.s.<ander  had  at 
once  seized  tluni  as  a  part  of  the  spoils  belong- 
ing to  him.  With  an  armament  of  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  galleys,  and  five  thousand 
talents  in  money,  Demetrius  now  proceeded 
to  enforce  the  settlement.  The  Athenians 
werrt   wild   over   this    ghastly    restoration   of 


,672 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


PTOLEMY  SOIEE. 


their  liberties.  As  soon  as  quiet  was  restored, 
Demetrius  proceeded  to  Cyprus,  which  was 
now  occupied  by  the  forces  and  partisans  of 
Ptolemy,  and  laid  siege  to  Salamis,  the  capital 
of  the  island.  The  Egyptian  ruler  came  out 
with  a  large  squadron  to  the  relief  of  the  city ; 
but  in  a  severe  naval 
battle  be  was  so  com- 
pletely defeated  that  he 
could  offer  no  further 
resistance  to  the  prog- 
ress of  his  enemy. 
Salamis  and  the  other 
towns  of  the  island  sur- 
rendered, and  were 
transferred  to  Antigouus,  in  whose  name  De- 
metrius made  the  conquest. 

The  blow  inflicted  on  Ptolemy  in  his  un- 
fortunate sea-fight  suggested  to  Antigonus  the 
invasion  of  Egypt.  With  a  powerful  army 
of  ninety  thousand  men  and  eighty  elephants 
he  marched  through  Syria  to  the  coast,  and 
then  embarked  for  the  mouth  of  the  NUe.  A 
storm,  however,  shattered  the  squadron,  and 
on  arriving  in  Egypt  he  found  a  united  people 
and  a  country  rendered  almost  impregnable 
by  the  skill  and  energy  of  his  adversary. 
Such  was  the  aspect  of  affairs  that  he  was 
obliged  to  adopt  the  humiliating  expedient  of 
retreating  without  striking  a  blow.  In  order, 
however,  to  redeem  his  reputation,  he  directed 
his  flotilla  to  the  island  of  Rhodes,  and  under- 
took the  subjugation  of  the  capital  city.  For 
more  than  a  year  Demetrius  beat  about  the 
ramparts  with  every  species  of  enginery 
known  to  the  military  skill  of  the  times  ;  but 
the  Rhodians,  assisted  by  Ptolemy,  held  out 
against  him,  until  at  last  he  was  obliged  (B.  C. 
305)  to  abandon  the  siege  and  grant  to 
Rhodes  her  independence.' 

Notwithstanding  these  reverses  to  his  arms, 
Antigonus  still  indulged  the  ambitious  project 
of  regaining  all  the  dominions  of  the  Empii'e. 
He  looked  to  the  subjugation  of  Egypt,  Mace- 
donia, and  the  East.     So  aggressive  were  his 

'  It  was  in  commemoration  of  the  aid  given  to 
the  Rhodians  by  Ptolemy  in  this  memorable  siege 
that  they  conferred  on  him  the  title  of  Soter,  or 
Savior — a  title  more  generous  than  just ;  for  it  was 
to  their  own  heroism  that  they  owed  their  deliver- 
mce. 


movements  that  the  former  league  of  Seleucua. 
Ptolemy,  and  Lysimachus  against  him  was  re- 
newed, and  both  parties  prepared  for  war. 
Seleucus  entered  Cappadocia  with  twenty 
thousand  men,  and  the  leaders  came  from  the 
West  to  join  his  forces.  It  was  now  B.  C. 
301,  and  another  crisis  had  arrived  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  nations  subdued  by  Alexander. 
Antigonus  and  Demetrius,  at  the  head  of 
their  army,  met  the  allies  at  the  little  village 
of  Ipsus,  and  here  the  decisive  battle  was 
fought.  Antigonus  was  slain.  His  army  vras 
routed;  and  Demetrius  barely  escaped  with 
eight  thousand  men.  A  new  division  of  ter- 
ritory followed  ;  Coele-Svria  and  Palestine  fell 
to  Ptolemy ;  the  larger  part  of  Asia  Jlinor  to 
Lysimachus:  Antioch  became  the  capital. 

In  this  strait  of  his  affairs,  Demetrius  was 
suddenly  relieved  by  fortune.  Seleucus,  now 
jealous  of  the  growing  power  of  Lysimachus, 
came  to  the  rescue  and  formed  an  alliance 
with  Demetrius  by  marrjing  his  daughter 
Stratonice.  The  father,  whose  political  estate 
was  thus  unexpectedly  improved,  at  on^e  re- 
sumed the  aggressive,  retook  Cilicia  from 
Lysimachus,  and,  in  B.  C.  295,  made  a  suc- 
cessful invasion  of  Greece.  In  the  next  year 
he  was  declared  king  of  ]\Iacedon,  an  incen- 
tive thereto  being  his  marriage  with  Phila, 
the  daughter  of  Antipater. 

As  soon  as  he  was  well  seated  in  authority 
Demetrius  re- 
newed those  vis- 
ionary schemes 
which  his  father 
had  entertained 
even  to  the  day 
of  his  death.  The 
son  was  equally 
ambitious,  and 
would  fain  make 
good  his  claims 
to  universal  do- 
minion. He  ac- 
cordingly organ- 
ized a  powerful 
army  with  a  view 
career    of    conquest. 


DEMETEIL'S  POUOBCETES. 

Museo  Viscontl. 


to  entering  upon  a 
At  the  outset  he 
was  opposed  by  Lysimachus  and  Ptolemy. 
While   his    attention    was   directed    to   these 


MACEDONIA.— SUCCESSORS  OF  ALEXANDER. 


673 


formidable  antagonists,  a  foe  still  more  to  be 
dreaded  appeared  iu  Pyrrhus,  kiiijr  of  Epirus. 
With  him  he  went  to  war,  but  on  approaching 
the  borders  of  his  adversary  large  bodies  of 
the  troops  of  Demetrius  went  over  to  the  ~ 
enemy,  and  he  was  obliged  not  only  to  aban- 
don the  campaign,  but  also  to  leave  his  own 
kingdom  to  the  coml)iucd  ravages  of  Pyrrhus 
and  Lysimachus.  The  Macedonian,  however, 
continued  the  war  in  Asia  Minor,  until  he  was 


brilliant  son  Agathocles — an  event  wliich 
made  the  king  an  oi)ject  of  execration  in  all 
the  West.  His  punisiiment  was  left  to  Seleu- 
cus,  who,  in  B.  C.  281,  marched  into  Asia 
ISIinor,  met  Lysimachus  on  tlic  tie]<l  of  CoRU- 
PEDION  and  slew  him  iu  battle.  Before  leav- 
ing his  capital,  however,  the  now  aged  Seleu-i 
cus  had  virtually  abdicated  the  government' 
in  favor  of  his  son,  Antiochus,  in  whose 
bands  be   placed    his   young   wife   Stratonice. 


IMMi.i   MV  PHlI.ADKI.llii  -   i.iscl'ssINi;  WITH  THE  ARCHITECTS  THE  PLANS  FOR  THE 

ALKXANDRIAN  LIBRARY. 


betrayed  by  his  son-in-law,  Seleucus,  surren- 
dered to  his  enemy,  cast  into  prison,  and 
brought  to  his  death. 

In  the  mean  time  Ptolemy  Soter  was  suc- 
ceeded in  Egypt  by  his  son,  Ptolemy  Phihi- 
delphus — presumably  so  called  because  he  did 
not  love  his  brother  ;  for  Ptolemy  Ceraunus, 
the  oldest  son  of  Soter,  was  displaced  by  that 
ruler  in  favor  of  the  younger,  who  became 
his  successor.  Arsinoe,  the  sister  of  Philadel- 
phus,  was  married  to  Lysiniacluis,  and  Iiim 
she  is  said  to  have  instigate<l    to  murder  his 


In  these  acts  the  venerable  monarch  was 
largely  influenced  by  a  desire  wliidi  had  pos- 
sessed him  to  revisit  his  native  Macedonia. 
As  soon  as  the  battle  of  Corujiedion  had  been 
decided  in  his  favor,  he  continued  his  course 
to  the  West,  and  was  presently  rewarded 
with  a  sight  of  his  native  hills,  which  he  had 
not  beheld  for  ffty-iwo  ijears.  Soon  after- 
wards, while  with  an  old  man's  curiosity  he 
was  examining  an  ancient  altar,  Ptolemy 
Ceraunus,  wlio  had  accompanied  him  on  his 
return    into    Macedonia,    stole    behind    and 


674 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— TEE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


stabbed  liim  to  death.  The  murderer  at 
once  repaired  to  Lysimachia,  and  announcing 
himself  as  the  avenger  of  their  late  king's 
death,  seized  the  throne  and  held  it  for  the 
space  of  three  years. 

From  all  this  blood  and  violence  it  is  a 
grateful  relief  to  turn  to  the  court  of  Phila- 
delphus.  To  him  it  is  fair  to  accord  the 
praise  of  being  the  most  enlightened  sovereign 


discussions,  :nid  witli  a  di.3cernment  that 
would  have  done  credit  to  Francis  Bacon 
sought  to  draw  them  away  from  the  region 
of  inane  speculation  and  to  limit  their  re- 
searches to  the  things  beneficial  to  men.  The 
great  Pharos  which  had  been  begun  by  Ptol- 
emy I.  was  completed  in  B.  C.  280,  and  the 
glare  of  its  flaming  torch  was  flung  for  more 
than   forty  miles   across   the  Mediterranean. 


HAIiL  IN  THE  ALEXANDRIAN  LIBRARY. 


of  his  times.  He  made  Egypt  more  glorious 
than  she  had  been  since  the  days  of  the  great 
Pharaohs  of  antiquity.  Alexandria  became 
under  his  munificent  patronage  the  most 
splendid  seat  of  learning  in  the  world.  Men 
of  letters  from  all  quarters  of  the  world  came 
hither  as  to  an  asylum.  He  founded  the 
Alexandrian  library,  and  invited  to  his  court 
the  most  distinguished  scientists,  poets,  and 
philosophers.    He  participated  in  their  learned 


Thus,  in  the  city  named  after  the  conqueror 
of  Asia,  the  light  and  learning  of  Asia  was 
mingled  with  the  enterprise  of  the  West. 

With  the  death  of  the  aged  Seleucus  per- 
ished the  last  of  those  remarkable  military 
chieftains  who  had  followed  the  fortunes  of 
Alexander  the  Great.  The  personal  strug- 
gles of  those  who  had  heard  the  voice  of  that 
mighty  hero  in  battle  ended  with  the  battle 
of  Corupedion.     Antiochus  was  left  with  the 


MACEDONIA.— SUCCESSORS  OF  ALEXANDER. 


67& 


Greek  kingdom  of  Syria.  Ptolemy  PhUadel- 
phus  reigned  iu  Egypt ;  Ceraunus  in  Mace- 
donia. By  him  the  sons  of  Lysimachus  were 
murdered,  Arsinoe  driven  into  Egypt,  and 
Antigonus,  son  of  Demetrius,  excluded  from 
the  throne. 

But  the  blind  Nemesis,  ever  on  the  trail 
of  the  butcher,  soon 
sent  her  avenging 
ministers  to  balance 
the  disturbed  scales 
of  justice.  The  Gauls 
came.  Having  ac- 
quired rather  than 
appeased  an  appetite 
for  plunder  during 
their  recent  invasion 
of  Italy,  they  now 
poured  into  Thrace 
and  Macedonia. 
Without  proper  prep- 
aration or  due  cau- 
tion in  the  presence 
of  such  a  foe,  Cer- 
aunus went  forth  and 
gave  them  battle. 
The  result  was  that 
his  army  was  cut  to 
pieces  by  the  barba- 
rians and  himself 
slain  iu  the  fight. 
The  invaders  then 
made  their  way  into 
Asia  Minor,  selected 
their  province,  con- 
quered it,  and  gave 
it  the  name  of 
Galalia. 

After  a  long  strug- 
gle with  King  Pyr- 
rhus  and  the  Gauls, 
Antigonus,  the  son  of 

Demetrius,  at  length  secured  the  throne  of 
Macedonia  and  took  the  title  of  Antigonus  II. 
In  a  reign  of  twenty -seven  years  (B.  C.  269- 
242)  he  embroiled  himself  but  little  with  the 
affairs  of  surrounding  kingdoms.  In  an  at- 
tempt, however,  which  he  made  upon  the  lib- 
erties of  the  Greek  states,  he  stirred  up  so 
much  resentment  that,  under  the  lead  of  the 


Achaians  an  alliance,  known  as  the  AcaEAir 
League — hereafter  to  act  a  conspicuous  part 
in  the  concluding  drama  of  Grecian  history — ^ 
was  formed  against  him  and  his  schemes.  In. 
B.  C.  242  he  died  at  the  advanced  age  of 
eighty,  and  left  his  crown  to  his  son  Deme- 
trius II.,  whose   reign  of  ten  years  was   not 


PHAROS  OF  ALEXANDRIA. 

marked  by  any  notable  events.  His  ambi- 
tions— such  as  they  were — were  successfully 
resisted  by  the  League,  and  his  jietty  wars 
with  the  .(Etolians,  lUyriaus,  and  Thracians 
had  no  important  results.  At  his  death  the- 
crown  descended  to  his  sou  Philip,  then  but 
three  years  of  age,  who  was  placed  under  tne 
regency  of  his  uncle,  Antigonus  Doson. 


676 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


MeanwhUe,  in  B.  C.  222,  Cleomenes,  the 
young  ' '  king  "  of  Sj^arta — for  that  unchange- 
able commonwealth  still  clung  to  its  tradi- 
tional names— not  liking  the  growing  ascend- 
ency of  the  League,  made  war  ou  the 
confederated  states,  and  the  latter  called  on 
Antigonus  Doson  to  aid  them  in  resisting  the 
Lacedremonian  aspirant.  The  two  armies 
which  were  brought  into  the  field  by  the  re- 
spective parties  met  on  the  field  of  Sellasia, 
and  Cleomenes  was  overthrown  and  driven 
into  Egypt.  That  country,  in  the  mean  time, 
had  passed  from  the  hands  of  the  great  Phil- 
adelphus  to  his  son  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  from 
whom  the  Spartan  refugee  now  sought  pro- 
tection and  vindication. 

For  fourteen  years  Antigonus  Doson  re- 
mained as  regent  of  Macedonia,  and  was  then, 
at  death,  succeeded  in  authority  by  his  ward 
Philip,  who  was  destined  in  a  short  time  to 
be  embroiled  with  the  Romans,  and  to 
become  one  of  the  actors  in  the  complicated 
drama  in  which  the  new  Republic  of  the  West 
•stretched  out  her  scepter  over  all  of  the  con- 
tending parties. 

Soon  after  the  accession  of  Philip  to  power 
'the  Achoean  League  made  a  rash  invasion  of 
.S^tolia  and  were  repulsed  with  great  loss. 
The  JEtolians' pressed  home  their  advantage, 
tad  the  Achseans  applied  to  Philip  for  aid. 
The  monarch  repaired  into  Greece,  and  under- 
took to  settle  all  difficulties  by  conciliatory 
Pleasures  proposed  in  a  general  conference  of 
the  states.  But  the  business  resulted  in  noth- 
ing, and  that  conflict  ensued  known  as  the 
•Second  Social  War.  In  this  contest  Philip 
took  the  side  of  the  League,  and  for  four 
years  (B.  C.  222-218)  upheld  the  cause 
against  the  iEtolians  and  their  allies.  At  the 
end  of  this  time  the  Nemsean  festival  was 
•celebrated,  and  while  the  festivities  were  on, 
the  news  came  of  Hannibal's  great  victory 
over  the  Romans  on  the  field  of  Thrasimenus. 

The  effect  of  one  violence  was  to  counter- 
act another.  The  Greek  states  were  led 
to  consider  the  tremendous  political  powers 
which  had  been  developed  in  the  West,  and 
how  they  themselves  were  thereby  imminently 
•exposed  to  conquest.  This  reflection  led  to  a 
-settlement.     Even  the  ^tolians  were  able  to 


see  that,  unless  all  Greece  should  be  united,  she 
would  in  the  near  future  fall  an  easy  prey  to 
one  or  other  of  the  powers  of  the  West. 

Turning  to  the  East,  and  resuming  the 
history  of  the  Greek  kingdom  of  Syria  we  find 
on  the  throne  as  successor  to  Seleucus  his  son, 
Antiochus  Soter — a  title  conferred  on  account 
of  his  victorious  defense  of  the  country  against 
the  Gauls.  He  came  to  the  throne  in  B.  C. 
280,  and  had  a  disturbed  reign  of  eighteen 
years.  His  first  military  operation  was  a  cam- 
paign against  Bithynia,  which  for  some  time 
had  been  in  a  state  of  insurrection.  The  ex- 
pedition was  intrusted  by  the  king  to  his  gen- 
eral, Patroclus ;  but  the  Bithyuians  soon  com- 
pelled him  to  withdraw  in  disgrace.  Nor  was 
the  campaign  which  was  undertaken  in  B.  C. 
280  against  the  kingdom  of  Pergamus  more 
successful.  A  few  years  later  Antiochus  was 
induced  to  engage  in  a  broil  which  proved  to 
be  still  more  unfortunate  to  himself  and  king- 
dom. A  certain  Magas,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed by  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  as  governor 
of  Cyrene,  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  and 
induced  Antiochus,  who  was  his  father-in-law, 
to  espouse  his  cause.  This  injudicious  action 
cost  the  king  of  Syria  dearly.  The  powerful 
fleet  of  Ptolemy  struck  right  and  left  at  the 
Syrian  dependencies,  and  while  Magas  gained 
nothing  but  defeat,  his  father-in-law  was,  in 
the  course  of  a  four  years'  war,  mulcted  of 
the  fine  provinces  of  Lycia,  Pamphylia,  Caria, 
and  Cilicia. 

Soon  afterwards,  in  B.  C.  262,  the  barba- 
rous Gauls,  who  were  now  firmly  established 
in  Asia  Minor,  and  had 
received  vast  accessions 
from  their  countrymen  in 
Europe,  made  such  havoc 
by  their  ravages  that  An- 
tiochus resolved  on  then- 
extermination.  With  a 
large  army,  he  met  and 
assaulted  the  barbarians 
before  the  walls  of  Ephesus.  The  conflict  was 
one  of  the  most  bloody  and  desperate  of  the 
century ;  and  such  were  the  valor  and  deter- 
mination of  the  Gauls  that  the  SjTian  army 
was  entirely  routed  and  Antiochus  killed. 
The  title  of   Soter,   which  he  had   borne   for 


ANTIOCHUS  !•— Berlin. 


MACEDOXIA.— SUCCESSORS  OF  ALEXANDER. 


677 


eighteen  years  as  a  successful  defeuder  of  his 
country  against  these  identical  marauders,  was 
suddenly  annulled  by  them,  and  converted  into 
a  theme  of  ridicule. 

The  late  king  of  Syria  was  succeeded  in 
B.  C.  261  by  his  son,  Antiochus  Theos.  This 
young  prince,  on  hearing  of  his  father's  de- 
feat at  Ephesus,  hastened  thither  with  a  new 
army  to  mend,  if  possible,  the  fortunes  of  the 
kingdom.  But  after  a  desultory  war  of  sev- 
eral years'  duration,  he  was  obliged  to  retire 
before  -the  invincible  barbarians,  and  leave 
them  in  peaceable  possession  of  their  province. 
In  a  struggle,  however,  with  a  chieftain  who 
had  seized  the  governorship  of  Caria,  Anti- 
ochus was  crowned  with  success;  and  it  was 
for  this  pitiful  victory  t}iat  the  base  fools  who 
thronged  his  court  conferred  on  him  the  title 
of  Them   or  the  god. 

About  the  same  time  the  Syrian  king  be- 
came involved  in  a  war  with  Ptolemy  Phila- 
delphus,  from  whom  he  gained,  only  to  lose 
them  again,  the  provinces  of  Coele-Syria  and 
Phoenicia ;  but  before  the  contest  was  ended, 
the  attention  of  Antiochus  was  suddenly  re- 
called by  the  alarming  condition  of  aflairs  on 
the  north-eastern  frontiers  of  his  own  kingdom. 
In  B.  C.  254,  both  Bactria  and  Parthia,  of. 
fended  at  the  exactions  and  inhumanity  of 
the  royal  governors,  raised  the  standard  of  re- 
volt and  defied  the  power  of  the  king.  Theo- 
dotus,  the  Bactrian  satrap,  was  for  the  time 
entirely  successful.  Agathocles,  the  Parthian 
governor,  was  attacked  by  two  patriot  broth- 
ers, Arsaces  and  Tiridates,  and  by  them  the 
adherents  of  Antiochus  were  obliged  to  take 
to  flight.  Startled  at  these  outbreaks,  the 
Syrian  monarch  was  glad  to  enter  into  nego- 
tiations for  peace  with  Ptolemy,  between  whom 
and  himself  terms  were  soon  agreed  upon,  and 
the  treaty  confirmed  by  the  marriage  to  Anti- 
ochus of  the  Egyptian  Princess  Berenice.  By 
this  act  Laodice,  whom  the  Syrian  had  previ- 
ously married,  and  by  whom  he  had  two  chil- 
dren, was  discarded  ;  but  the  queen  soon  sought 
revenge  by  poisoning  Antiochus,  and  securing 
the  succession  to  her  son,  Seleucus,  suruamed 
Callinicus.  It  wa-s  in  this  year,  B.  C.  246, 
that  Ptolemy  Euergetes  succeeded  his  father 
Philadelphus  oc  the  throne  of  Egypt. 


The  first  work  which  the  new  prince  of 
Alexandria  felt  constrained  to  undertake  was 
to  visit  retributive  justice  upon  those  who  had 
murdered  his  sister  Berenice;  for  that  prin- 
cess had  been  hunted  down  by  Laodite  and 
put  to  death  within  the  sacred  precinct.?  of  the 
Daphnean  temple.  Seleucus  thus  stood  as  the 
representative  of  the  crime  which  had  been 
committed  against  the  House  of  Ptolemy.  The 
latter  raised  an  army  and  began  an  invasion 
of  his  rival's  dominions,  and  at  the  same  time 
the  Parthian  insurrection  continued  on  the 
eastern  frontier  of  the  Empire.  The  Egyptian 
soon  overran  Syria  and  continued  his  victori- 
ous career  through  Media  and  Babylonia  even 
to  the  banks  of  the  Indus.  But  his  conquest 
was  one  rather  of  spoliation  than  political 
aggrandizement.  He  returned  to  the  AVest 
with  plunder  amounting  in  value  to  forty 
thou.sand  talents  of  silver.  In  addition  to  this 
vast  booty  he  brought  home  to  his  country- 
men the  statues  of  more  than  two  thousand 
Egyptian  gods  which  had  been  carried  away 
by  Cambyses  to  Susiana  and  Persia  ' 

In  the  mean  time  the  government  of  Seleu- 
cus was  still  further  distracted  by  a  rebellion 
in  Syria,  headed  by  his  brother  Antiochufe 
Hierax,  who  induced  the  Gauls  to  join  hi* 
standard.  AVhile  these  two  were  engaged  in  » 
struggle  for  the  mastery,  Euergetes,  who  mighi 
easily  have  reduced  the  whole  country,  with- 
drew into  Egypt,  apparently  satisfied  with  the 
vengeance  which  he  had  taken  on  his  enemy. 

This  aflbrdcd  opportunity  and  motive  to  Se- 
leucus and  Hierax  to  come  to  an  adjustment; 
but  a  permanent  peace  between  them  was  impos- 
sible, and  in  B.  C.  242,  hostilities  again  broke 
out  with  greater  violence  than  ever.  A  severe 
battle  was  fought  at  Ancyrse,  in  which  Hierax 
was  victorious,  but  the  Gauls,  who  had  won 
the  battle,  hearing  that  Seleucus  was  dead, 
turned  on  their  own  conunander,  by  whose 
destruction  they  thought  to  obtain  the  mastery 
of  Asia  for  themselves.  Barely  did  Hierax 
escape  from  their  clutches.  Two  yeai-s  after- 
wards, with  one  hundred  thousand  Gauls,  he 
renewed  the  contest,  marched  against  Babylon, 


'  It  was  for  this  service  that  he  was  honored 
by  tlie  Egypti.ins  with  the  surname  of  Ecergetes, 
the  Popr  of  Good. 


678 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


and  was  utterly  routed  by  the  army  of  Seleu- 
cus.  The  defeated  insurgent  fled  to  Egypt, 
put  himself  under  the  protection  of  Ptolemy, 
and  by  him  was  detained  as  a  prisoner  for 
thirteen  years. 

Meanwhile  the  Parthians,  having  strength- 
ened themselves  by  an  alliance  with  the  Bactri- 
ans,  held  out  against  the  Syrians.  With  them, 
after  the  overthrow  of  Hierax,  Seleucus  at 
once  renewed  the  contest.  In  B.  C.  239  a 
decisive  battle  was  fought  with  the  rebel  bar- 
barians, in  which  they  gained  a  great  victory 
over  the  Syrian  army.  Seleucus  was  taken 
prisoner  and  sent  into  the  wilds  of  Upper 
Asia,  where  he  was  held  a  captive  until  his 
death,  ten  years  later.  As  soon  as  his  cap- 
tivity was  known  at  Babylon  the  authorities 
placed  upon  the  throne  his  eldest  son,  Seleu- 
cus III.,  who  took  the  title  of  Ceraunus,  or 
Thunder — a  name  given  in  contempt  by  the 
soldiers;  for  he  was  a  despicable  weakling 
both  in  mind  and  body.  He  began  his  inglo- 
rious reign  of  three  years  by  attempting  to 
carry  out  the  plans  of  his  father.  A  conspir- 
acy was  presently  made  against  him  by  Nicana, 
one  of  kis  generals,  and  a  certain  Gaul  named 
Apaturius,  and  he  was  assassinated  in  the 
twentieth  year  of  his  age.  The  throne  was 
immediately  conferred  on  his  brother  Anti- 
ochus,  surnamed  the  Great. 

In  the  beginning  of  his  reign  the  new  mon- 
arch was  greatly  aided  in  his  government  by 
his  cousin  Achseus,  one  of  the  most  distin- 
guished soldiers  of  his  times.  Not  so,  how- 
ever, was  the  king  supported  by  the  minister 
Hermeias,  who  proved  treacherous,  and  sowed 
revolt  in  the  provinces.  Molon  and  Alexan- 
der, governors  of  Media  and  Persia,  headed 
insurrections  in  their  respective  satrapies,  and 
the  royal  generals  who  were  sent  against  them 
were  defeated.  At  length,  in  B.  C.  222,  An- 
tiochus  took  the  field  in  person,  and  the  for- 
tunes of  the  war  were  changed.  When  the 
armies  were  drawn  up  for  battle  the  soldiers 
of  the  insurgent  satraps  deserted  them  and 
went  over  to  the  king.  Molon  and  Alexander 
found  refuge  in  suicide,  and  Hermeias  was 
condemned  to  death,  not,  however,  until  he 
had  produced  a  fatal  breach  between  Achseus 
and  the  king. 


Euergetes  was  at  length  succeeded  on  the 
throne  of  Egypt  by  Ptolemy  Philopater — a 
prince  whose  character  illy  accorded  with  that 
of  his  illustrious  predecessors.  The  kingdom 
was  neglected  to  the  extent  of  inviting  foreign 
aggression.  The  ambitious  Antiochus  saw  in 
the  situation  an  opportunity  to  recover  Phoe- 
nicia and  Coele-Syria,  nor  was  he  slow  in  re- 
taking these  provinces  from  the  Egyptians. 
The  latter,  foreseeing  that  the  Syrian  king 
would  soon  be  knocking  at  their  doors,  fell 
back  before  him,  and  destroyed  all  the  wells 
between  Palestine  and  Egypt.  Several  able 
generals  opposed  the  progress  of  Antiochus, 
and  finally  confronted  him  at  Eaphia  with  a 
powerful  army.  The  two  forces  met  in  B.  C. 
218.  Besides  the  immense  array  of  infantry 
and  cavalry  on  each  side,  nearly  two  hundred 
elephants  were  marshaled  forth  to  influence 
the  result  of  the  battle.  The  contest  was  long 
and  bloody.  At  the  first,  victory  inclined  to 
the  banner  of  Antiochus;  but  the  tide  pres- 
ently turned,  and  he  was  subjected  to  a  disas- 
trous rout.  More  than  fourteen  thousand  of 
his  dead  were  left  on  the  field.  So  decisive 
was  the  result  that  Phoenicia  and  Coele-Syria 
were  at  once  recovered,  and  Antiochus  was 
glad  to  conclude  a  peace  on  the  basis  of  res- 
titution. 

While  the  attention  of  the  king  of  Syria 
was  occupied  with  these  events,  Achjeus,  justly 
offended  at  the  course  of  his  master  in  treating 
him  as  disloyal,  secured  for  himself  several 
provinces  in  Asia  Minor,  and  prepared  to  de- 
fend them.  Phrygia  and  Lydia  were  included 
in  his  dominions.  With  Prusias,  king  of 
Bithyuia,  Attains,  king  of  Pergamus,  and 
Mithridates,  king  of  Pontus,  he  had  made 
successful  alliances.  Nevertheless  he  was  unar 
ble  to  stand  before  the  arms  of  Antiochus. 
Attains,  who  had  been  compelled  rather  than 
persuaded  to  espouse  the  cause  of  Achseus, 
went  over  to  the  Syrian  king.  The  insurgent 
general  was  driven  into  Sardis,  and  when  the 
city  was  taken  he  shut  himself  up  in  the  cit- 
adel. Ptolemy  attempted  through  an  emissary 
to  secure  the  escape  of  Achsseus,  but  the  agent 
proved  treacherous,  and  the  general,  being 
betrayed  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  waa 
wrapped  in  the  skin  of  an  ass  and  crucified. 


MACEDONIA.  -SUCCESSOIiS  OF  ALEXANDER. 


679 


Antiochus  next  vindicated  his  title  of  Great 
by  doing  what  several  of  his  predecessors  liad 
ingloriously  failed  to  accomplish — subdue  tiic 
Parthiaus  and  Bactrians.  In  a  campaign  of 
B.  C.  214  he  overran  both  of  the  revolted 
provinces,  gained  decisive  victories,  and  re- 
duced to  obedience  the  rebellious  inhabitants, 


any  important  benefits  from  the  victorv  sj 
Khaphia.  His  conduct  precipitated  an  epoch 
of  civil  discord,  and  it  was  a  good  riddance 
when  his  vicious  indulgences  brought  his  life 
to  a  close.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  sur- 
named  Epiphanes,  who  was  a  mere  child  at 
his  father's  death.    This  circumstance  suggested. 


TU' 


iUI.NT.TIfS  FLAMINIfS  rUOCI. 
Drawn  by 


who  for  thirty  years  had  defied  the  authority 
of  the  Syrian  kings.  Having  achieved  these 
brilliant  successes,  Antiochus  continued  his 
campaign  to  the  banks  of  the  Indus,  and  re- 
turned to  his  capital  with  a  great  augmenta- 
tion of  wealth  and  honor. 

So  great  were  the  vices  of  Ptolemy  Philo- 
pater  that  Egvpt  was  not  permitted  to  reap 


\IM1.\'.,  ■•LIBERTY"  TO  THE  GKEliKS. 
H.  Vogel. 

to  Philip  of  Maccdon  the  feasibility  of  an 
Egyptian  invasictn.  Accordingly,  in  B.  C  202, 
he  set  out  through  Asia  Elinor,  and  captured 
most  of  the  cities  therein  belonging  to  the 
House  of  Ptolemy.  Several  of  the  ^Egean 
islands  fell  into  his  power,  and  still  further 
successes  were  promised  to  his  arms;  but  the 
Rhodians,  alarmed  at  these  aggressions,  assisted 


680 


UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.— THE  ANCIENT  WORLD. 


by  Attains,  king  of  Pergamus,  sent  out  a  fleet 
against  Philip,  and  the  Romans,  also  interfer- 
ing, compelled  him  to  return  to  his  own  do- 
minions. 

For  a  year  or  two,  however,  he  continued 
to  press  the  war  in  Asia  Minor,  and,  among 
otber  successes,  gained  a  decisive  victory  over 
the  ^toliau  general  Scopas,  in  a  battle  at  the 
foot  of  Mount  Panius.  His  justification  for 
all  these  proceedings  was  that  as  the  heir  of 
Seleucus  Nicator  he  was  the  rightful  ruler  of 
ail  the  countries  of  the  Lesser  Asia.  In  B.  C. 
197,  he  besieged  the  fortresses  of  Mysia  and 
Caria,  and  presently  afterwards  invested 
Smyrna  and  Lampsacus.  He  then  overran 
Thrace,  and  began  to  rebuild  the  ruined  city 
of  Lysimachia.  All  these  measures  indicated 
that  the  Macedonian  ruler  was  about  to  lay  a 
strong  hand  on  the  greater  part  of  the  Alex- 
andrine Empire  in  the  West.  But  a  stronger 
Hand  now  reached  out  of  the  shadows.  The 
outlines  of  the  fingers  of  Rome  were  seen  on 
the  wall  of  destiny. 

In  B.  C.  196  the  Isthmian  games  were  in 
progress  at  Corinth.  The  states  were  assem- 
bled to  witness  the  time-honored  celebration. 
Suddenly  the  Roman  proconsul,  Titus  Quinc- 
tiu?  Flaminius,  appeared  in  the  midst  and  au- 
Dounced  that  the  great  Republic  of  the  West 


assumed  thenceforth  the  protectorate  of  the 
commonwealths  of  Greece.  He,  as  arbiter, 
would  hear  the  embassadors  of  the  several 
states  at  war,  and  settle  without  prejudice  all 
the  points  in  controversy !  The  announcement 
was  equivalent  to  saying  that  the  empire  of 
the  world  had  been  suddenly  transferred  from 
the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  to  the  banks  of 
the  Tiber,  from  Babylon  to  Rome  ! 

We  have  now  pursued  the  course  of  events 
from  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great  through 
the  turmoil  of  revolution  and  bloodshed  down 
to  the  time  when  the  fragments  of  the  colossal 
empire  established  by  the  son  of  Philip  began 
to  be  absorbed  by  the  Roman  Republic.  The 
period  occupied  by  the  contentions  of  the  suc- 
cessors of  Alexander  B.  C.  326-196  is  one  of 
the  darkest  and  most  difficult  passages  in  his- 
tory. These  times  were  the  Middle  Ages  of 
Antiquity.  They  stood  chaotic  between  the 
unity  of  Persia  and  Macedonia  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  greater  unity  of  Rome  on  the 
other.  Not  without  a  certain  sense  of  re  ief 
may  the  reader  turn  from  the  heterogeneous 
jumble  of  events  presented  by  the  annals  of 
the  Grseco-Syrian,  Grseco-Egyptian,  and  ^Slace- 
donian  kingdoms  to  the  unique  and  singular 
grandeur  of  Rome.  To  that  great  power  of 
the  West  our  attention  will  now  be  directed. 


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